PROCEEDINGS AND TRANSACTIONS
OF THE
ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
SIXTEENTH SESSION
UNIVERSITY OF LUCKNOW
October. 1951
VOLUME 11
(SELECT PAPERS)
Edited by
K. A, SuBRAMANIA IyER, M.A. (LoNDON)
Local Secretary
AND
Dr. K. C. Pandey. m.a. d.litt.
Joint Secretary
LUCKNOW
I9S5
PREFACE.
We have great pleasure in placing before the All-India Oriental
Conference .the second and the final volume of the Proceedings and
Transactions of the sixteenth 'session of the Conference held in the
University of Lucknow in October, 1951. Besides the select papers, the
volume also includes the presidential address to the Pali and Buddhism
Section which, together with the papers submitted to that section, was
not available at the time of the printing of the first volume. They
became available only recently and that is why they are printed at the
end of the volume.
We have to thank Dr. Wahid Mirza, M.A„ Ph.D., Head of the
Department of Arabic, University of Lucknow, for correcting the proofs
of the papers belonging to the Islamic Culture, Arabic and Persian,
J^and Urdu Sections. His promptness in returning the proofs after
correction has been of great help in the printing of this volume.
We are also grateful to Dr. S. V. Singh of the Sanskrit Depart-
ment of the University of Lucknow for correcting the proofs of some
of the matter included in this volume. But for this, there would have
been unnecessary delay in the printing of it.
K. A. SUBRAMANIA IYER.
K. C. PANDEY.
A
1 .
2 .
3.
Proceedings end Trensactions
OF THE
All-India Oriental G>nference
Sixteentli Session
October, 1951
Volume n
(Select Papers)
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
I, Vedic Section.
Page
A passage in the Kausltakibrihraapopanisad (1.2.6) etc.—
Prof. Siva Prasad Bhattacharya .... — i
The Vedic concept of metres— Dr. Siddheswar Verma .... 10
The Tfca (]^. VI, 41, 7-9) re-interpreted— Sri Vishva
Bandhu sses •••s •••*
II. Iranian Section.
4. Interpretation of some Avestan and Pahlavi words and
passages— Sri E. M. F. Kanga
5. The Pahlavi word for ‘Monster’— Sri Das^ur Hormazdyar
Mirza
6. “Vasimcha Yam Panchasdwara” in the “Sea Vourukasha’’
— Sri H. R. Bana
7. The date of the death of Yazdagard III— Sri J. M.
XJnwala .... .... .... ....
III. Classical Sanskrit Section.
The relation bet\. .on the Alahkararatnakara and the
Alafikarasarvasva and its gloss, the VimarSini, and^the '
date of the Alahkararatnakara — Sri C. R. Devadhar .... 60
9. The Koia citations in commentarial literature belonging to
the classical period — Sri E. D. Kulkarni j .... . — •
10. Legal ioteipretation of the Pancatantra— Sri L. SternbaCh.. 78
11
11. Patanjali’s attitude towards Katyayana— Sri M. G.
Gaydhani "*•
12. The Ullagharaghava — ati3I®ii^’tifcHshed Sanskrit play by
13. Shrdi Wall Allah on Mahmud
Asiri .... ?... ' ..!!f .... .... 113
II
14. The administration of,Mu*Awiyah — Sri Mohammad Tqbal
Ansari .... ( s’Stfgs*? .... .... 117
15. A paper on ''Shaykh iraquPs stay in India” — -Dr. Yog
"rxl Dhyan Ahuja n 3 nAy .... .... IZiJ,
^ iZS.I) Se’Ct^p^v ,
16. Persian translation ’ of ' ^oga-^asistha ' \iTi(r‘
01 *..Dr. v. ^ r.^V f lY'’*
17. ^QUil^taih^"txf]Q«wy^^fr^ro/^^14lia^\vai/Dayal ,Y^ 144
18. The Gulzar-i- Ibrahim and the K!fiwan-i“Kfialil — lir. Nazir
Ahmad .... .v.c.. . jf-'-y.* ,.]«...? y- ■] •— •••• 1
19. LGonifibut’ioUjOX- Hindu ppet^. and ,)yrjt^Vs,o{ Hydpr?iba<l-
cC ,.,,Deccan tg Persian Lliterati^e^Sfi‘,0. §. ICaVamlla.^, . T65
20. On the text of the iJH'urtakhyaha — Dr. A. N. Upadhye' “.... 173
y-- \ * ,*/. t , j""'/ . ,1 ■' » ‘
S21. 1 Forgotten. Jand of fain heritage' "Patalipuifa, We ':a%ient'
Thirupadaiipuliyur iii Dravid Desh — Sri D. G.' Mahajah .... 177
.11 y, L'j.r’.-s’-r.'r ' . ' ^ Y
.22.,..Puspadarvt^'s Ramayana and its comparison with
Ramayana .... .... ‘ “ .... ‘ 185
Vllr. ' History S^ECTidN.
23. :::.Thf datje of TY^tTiapaw^ S.,^Ue^ar / , C* ^ .... 198
24 . “Modura, The'( ttie Gods” of t^toletfiaios— Prof.
. <»»..; .^1 ‘ ‘d ‘a*.. . , , , ••*• '.••V* " «i ' •*•• 203
25. On the date of the Elldrli' Platfes Of Dahtidiif^a— S'rPfjf. S.
26. Saraudragupta’s A$vamedhaf-Sri Jagan Nath ^ 2 *... 209
27. . The Indijin Philosophy p£ Jlistpry— Dr. Radha Katnal •
Mukerjee •••• •••• •••• •••• •••• 213
28. Some aspects of the Divinity of the King in Ancient India
, , .and Ceylon— Sri S. Paranavitana 217
rx. Archaeology Section. ■,
29. ■ New Reading of the 'Inscriplionr on Sculpture No. J. 20 in
the Provincial Museum, Lucknow — ^Sri K. ,D. Bajpai , 233
30. An interesting Terracotta Seal in the Bikaner Museum —
Sri Satya Prakash .... .... .... ' . .... 236
■ X. Indian Linguistics Section.
31. — aft iwift ... . ' ;.. 239
32. Words denoting ^Emptiness’— Sri Hurbert V. Guenther ...,251
33; — ¥r xtimw 262
34. The story of Devadatta in the Mahabhasya— Sri Sukumar •
, Sen •••• « •••* * •••• •••• 268
XL Dravidian Section.
35. Some Jaina contributions _to Tamil literature— Prof. ^
V. R. R. Dikshitar .... .... .... 276
36. The Religion and Philosophy of Cilappatikaram— Sri
M. A. Durai Rangaswamy .... 281
37. Th^ Apa§tamba Dharmasutra and the Dharma portion . of
the Tiru-Kural — Sri A. S. Nataraja Ayyar .... .... 294
XIJ. Philosophy and Reljcion Section. . , ^
38. The cult of Jagannatha, its lunar origin — Prof. B. Kakati.. 299
39. The distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka in
Indian Philosophy — Prof. D: N. Shastri .... , , .... ‘306
40. . An aspect of causality according to Udayanacarya— Sri
Hem Chandra JosIl •••• M** y mmim 326'
41. The Svatantryavada of Kashmir and the voluntarism of
Schopenhauer — Dr K. C. Pand^y .... y - *;;.V‘334
Page
.... 337
iv
4t. " Karmayoga '1‘radition.^Sri P. C. Divanji
,43. Vrlti or Psychosis— Dr. P. T. Raju' . .... ....347
XIII, Technical Sciences Section.
'44, Indian Art and Ideology — Sri Asit. K. Haidar .... 351
45. The origin and evolution of Geya -Natakam— Sri P.
Sambamtnrti ....
. «••• •••• 359
46. Atduka— Dr. Prlyabala Shah .... ..., .... 353
47 . A study of Textiles and Garments as depicted in the
Kharosthl Documents from Chinese Turkestan — Sri Ratna
Chandra Agrawala .... ..« .... ..„ 371
48. . Indian Music— Principal S. K. Ratanjanicar .... .... 390
XIV. Hindi Section.
49i WPuft— %. jit. jrfgr .... 403
50. 418
51. srretjr tjrtwFc — m. F«w .... 426
52. TTnrtjre — «r«» srwr?[ .... 436
53. ^ — 51® wrfO .... 442
XV. Urdu Section.
$4. Meer as a Marsiya Writer— Sri S. Masihuzzaman .... 449
55. Some new material' about Ghalib’s character—j'Sri K. A.
Farooqui •••• •••• .... 461
56. Amir-ullah Tasleem— Lt.-Col. M. B. Beg .... .... 473
VI, Pali and Buddhism Section.
57., The advent and Development of Tantric Elements in
Buddhism — Rev. Shanti Bhikshu.... .... .... 487
B. Presidential address to the ‘‘Pali and Buddhism*' Section —
Dr. G, P. Malalasekera «.•• .... ...4 499
, Statement of accounts of the’ Sjxteenth Session of the All-
India Orie'ntal Conference, UrtiVeirsity of Lucknow 5ll
(1) Vedic Sectiok
A PASSAGE IN THE KAUSITAKIBRAHMANOPANISAD
(1. 2-6)-SOME SUGGESTIONS AS TO THE PROPER
READINGS AND A CLUE TO ITS IMPORT.
(Pkof. Sivaprasad Bhattacharya, Calcutta).
Thanks to the uninterrupted tradition amongst teachers and scholars
and to the achievements of philosophers of the Vedanta system, the
major Vedic Upanisads (including the Svetas vatara) present to us a
standardised text, though there is no end to the doubts and disparities
as to their interpretation. It is a pity that the Kau. Br, Up., specially
in its first chapter, known significantly as the Paryankavidya, the most
remarkable and, according to some scholars, the earliest stratum of the
work, launches us into textual difficulties which appear to be insoluble
in some cases at least. Sections 2-6 of this chapter, dilating on the path
and experiences of the Spirit after death, referred to as the Pilgrim's
Progress by Prof. Belvalkar because of its symbolism, introduce us to
one of the knottiest, if not the knottiest passage in the Up. literature. So
far as indigenous scholarship of pre-modern days is concerned, the diffi-
culties originating from bad transcription encouraging wild guesses in
emendation (for there are no limits to this, as this does not relate to the
Samhitas and the rigour of parayana-exactitude is not operative here)
and in interpretation of scholiasts like feahkarananda have made con-
fusion worse confounded. The labours of certain gifted scholars exten-
ding over the last fifty years have not taken us nearer solution, though
they have been by no means inconsiderable. The discovery of the
Jaitnintyabrahmana and of the J aimintyopanisadbr'd.hmana has thrown
much welcome light, in as rriuch as there is much matter common in
them with the text of the Kau- Br, Up. and we can never be sufficiently
thankful to Caland and more particularly to Oertel for this. The attempts
at restoration of and the translation of this portion by Prof. Belvalkar
(more than 25 years ago) and the recent edition (Paris, 1949) by Prof.
Louis Renou have served to shake off the indifference and complacency
of scholars that have looked upon the Kau. as a mere repository of the
age-worn doctrines of the Chand. and the 5r. Ar. and look down upon
this section as a mere fanciful curio of materials not synthetically con-
nected with the creeds and commitments of older thought (as is the case
e.g. in the ATar. Up. iRWR: «RCr
The passage readily divides itself into two well-defined parts of
which the first (1.2) inextricably connected with the doctrines of Karman
and of Transmigration of the Soul, the Upanisadic view of the two paths
pitfyana and devaySna as adumbrated in the Mundaka, Chand. and Sr.
Jr., has in its manner of presentation in the beginning and in the seouel
2
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
a remarkable similarity with the two works mentioned above specially
in the metrical finish with the Jai. Br. There are immaterial departures
and deviations (e. g. Jf^m^inthe first,
in the second, as in the printed text of the fat. Br.) and allowing for
bad transmission, one can note certain modifications which like less
mechanical uhas have served to give a new orientation to the tenor of
the whole passage (e. g. with 9 )t as an absolutive particle and
I prefer to which keeps
intact the uha and language of the first verse and is akin to
the printed Jai. Br. text and take ^ as accepted by
Renou as readings in both the texts.) In the Jai. Br., the world (loka)
and the reborn beings ^okin) are not changes to be given the go-bye
consistent with the spirit of the Br. text, whereas in the Kau. Up. text,
as m the Jai. Up. Br. (ill. 21-28) these are immaterial and unwelcome,
at best means or relays in the reaching of the final goal (c.f. Jai, Up. Br.
l.i.l]SaiapathalX.2. 3.6., XIV. 6.1.4-8; and^r.^r. Up. III. 1.4-8 V. 10).
In the second part (1.3-6) which is a directory of the path we have paral-
lelisms and borrowings iromChand.Up.Ylll.S.Z.A (in a sense the
source of inspiration of the Kan. 13) III. 14.1 ; Bx^ Ar. IV. 3.8-15, V. 10.
1 \ Prasna V. 5.; Jai. Br. 1.17-18, 42-44; Sat, Br. (Aghirahasya X, 1.1.3,
X. 1.4.14,X,2-3,X.4.2. 1-18, X.4 3.1-3; Ath. Sam. XV. 2,3 from Vaj. Sam
XV. 15-18 and very probably the R.V.V, 47. VII. 74. It is a pity that a
bias against texts associated with sacrifices (e. ^at. Br. XI. 2.7.1-5 (i) ;
XI, 11. 3.2. (ii), XI. 4.4.1. (iii) has resulted in their being over-looked
while as a matter of fact they afford us substantial help in restoration
and interpretation of the text. It was an axiom with later commentators
that an Up., even if it styles itselPas a Br. Up. is not amenable to
acceptance of the fundamentals of a yajna ideology. Even passages
from the Mbh. which provide considerable food lor thought and
embalm the teachings of Vedic symbolism (e. g. M.Bh 1.3.144-147) (iv)'
another analogy vide Taitt. Sam. VIII. 2,6.4. and
Jai. Br. 1.50. where ahan and ratri are two unageing
seas wolving out of the sarnvatsara and complying
with rta as in Rg. X., 190.
(ii) f f i
[c,f. also Br Ar 1.4.17: — JR inrur: J^rr: and
c.f. also Praina I. 4;15.]
(iii) i
(iv) snjn?^ *rj[T jrrarwi: aVs'rww: IW
5jn^: (An echo of Rv, VI. 9.1.) «nsr sTJir<i^Rv
swT»Tf?i firwTJJTuf fWRwwfVmrfWjr
^Ilaka^jitha) (in the Kau, passage the ptus are the kumaras here tho
Nilakaptha explains it as the six kleSas of the Yoga philosophy)'.
1— VEDIC SECTION
3
using almost the self-same language have been ignored. One has to
refer to certain crucial cases of readings which force his attention by way
of illustration.
(The whole passage of the Kau» Br, Up. is reproduced as an appendix
to the paper,)
Now to come to the readings. Leaving out the minor obvious
emendations e.g. of (a) er m er and (b)
(c) IN* in the third foot of the
second verse as just in keeping with the metre and with an appreciation
of the chiming which is clearly discernible and savours of a grace and
elegance familiar in later literature which would have been more in
evidence if the second foot of the first verse were to read
(d) ?nTw^5TW....;(e) sw f rfVrvimRT
for srm ?[TfVT>anrftj: cf. Yajna smrti III. 193-194 and ( f )
for we have at least a dozen difficulties which call
for discussion. The emendations’ suggested are : —
(1) srrfisNjF for or ntfstf^SP frequentative imperative
second person plural jn in this quarter and m the previous quarter of
the verse is the absolutive particle. The seasons are implored as the
active agents to help prevention of continuous re-birth of the spirit in
the form of men etc. «tT 'TfTjpl «fl ^ ?f is the object standing
for masculine because of Vedic licence, (for the expression of.
Ait. Up. II. 1-3 and Rv. Sam. X. 129.5.)
(2) ^ giramr for gfrq or ^
3’<»Wt*rJIt*T. The metre, the compatibility of many a Vedic text (e. g.
Eat. Br. XI. 3.2. and Br- ^r- Up. 1.2.4 ; 1.5.12.) the way of expression in
the last quarter of the previous verse and the text in 1.6.
which reads like a paraphrase of
this, make this emendation, not only plausible but also possible. The'
reading arW (I am born) in the /oi. Br. is not appropriate,
firstly because of the changed outlook and secondly because of the
confusion likely berween the two verbs sitil and f^^and their nominatives
and w: the latter really standing for |- for as the
Proiwa puts it (III.8.)-aditya is the bahya prana] which is used as
masculine. It may be mentioned in passing that the first verse relates
to the passage of the Spirit through the moon, the second to its subsequent
passage through the sun (Prasna V. 2-5) just on the lines of the well-
known Chand. passage (y.l0.4,& V.10.2.) with certain intermediaries
left out in the first case, as in Mu^daka 1.2. lied, to immortality. (Keith's
accusation of the accommodating tendency of the doctrine [Philosophy
and Religion of the Veda-p. 576] is hardly convincing.)
(3) fpr or a
'K negative) Vedic infinitive like corresponding to (for
4
16X11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
immortality, personal immortality) as is guranteed in the brahmaloka.
in similar well-known texts, [e.g. PraSna. III. 11,12 ; Ait. III. 4; Katha.
I. 1.12J
(4) for The question
is parried with the necessary change in person. This is clear from 1.6.
(5) in 1-3 [and with an allowable
change in gender in 1.4. thit Amarakosa 1.119 sanctions this in later
usage even.] for A reference to X. 4.1.2. (v), X.
4.2.18. (vi), makes this reading unimpeachable. [The change to
on the fancied basis of Mundaka 1.2.7,10, which is the reading in com-
mentaries (e. g. of Sahkarananda) is certainly, purposive as hinted at by
Prof. Renou.] There is a covert allusion to bricks the materials from
which the palace of Brahman is constructed — a point substantiated by
references to the lakes, the river, the trees, the garden, the fort and the
gate-keepers associated with a city of a region. The ^ in
is accounted for by Panini VIII. 3.17.
(6) for or the
fantastic reading of Sahkarananda. Belvalkar^s emendation
(A.I.O.C. Madras) and (History of Indian Philosophy, II.p. 272)
should better be modified to in conformity with
(Chand. HI. 14.1.). IMoreover it will have a realistic application to the
fort denoting surrounded by water.
(7) (present tense dual) for and
The MM. references (1.3.144,147) (vii) set all doubts at rest
and suggest that there have been lacunae between and % ^
which we discuss w)ren we take over the doubtful cases.
(v) ^ ji i[h^; i jit
1 'Wfhrr’strftir m
is generally used as feminine as Papini 6.3.65 testifies. Hemacandra in
his lihganu^asana holds the same view. The form is not
ungrammatical.
(vi) a
aaTf*gf^it*. I
(vii) _ g*r*rrftr ^ as cited in f.n. (iv);
also Mbh. 1.3.58. arar ^araftrsjfaaimflBW f^raanr: i
lj(=Rv. VI.9). flvinvir; ^ ^ TiftiW
5^ f!?aaiaa as^ai*ft*r ^ aJaa?a:«r
l Nilakatjtha’s commentary).
I—VEDIC SECTION
(8) v^ir>s<rwfr: for s8^ift«r>s^ar v:, ¥^«r>s<iT«r»»;, »8pft«r
I Tl'e Ath. Sam. paraphernalia (XV. 2&3) which is followed here
•closely with minor interchanges (e. g. nCT: sita«|!>?ra> ftnfa; t
inr)<TN^ ^W?rr?C prompts this emendation.
Should we not read in both ?
The doubtful cases arise in conrtection with
(I) , the second quarter of the second verse. The Jai. Br. printed
text reads Pnjr. The generally printed reading of
the Kau. is g[r^?r«iV?^sT . Apart from the violation
of the metre (we should remember that the verses are in the nature
of uhas made by an expert metricist), the grammatical anomaly on
which Renou’s analogy of and questionable applica-
tion raises doubts about the actual reading. The rsi was thinking of
Rv. I 25-8. Should we not read ? The
nouns in and as in.the Rv. passage noted and in
and *** the first verse are supplied by the dictum
I The Kau. Br. (XXV. 11) has % WEttsO
«rr?rt «T9rer. The metre is not there-
by disturbed. But this is a bold emendation.
(II) srfVl?r55( (viii) in I- 3. Some editions including that of Renou
print this as a compound word obviously on the basis of the Ch. passage
where it fits in as an adjective to a3^atana and follow Sahkarananda’s
interpretation. The upasargas are here interchanged from what the}’
are in the Ch. Up. (VIII. 5. 3.), in which case following SJat. Br.
III. 1. 4-7, Katyayana ferauta Sutra VII. 14-18, and the Parisisja
definition of Vimita, Monier Williams’ S. E. Diet, notes the sense of
the building or hall has a more authoritative sanction, (Ch. Up.
VII 6.1.), refers to majestic potentates as ^ahkara explains. as ren-
dered by Belvalkar is an item of enumeration and the Christian parallel
in the symbolism also leads us that way,' where the measurement as in
the Parilista is hinted. The root is commonly used in connection
with building and architecture and is, therefore, quite appro-
priate.
(Ill)' Belvalkar’s emendation
is not very happy and is rather vague. The accepting of the equation of
a later statement in this section of the Up. (1.5 which Renou
picks up, does not help solution either. The mss. materials point ta
(viii) The order, manner of arrangement and technology in the
Kau. passage are almost on a par with what we find in the Pra5. Up.
(III. 18 .) wr ftijR wrir Ik mnpR
6
16 th all^india oriental conference
% m WTTftr as the reading Renou’s conjecture (qnirrf^^inifvfr) derives
considerable support from the Mbh. passage' already mentioned
(I. 3. 147) of which he is apparently unaware. There is one objection
possible and that is that this is a rare form of the word. I am inclined
to think that the reading was like ^ ^mrfVr {or perhaps in
the analogous form Witli such an emendation introduces
a new sentence which is, to say the least, a clumsy device. This can be
avoided if we take the reading to be where
may be connected with the previous as well as with the following
portions by the maxim or to be to be construed
with the apsarasas as well as is the case in Rv. VII. 74. 5. 8.
iniplying there-
by a close similarity with the pre-occupations of one of the Fate Sisters in
Greek mythology.
(IV). wn: No dependable explanation of
this line is forthcoming, is what the St. Pet. Diet,
seems to take it though that reading is open to question) is obscure.
in a Vedic passage as indicated in the Vcdic Index is the name of one of
the seven stars in the constellation Krttika and by some stretch of fancy
(in plural) may refer to the other attendant stars. The names
as in a Vaj. Sam. passage occur to our mind; but
Ave are not sure. This introduces the difficulty, heightened by the absence
of any finite verb in the clause concerned. In the Ch. Up. (VIII. 5, 3.)
we have which introduces an element of effulgence some-
thing like what we find in the account of the route to moksa in the
Yajnavalkya Smrti (III. 166-168). In the Up. passage we have a pool
which might have been later turned into a river just as the seas are and
nya appear here in the form of a lake.
The Vaj. Sam. passage (XXIIT. 8.) and we may note that the Mbh.
(I. 102. 3. and I. 105. 37) knows Amba etc. as apsaropama and Suras-
utopama read in the context of another passage there (XV. 15. 18.)
where we have a mention of apsarasas by pairs whom the commentator
Mahidhara (XV. 15.) following old traditions which’ uvata notes, regards
as attendants may explain the reading the sense of dancing
girls but of attendants in general. The difficulty however is that the
word as the reading suggested by Belvalkar is a new one in a Vedic
text. (We have in the Maitr. Up. IV. 2, a Up. of dubious date and
authority). We need not take the reading as wmm is a
well-known Vedic word (vide Kau. Br. XII. 2, St. Petersburg Dictionary
and Bloomfield's Vedic Concordance). But the parallelism of this
part of the passage with R. V. V. 47 (ix) 5 and 6. (ix) is so striking
that one would be tempted to think that in the last part of the sentence
here we have three different types of mention of springs, streams and
rivers corresponding to nwc; I The St. Pet, Die. thinks that
^ilf^ in the Rv. passage and wfvni of^the Kan. passage are identical*
It is however more likely that ^tc. may be proper names and as
I — VEDIC SECTION
/
such in the singular number and well assort with ^mwrat (which maybe
read as wwwuft as integral part of the long sentence
The reading in that case with the filling up of the lacunae as proposed
in III. will be Vwri 'mwriV
?ffr: I The Nysimha P. Tapani’s (III) mention of ambika as brahmayoni,
the Bahvxc Up. account of the same (balambika) as brahmananda kala
and the Purana cum Tantra concept of ambika the Great mother, as in the
Saptaiatl irrespective of Her diverse manifestations are well-known. But
are we not taking too much of liberty specially as the mss. material
is hopelessly inadequate ?
The tenor of the whole passage is the insistence on personal
immortality like the quest for Vulcan or the unbinding of Prometheus
in Western mythology. Was it implied in Maitreyi’s appeal
apparently covered over and 'renounced in Yajnavalkya’s discourses ? It is
coterminous with brahmaloka, a vision of which with all its attendant
pleasures and amenities, the acme of all imaginary desires
^l^-flrsiTSTT: «ror: Chand. VIII. 3. l-5;Katha. I. 1.12, 25; —
w w «r ?r?r ??r ST i ^ ?ftt«r?s?r!rr!rTfirTT^
II (12) 511 T ^r»n: m*ir. ^nrsrW
I (25) Aitareya (III. 4.)
wif } is met within
more than one Up. text. It is not certainly (x) the transcendental world
beyond desires as in Sankara’s interpretation in Br Ar. IV.3.31. The
whole thing is couched in the ideology and phraseology of sacrifice
(ara=rta, ila, viathra— mite, muhurta, islala etc.), in which the
active elements are the time forces, the rtus as rtvijs.. The spiritual
essence as Prajapati and subsequently as brahman, strives to maintain
its continuity after death (^?^) which as or the Time ego
(Sat. Br. X. 4. 3. 1.) exhausts the Spirit eager for and (ix) as
II3IT<Tf^ for he is in all and of all makes the spirit.
ii ww vrifls *rerr jrrjrO 1
Sayana’s note qwjr *1^ ^ on the
first and ^ h l^TriTr W5?rt (cf- Yaska’s interpretation
as raSmi (X. 47) and the textual background on the second verse seem to
connect these vague terms with of the chand passage.
*n (Kau. Br. XII. 2. and Ait. Br. V. 4. 10.) Sayana on
I. 23. 16. and on II. 41. 16 wS should
be noted. Vide also the rendering in Keith’s “The Brahmap as of the
Rgveda” (H.O.C.).
(x) ^ sm ff iinnwraw srtanfs^
ft ^ ?Tnfrs**r>f
ffeahkara on Chand. Up. V. 10. 1. 2.] The idea of mukti (e.g. feveta.
1.6.7. 12; PraSna VI. 5 Mup^aka. III. 2. 8.) is different. Vide.
Keith-Philosophy and Religion of the Veda. (pp. 583-84.)
S 16 th all-xndia oriental conference
strive after devayana leading to satyaloka and brahmaloka, the ultimate
repository of praitia 9 PraSna. (1,8.9.). Satya and tapas that are introduced
in 1.2. are also insisted on in other Up. as in Prasna 1.15. The Kau.'s
conception of satya as distinct from that of the statement elsewhere as
in Chand. VIII. 3.5 and. (Br. Ar. IV. 4.)
is gathered from 1.6. (f% ^ ^ It is different from
:^tman in its own light and right absolved from desires (e. g. in the Br.
Ar. IV. 3. 8. 15 ; IV. 4^ 1-9 and Tai. Up. Bhrguvalli 10.5. and Brah-
manandavalli 8. ^ and X
That this is no easy quest is clear from the pictures of the
Brahmaloka which however abounding in sense-amenities in the shape of
etc. ira standing for food, or strength (Nir. VI. 19; VII. 8.) is
guarded by door keepers Indra and Prajapati exacting compliance with
duties and responsibilities (equation rta = ara hrada) a symbol of its
being encompassed by the obligations (cf. Sama Sam. II. 2.2.9) of 108
moments in the shape of istakas constituting the edifice of the divine
city, corresponding to 360 30 moments of Indian computation and is no
mere routine duty but is the product ‘of prajna, the palenquin of the
throne of prana rotmd which has centered the full discourse (xi) which
aims at inculcating the worship of prana as the brahman as in Tai. Up.
II. 3, in which the mere reckoners of pros and cons (?cr?: 5 rftrPf^;) are
routed out and thoughtful knowledge leads to desired goal. (Kena. II. 4.)
A full point by point exposition of the passage involves a collation of
the materials of Vedic texts such as those noted above. So also does
the unfolding of the details of the symbolism in the latter part which
by no means is an idle phantasy and is a nice mosaic in which early
Vedic thought has blended admirably with later speculations, elaborate
and far reaching in their consequence. The passages in the Mbh. already
cited and other less known passages of that great epic; sometimes on a
different analogy as that of a ratha (Chand) e. g. VI. 34.17-38 (1. 120, 7-13,
11.37-43,). i srHr<if?r^ ii
giving over and above an eschatalogy, on account of brahmaloka
and the council-chamber of Prajapati and of Brahman) and of the
Pur anas in their changed ideology and phraseology (xii) (e. g. Vayu
VIII.’ 124-127, Bhagavata. III. 32; IV. 29.18-40; V. 17.11-14) have
harped on a similar line of thought with emphasis on certain items
which are prominent in the Kau. passage. f ^
is a warning for all time. It is also not at all unlikely that coming as
(xi) q?rr wr»rr?Tr: wF^?Tr: i STr«r ’W
jnyT?»TrssiT!^>s3t?>s5!f: ,..in i w k irKWir
(Kau. III. 9). Also Ait. Up. III. 3,4. srrf^«]R .. n
mf wi 5irt% »mmrewTs??i:
(xii) e.g. in the Brahmapurapa. (Chaps. 214*225: Anandasrama
«dn). A description.
I— VEDIC SECTION
9
it does in a late phase of the Vedic period when as more or less in all
phases of Indian thought, it incorporates a fusion of divergent streams
of\:ulture. CowelPs notes of about a century ago which could not but
have been scrappy, Belvalkar's analogy of the literature of the Orphic
Mysteries (History of Indian Philosophy, Vol. II.pp 272) and the
modern scholar’s attempt at investigating the parallelism with early
Catholic thesis on the theme, thought, which in its turn inevitably draws
much from Assyrian and Sumerian thought currents (vijy. St. John’s
Revelation) read together bring in much food for discussion and may
turn to be the searchlight illumining the dark corners of a little known
section of this important Upanisad.
Continuation of {xa).
The narakas (Chap. 214. 18-19) will serve by contrast to explain the
symbolism of the Kau. passage : —
«r 5ra t ' f i' gq t q r m h asrnr; n i sr arrsfq jt frt
OTT ST fTWT I ST 7rsl3«T> STTSTTTST ST ST?I>. ST «at qWTIT: I ST f%P53[T«|STT«TTST
?t?T SITsff^ II (The fancies of hosts of tanks, lakes, streams and rivers
are common in both the accounts, and in St John’s Revelation wc read
of the fiery lake of the nether regions). The same purana (Chap, 214.
104-128) describes as well the journey of the Spirit through higher
regions that are all studded with gems, diamonds etc. and peopled with
gandharvas and apsarasas.
(2) The Vedic Concept of Metres
by
Dr, Siddheshwar Verm a
The Vedic concept of metres has no parallel in the history of
human culture. No other literature or culture has conceived of metres
as co-partners with gods in the receipt of divine
1 UeTed^c con^ worship, as instruments of the creation of the uni-
cept of metres. verse, as playing active parts in the Politics of
Mythology, and as being the support of all that ever
exists.
As an independent category, metres have been mentioned for the
first time in the Rgveda, 10.90.9, where along with xcas, the yajus, and
the Samans, the metres have been mentioned as original creations in the
universe I erwrirg
)• This separate mention is notable, for though mention of
rcas, as ‘‘verses’^ already suggests that metres must have existed in
Vedic poetry, this separate specification shows that metres as an impor-
tant crystallised and organised concept had a very ancient origin in the
history of Indian thought. The function par excellence of metre, vis.
measure, has been definitely specified in R. V. 1.164.24, where it is stated
that *^evcry is measured by metres like Gdyatri^*
).
With the antiquity of this concept is closely associated the term
used for metre, vis, chandas^, the etymology of which had become a
problem even for Vedic texts. Thus T, S. 5.6.6.1
^ connects the word with chad — “to cover or pro-
C/iaw as. tect'", basing this interpretation on a legend in which
the gods, being unable to approach a fire piled by Prajapati, clothed
themselves in metres: this covering enabled them to approach the
intensity of the fire ( ^
It is not clear how far this legend represented the germ of a later
concept, vis. the mellowing influence of metre when the Supreme
Reality proved to be too dazzling to the Individual soul, but it certainly
illuTstrates the ^ protective aspects of metres to be dealt with i n deta il
below. The S. B. 8.5.2.1 similarly derives chandas-from chad~,
but the meaning attributed to this verb here is “to please'*, being based
on the legend that Prajapati, when freed from death after the creation
of the world, asked for food. The Gods gave him food which was
metres from one point of view. The metres pleased Prajapati, and
“as they pleased him, they are called metres {chandHihsi) , (
). The same semantic aspect of chandas — appears in
B. 4.4.3. 1, where the mutual gratification of metres and gods, has been
THE VEDIC CONCEPT OF METRES
11
thus pointed ^put : "whenever the metres, gratified the gods, then the
gods gratified the metres ( ^r:
Yaska (Nir. 7.12) similarly derives chandas^irom -s/chad—
^*to protect'"( IjfT^sn?^ ) 2i^d Durga (Nir. 7.12) quotes a passage
from a Brahmana which means that as the gods, afraid of death,
protected themselves with metres, so metres are called chandas —
) cf. a similar
passage in the Chandogya Upanisad 1.4; Raj wade
1935, p. 553. This possibly refers to the magical effects of verses,
serving as ‘‘protective texts'’ (cf. Weber, Indische Studien, 8, p. 3),
Vinayaka, while sticking to the same literal sense vis. “to guard’*, gives
the interesting interpretation that chandamsi are so called because they
guard the letters from going outside measure (
Sahkh Brahmana 11.5, cf, Weber
ibid, p. 3.
According to Weber (I. b., p. 4) chandas — can be derived from
Vchand— , not from ^chad — . Formally and psychologically, this
view seems to be acceptable, for he refers to ^chand — listed in the
Nighaptu in the sense of kantikarmanah “to please”. Moreover, the
roo t Jcha nd — agrees with the form chandas — better t||an the root
,.ychad — . And the meaning “to please” is not only consistent with
the two legends mentioned above, but psychologically also the pleasant
aspects of “metre” would be universally recognised.
The syllabic nature of Vedic metres was recognized by the
Rgveda, where in I.164.:i4 it is stated that “the seven
vldUmeUM.^ metres are formed of syllables"
Generally, the number of prominent metres
is said to be three in the Vedic texts, though sometimes the number is
said to be seven.
The R. V. 1.164.23 mentions the Gayatri, Tristubh and the Jagati
as the metres. This three-fold concept of metre corresponds to the
Thi» trirtct nrnmi threc-fold conccpt of the universe so predominant
netuVedic m«- in Vedic thought. Thus V. S. 31.18 speaks, of the
res. brilliance of gharma in heaven and in Gayatrl, in the
atmosphere and in Tristubh, on the earth and in
Jagati (^arr ^ »Tt«rs«irn ....«rr
W 5»r <rT ). A similar three-fold concept of metres
has been represented by the three steps of Vispu in V. S. 1.27 the three
steps being "enclosed” by the Gayatrl, the* Tristubh and the Jagati
respectively.
But R. V. also speaks of seven metres in 1.164.24 : “the seven metres
■are formed of syllables” ( 419 wwftj ). 9.S.2.8 also
12
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
speaks of seven metres, though neither of these texts specifies the
metres concerned. ^
Though the Anustubh occupies a prominent place in later Vedic
literature, it has been only hinted in R. V. by the adjectival form
anustubhasya in 10.181.1, in the phrase '‘of the
offering (gharnia — ) accompanied with the Anustubh metre’’. V. S.
however, definitely mentions the Anustubh in several passages, e.g. in
11.11 it is stated that Savitar dug clay out of the earth with the help
of the Anustubh metre ( ).
For further details, cf. below "the Hierarchy of metres” pp.
12—13.
This prominence, accorded only to some of the metres, was not
accidental, but was closely associated with the Vedic evaluation of
objects in the scheme of Vedic life. The Gayatri, strictly connected
with Agni, a deity that was the life and soul of the Vedic Sacrifice,
came to occupy a position so great that the Gopatha Brahmana (edited
by R. L. Mitra 1872) 1.31. (p. 17) speaks of "Gayatri,.„on which the
universe rests” ^ ).
Again, the Tristubh metre is one in which the hymns to Indra have
been generally composed : it appealed so much to the immaginationof the
Vedic Aryari in this respect that in A. B. 3.21 it is said that Indra
claimed the Tristubh among metres.
Perhaps the most striking feature of Vedic metres is the place
they occupy in Mythology. They are Co-sharers,
The mythology of with the gods, of the offerings in a sacrifice, B.
^ metres. 1. 3.2.6. states that "the sacrifice,..,is performed for
the gods, the Seasons and the metres" (^
), the metres being thus one of the three sharers of
sacrificial offerings. V. S. 24.12 specifies the animals to be sacrificed to
the various metres, vh. 3 sheep to Gayatri, 5 sheep to Tristubh and a
2-year old steer or cow to Jagati ( 5Ji5sr>
gwnt ). Vedic texts, however, suggest that this allotment* of shares
to metres had a history, that originally the metres, did not enjoy this
honour, for in T. S. 2.6.3.2 it is stated that the metres ran away from the
Gods (saying) "we will not bear the offering if we have no share”.
The Gods then reserved the offering for the Metres, dividing it into
4 parts. T. S. 5. 1.1.1 mentions a similar protest on the part of the
Metres ; the Gods then reserved for them an oblation to Savitr. Thus
even this honoured position for Metres came from the Gods, not from
man, suggesting the m)rthological origin of the honour accorded to
Metres. T. S. 2.4.3. 1 — 2 also mentions an isfi called the nrvnftfll,
in honour of the Gayatri, while S. B, 3.4.1.15 prescribes a sacrificial cake
on 9 potsherds to Gayatri + Om, suggesting that the metres had not
only a share of the offerings, Aey were also directly worshipped.
ITHE VEDIC CONCEPT OF METRES
IJ
T. S. 3.4.9.1 speaks of Metres as “Minor deities'' ( If )
■while B. 9.5.1,39 speaks of Metres as “goddesses" ( ).
V. S.^8.47 shows metres as representing various
The place of Met- deities ; thus Soma juice is addressed as “Gayatri for
res among deities Agni, Tristubh for Indra and Jagatl for all the Gods".
).
But there are other passages which raise metres higher even than
the Gods. Thus S. B. 1.8.2.14 states that “Metres are the Gods of the
gods" ( ^iTf % ), while in B. 3.2.4. 1 — 2 it is
stated that the gods owe their divinity to the Metres, for it was the
Metre Gayatri which brought Soma and consequently divinity to them
“Soma was in Heaven, and the Gods were here on earth" ( f^«t % «>JT
I 3.9.3.10 definitely states that “it was through
the metres that the gods reached the heavenly worlds” (
^ ),
The basic concept in these passages is the power attributed to
Mantras, and as these Mantras were generally metrical, the one cate-
gory metre, defied in various forms, has been deduced therefrom as
being the ultimate power to which the gods owed their divinity.
The acme of the defication of metres is reached when in S. B. 8.2 3.9
it is stated that Prajapati himself “indeed became metre" (
) while in S.B. 10.3. 1.1. the whole body of Prajapati has been
depicted in terms of various metres. “The Gayatri is the breath of
Prajapati, the Us^iih the eye, the Anustubh the voice, the Brhati the
mind, the Pahkti the ear....". This view is not foreign to the concept
of Jiabda Brahma: if poetical inspiration ultimately originates from a
superhuman source, there is no reason why verification also should
not proceed from a similar source.
Vedic metres, conceived as divine, animate beings, are predomi-
nantly the associates of various gods. The most important of their
associations is that with Agni. In T. S. 2.2. 5.5 Agni
Metres as asso- himself is called gayatra, "because Agni, it is said,
Prajapati's mouth along with the
beings & objects ^ Now the verses addressed
to Agni are mostly composed in Gayatri, consequently the association
of both was set up. But B. 6.7.2.6 goes further, and identifies all the
metres with the limbs of Agni ( ). The ritualistic basis
of this concept is evident, Agni being the indispensable element of
nearly all Vedic Ritual, all metres were naturally associated with him.
But side by side with this ritualistic basis, it is possible that this com-
posite concept also included poetical and therefore metrical fervour,
which was figuratively associated with Agni. The Tristubh is the next
metre associated with Indra who "claimed it as his own metre"
14
16 th all^india oriental conference
(A. B. 3.21) as hymns celebrating Indra arc almost entirely composed in
the Tristubh metre and consequently ‘‘the Trisfubh is the military
order"' (S. B. 1.3.5.4). Again, very close is the association of metres
with Soma; T. S. 6.2.1.2 speaks of metres as “the retinue of King Soma*'
and it was a metre, viz. Gayatri, which had brought down Soma from
Heaven. Now this concept, which associates metres with Soma, suggests
a connection between poetical form and inspiration, the latter being
represented by Soma. A. B. 8.6 further associates the metre Us^ih with
Savitar, Brhati with Brhaspati, Pahkti with MitrSvarupa and Jagati
with Vi^ve Dcvah. Pihgala in his ChandahsTitram (B. I Calcutta, 1877)
III 63 similarly speaks of Agni, Savita’, Soma, Brhaspati, Varupa,
Indra and Visve Devab as the deities of metres (
). Next to the Gods, the metres are associa-
ted with the Sacrifice. T. S. 3.1.2.1 speaks of the creation of metres
after the sacrifice was created, and a legend in the same passage states
that metres were originally more powerful than the sacrifice, but
Prajapati, in rescue of the Gods, took the strength of the metres and
bestowed it upon the Gods. It was m the interest of the Divine order,
that metres were forced to surrender their powers to the requirement
of the Sacrifice.
The leading function of Metre, viz. Measure, as pointed out by
. f R. V. has been already mentioned above on p. 1.
Metres.^ Many other functions have been attributed to metres,
some of which may be noted as follows : —
(1) The most notable function of Vedic metre is said to be their
Protective Power, as one of the etymologies, discussed above, indicates.
Thus in the Raj asuya ceremony, the Yajamana is made to ascend to
various directions with a text from V. S. 10—10—14. “Ascend to the
East, may Gayatri protect thee ; ascend to the South, may Tristubh
protect thee; ascend to the West, may Jagati protect thee (
S.B. I.2.S. 1 — 6 gives a legend in which Visriu was guarded "(enclosed)”
by the Gods with the metres "probably in order to defend him from
• the powers of darkness” as Kuhn, quoted by Eggeling fe.B. (Eng. trans-
lation) Part I, pp. 59—6, suggests. Similarly V. S. 10.14 gives a prayer
-which runs "May Pahkti protect thee (the Yajamana)”.. A. B. 4.5
gives a legend m which Metres helpi Indra in order to drive Asuras out
of darkness.
(2) Metres have notable acquisitional characteristics. It was by
Metres, says T. S. 1. 7.5.4, that the gods won these worlds; by means of
Metres PrajSpati recovered cattle (ibid., 1.5.9.7). The steps of Vispu
were effected by Metres (V. S. 2.25).
(3) Metres are said to be desire-granting. Thus T. S. 3.4.9.1— 5
gives a long list of desires which can be fulfilled if offerings are made
to metres. He who desires offspring, cattle, village, freedom from
illness, brilliance etc. shoul^d worship the metres.
THE VEDIC CONCEPT OF METRES
15
(4) Metres particularly give power. Thus T. S. 4.4.12.3 speaks of
‘‘manly strength” proceeding from the Anustubh metre. In T. S. 3.3.7.
1—2 Prajapati is said to have , taken the strength from the metres and
bekowed it upon the Gods. In S. B. 8.5.2.1 metres served as a nourish-
ment for Prajapati himself.
(5) Metres have an elevating function. “It was , through the
metres that the gods reached the heavenly abodes” (Ji. B. 5.9.3.10
whF ), and it is by metres that men go to
the celestial world (S. B. 6.5.4.7).
(6) Metres play a prominent and effective part in the Politics of
Mythology. Thus 5. B. 1.4.1.34 describes a legend in which Gayatrl
sided with the Gods in their struggle with the Asuras and the Gods
won. A. B. 3.13 relates how the metre Anustubh fought for its right of
the hrst place. Prajapati had allotted the Gayatri to Agni but Anus-
tubh to Acchavaka. Thereupon Anustubh protested and so Anustubh
was brought to the premier position in Prajapati’s Soma sacrifice.
Js.B. 1.6.4.2 relates how, after Indxa had concealed himself after hurling
his thunder-bolt on Vrtra fearing lest he had not brought him down,
■ Agni and Brhati among metres started for search of Indra.
(7) Metres serve as instruments of the creation of the world.
Thus S. B. 6.5.2.4 (Cf. V. S. 11.58) states that the Vasus fashioned the
terrestrial world by means of the Gayatri metre (
ttrminir ). 1*3'2.16 it is stated that from the Anustubh
all this universe originates,
(8) Every metre is said to possess certain characteristics which it
imparts to the user. Thus §. B, 6.4.3.2 states that “for one who desires
brilliance, he should conclude with a Gayatri verse ; for one who desires
cattle, with a Jagati verse, for one who desires support, with an Anus-
fubh verse, for one who desires, the sacrifice, with a Pahkti verse.
Cf. T. S. 5.1.3.5 “The Gayatri is brilliance, the Anustubh the sacrifice, the
Tristubh power” ( )■ Cf. A. B. 1.5
“Gayatri should be used by one who desires brilliance etc. (
That metres are divine creations, has been definitely stated in
fe. B. 11.5.4.17:—
“Creatures are of two kinds, divine and human —
The Cosmology of these human creatures are born from the womb, and
the divine creatures, being the metres, are born from
the mouth” ( Jrarwifir ). But while there
is no difference of opinion on the divine origin of metres, the specific
nature of their ultimate origin has been differently described. Accor-
ding to S. B. 1,7.10.17, Prajapati first created from his mouth Agni
together with the Gayatri metre, then from his chest and arms Indra
and the Trisjubh metre. A similar view is expressed in T. S. 7.1. 1.4,
Agni and GSyatri being first created from his mouth by Prajapati.
16
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
But fe. B. 3.6.2.2 — 5 states that Supar^i begot the metres, out of which the
Gayatrl fetched Soma from heaven ( m
), The name Suparni “fair-winged” suggests that the basic .
concept of the original ancestor of metres represented a bird, and soaring
being a characteristic feature of birds the name was befittingly applied to
the vehicles of all soaring Poetry, viz. Metres. Moreover, T. S. 6,1.6.2
identifies this Suparpi with heaven. So this text also sticks to the
divine origin of Metres. A third origin of metres (though the Creator
was Prajapali even here) is said to be seasons. Thus in B. 8.1. 1.5.8;
8.1. 1.2, 5 it is stated “From out of the spring-season he fashioned the
Gayatrl metre. From out of the summer season he fashioned the
Tristubh metre” (
This concept seems to be associated '"’with the
Vedic Ritual, in which all sacrificial activities were fundamentally,
though partly, connected with the seasons, and the order of metres
followed the order of the seasons.
Closely related to Cosmology is Cosmic order, in which Vedic
Metres played a conspicuous part. Thus, according to R. V. 1.164.25,
the Creator fixed the sun in the Heavens with the
Metres and Cosmic j,g|p Qf ^ Sama based upon the Jagati metre
(gHRIT ). Similarly ^i.B. 12.8.3.24
states that the sun shines, as it *is established on the Brhatl metre.
The Kausltakl Brahmapa 14.3 goes further and slates that even the
Divine order is founded on the metres, e. g. Agni with the Gayatri
is fixed in this world of the Gayatri ; Vayu with the Trisfubh is fixed
in the world of the Atmosphere connected with the Tristubh: Yonder
sun as connected with the Jagati is fixed in Yonder world connected
with Jagati”. This may remind one of the “music of spheres” in
European literature. Cf. Addison’s famous poem : —
“The spacious firmament on high
And spread the truth from pole to pole.”
But according to the Vedic concept here, the organizing factor was not
music, but metre. According to Weber (Indische Studien, 8, p. 11 ) the
Gayatri, Tristubh and Jagati have been identified with the order heaven-
atmosphere-earth in R. V. 1.164.23,^ but this verse is rather obscure. This
identification, however, is clear in B. 1.8.2.10 — 13 and T. S. 4.2.1, 1. In
the former it is stated : “the atmosphere indeed is Tristubh”
In the latter, the Gayatri represents the earth, Trisjubh
the atmosphere and Jagati, the sky (mmr
WTO ^ wfhf
Though actual order given here is somewhat different from the
one suggested by Weber, yet the correspondence of metrical ordec
with cosmic order is evident.
THE VEDIC CONCEPT OF METRES
17
The unique importance which metres have acquired in Vedic
literature may be partly explained by the conspicuous place which they
. occupy in Vedic Ritual. In various passages such as
and Ved.c g. 4.4.3. 1—1. 8.2. 8; 1.3.4.6 it has been repeatedly
^ ’ Staled that metres carry the oblations to the gods,
and this has been explained by T. S. 2.2 A, 8 that Agni, with the help of
metres, bears the oblations to the gods. This, in other words, means
that metres were generally an essential feature of the Vedic sacrifice.
Their connection with the sacrifice was held to be so close that in
A.B. 3. 25. 27 it is stated that ‘"the metres are the Sadhya gods ; they
first sacrificed to Agni with fire” (
). This passage is a comment on R. V. 2-3-23, 24 where (
) occurs, which literally means : “the Gods sacrificed to
the Yajna with the Yajna. In T. S. 3.3.7.1 — 2 it is stated that Prajapati
created the metres (immediately) after he had created the sacrifice.
The peculiar development of Vedic metres was, therefore, an incident
of the sacrifice. Moreover, metres have been identified even with the
elements of the sacrifice in V. S. 38.18, where the brilliance of gharma
is said to be identical with that of the Gayatri, the Tristubh and the
Jagati. Similarly in fe. B. 1. 3.2.9 metres have been identified with the
after-offerings, as it is said there : “the after-offerings are the metres”.
This clearly indicates that metres were held to be essential for at least
some elements of the sacrifice. Again, T. S. 5.3.4.4 speaks of the Gayat-
ri as “the beginning of the sacrifice”. Though this statement, as it
stands, may not be technically correct, yet it indicates a metrical
beginning as being the essential feature of the sacrifice.
That metres were believed to be of benedictory influence in the
Ritual is further indicated by the prayer, during the horse-sacrifice,
(V. S. 8.5) that “Vasus may anoint thee (the horse) with the Gayatri
metre” ( Even some isolated cere-
monial functions, such as churning of fire, were believed to be the work
of metres, as is detailed in V. S. 5.2 ‘fl churn thee with the Gayatri
metre” ( ). Even the urn (ukha) was pro-
duced, by the gods, with the help of the Anustubh metre etc., as describ-
ed in V. S. 11.58, while V. S. 4.24 speaks of the three ‘'metrical” shares
of Soma, in phrases like, “this is thy share in connection with the
Gayatri ( qt? ^ ’(Tm: ) etc.
By far the most fundamental aspect of Vedic metres is the imagery
which has been used in representing them. The wealth of imagery
- . used in this connection must be the creation of a
cSt if met! highly imaginative people. Thus fe. B. 8.6.2.6-14
res. represents metres in a complete bird-shape: the
Gayatri is the head, Tristubh the chest, Jagati, the
hips, Anusjubh the thighs, Brhati the ribs, Usnih. the neck, Pahkti, the
wings and Atichandas the belly of the supposed bird. While metres
individually have been set up as separate and complete birds, e-g. note
the legend of the Gayatri going up in the form of a hawk to fetch Soma
B. 6.1.6.1— 2; A. B. 3.25—27), the representatioa in §. B. 8.6.2.6—14
18
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
presents metres collectively in the form of a single bird : this composite
concept is a single unit, representing all metres as one entity. One
could easily follow the Gayatri as being the head of this composite
image, for Gayatri, as pointed out above, was taken to be beginning of
the sacrifice, but the reasons for selecting specific metres for specific
limbs of the bird are obscure. '
How vital and vivid was the concept of Metres in Vedic life could
be appreciated by recalling T. S. 4.3.5. 1 in which each metre is represen-
ted by a calf or cattle of certain age: thus the Tristubh is said to be
a calf of 18 months, and Gayatri a calf of' 2^ years, while the metre
Satobrhati has been represented by a bull. It is difficult, in this age,
to gauge the accuracy of this evaluation, but the conclusion seems to be
unavoidable that the concept of metres must have been a very living
force during the Vedic age. Again, the cosmic imagery used in the names
bestowed upon metres could be realised by referring to T. S. 4.3.7.1,
in which the various metres have been thus addressed. ‘'Thou art
Pafikli metre, Jagali metre, earth metre, atmosphere metre, sky metre,
seasons metre, naksatra metre, mind metre, speech metre, female goat
metre and horse metre”.
When metres have been declared to be the limbs of Agni, imagery
indicates a vigour in the concept of metres, suggesting, along with
fervour, their close association with Ritual.
When in B. 13.2.2.19 it is said that the horse is of Anusjubh
nature and related to the Anustubh is the northern quarter (
), one has only to compare fe. B. 8.3.1.12 whTch,
in the first instance, identifies the directions with the metres: “the east
being Gayatri, south Tristubh, west Jagati and north Anustubh”, and as
the horse was then believed to have originally come from the north, it
was said to be of Anustubh nature''.
Again, metres have been spoken in terms of gold in S. B. 6.3.1.41,
where it is said: “golden is the one that consists of the metres”
( ?qrT )• The metres were thus something excee-
dingly precious in Vedic life.
Metrical imagery has been sumptuously used in the Vedic Ritual.
Thus an enormous number of bricks for the fire-altar has been identified
with Metres in V. S. 14.18 the bricks are called the Ma metre, the
Prama metre, the Pratima metre etc. In V. S. 12.5 a prayer runs “O
fourth step ! Mourn Anustubh and traverse the directions” ( vr
). Here the Anustubh metre has been ima-
gined to be a super-spatial vehicle. Metrical imagery often shows
a linguistic basis: thus in S. B. 12.8.3.12 it is prescribed that an
offering should be made with Jagati verses, for animals of
Jagata (movable) nature : by means of the Jagati he thus secures
cattle for him”. The metre Viraj, ac cordi ng to T. S. 7,1. 1.1 is
*‘the light of the metres, evidently fromVrSj — *^to shine”. In V. S. 15,5
THE VEDIC CONCEPT OF METRES
19
there occur many mystical names of metres such as Vayaskxt ‘'life-
giving**, chadit} “cover**, which may similarly have a linguistic basis.
There were gradations in all leading aspects of Vedic life, and
metres could not escape them. Thus in T. S. 5. 1.4.5 the Gayatri has been
• called a Brahmin and Tristubh a Ksatriya ( it
^meUeY**^*^**^ fir }, in T. S. 7.1.14—6 their
cosmological order has been thus described: — After
Agni the Gayatri metre was created by Prajapati out of his mouth,
then the Tristubu metre from his arms, then the Jagati metre from the
abdomen, and the Anustubh from the feet. In R. V. 1.164.25 the Gayatri
is said to exceed all other metres by virtue of its greatness (
). In S. B. 1.8.2.10—13 it has been explained that the
Gayatri, though the shortest of metres, became the first of the metres,
because, by virtue of its power, it, assuming the form of a hawk, brought
Soma from heaven. In T. S. 1;6.1.2 the history of this Soma acquisition
has been thus detailed : “Jagati first flew up, but returned without
obtaining it: Tristubh flew up, but returned with gifts and penance
(only). The Gayatri flew up and brought back Soma**. As regards
the place of the Gayatri in Ritual, B. 1. 3.4.6 states that when the first
piece of wood is kindled with the Gayatri metre, it kindles the other
metres as well. In the later Mahanarayai^iya Upanisad, 34th verse,
the Gayatri is called the “mother of metres** ( ixTir^rt JTTHT )
and “identical in form with the Supreme Being** (33)( jfTiTSr
). The basis of this concept was partly the historical
development of the Vedic metre from shorter to longer and more intri-
cate forms.
But it is strange that while the Anustubh is said to have been
created by Prajapati out of his feet in T. S. 7.1. 1.4 — 6, in 5.4.12.1 of the
same Anustubh is said to be “the highest of metres**
^ )• expresses the same view: Anustubh is the
highest metre and the horse is the highest of animals** (
qr ). Evidently this view of the Anustubh is a later development
and a statement in 5. B. 1.3.2.16 ‘^Anustubh is speech and from speech
all this (universe) springs** ( €|TIT sfT ^ ^ STvr^ )
may throw some light on it. The word “speech** in this statement indi-
cates that Anustubh during the later Vedic period was developed into
folk-metre, as the tremendous development of this metre in later Sans-
krit would support it.
The above study shows how metres were a living force in Vedic
life, being cherished as givers of protection, power and material well-
. . being. Their remarkable development was closely
nc usiou. associated with the Ritual, and was thus an incident
of the Sacrifice. But what makes the Vedic metres unique is their
deification.* they were not only held as a source of uplift, both of man
and of the gods, but were also deified. The whole concept of Vedic
metres is the fruit of a constructive and rich imagination.
(3) The Trca (R.V. I, 41,7 — 9) re-interpreted
By
Vishva-Bandhu, Hoshiarpur,
The hymn, R.V. I, 41, which is attributed to Kanva, son of Ghora>
consists of nine verses, all in the Gayatri measure. The corresponding
Anukrama^ii description: ^
if’’, which finds complete agreement in Bxhaddevata
(iii, 107), points out that while the three verses in the beginning
and the three verses at the end pertain to or are in praise of the
Gods, VJiruna, Mitrd and Aryaman, the three verses in the middle
are addressed to the Gods, AditySs in general This, however,
may be a difference without distinction : for the Adityas as invoked
here, in the verses 4—6, are only those that have been invoked
in the preceding verses of ^this hymn, namely, Varuna, Mitra and
Aryaman. The word AditySs here, like the word rajanas in the verse
3, is to be taken as an epithet of the same three Gods without containing
any reference to the remaining members of the divine group of AditySs,
namely, Bhaga, Daksa, Amsa, Surya and Savitar. Indeed, on purely
deo-technical iDaivata) grounds, the verses 7 — 9, particularly, the last
two, might well have merited a separate enumeration inasmuch as
their subject is not an invocation as such of the three Gods, Varuna,
Mitra and Aryaman but is, on the other hand, a sermon against the
bad habit of vituperation (durukla-ninda) , preached, of course, as a
necessary qualification to make the invocation acceptable to the said
Gods. As rightly noted by Anukramant and Bxhaddevata, the verses
4 — 6, however, constitute a self-contained unit, contributing a single
theme. Considering from this point of view, the purely niechanical
character of the Adhyaya-Varga-Anuvaka division of R.V. is thrown
into bold relief in that the verses 5 and 6, which, grammatically, must
go together have been put in separate Anuvakas 22 and 23. As might
appear from the following verse-wise translation of and a comrnentary
on the last three verses of the hymn, v. 7 poses a question to which v. 8
seeks to supply a suitable reply, couched in terms of the course proposed
by the speaker for being followed by himself and his companions, v. 9‘
supporting the stand, taken in v, 8, by enunciating it as a general
precept.
THE TRCA RE-INTERPRETED 2t
Verse 7.
WITCT II
How should we sing, o friends,
A hymn that might be full and great.
Of Varuna, Mitra and Aryaman?
(a) Radhama is related to the non-Pa^iniyan V*^5dh ‘to say' or
^sing' which may be a phonetic variant of (Dhatupatha I,
627). A cognate and synonym of Eng. y/read and Gmn. yj reden, this
y/radh may be the real origin .of the word a-radhana — ‘praise' or
‘glorification' and Radha — , the Personification of Worship of Bhaga-
vata fame. Sakhayah ‘friends’, evidently refers to the poet's colleagues
in the work of singing hymns (cf. R.V. VIII, 70, 13:
wr i * ii
where another poet seems to put, in the mouth of his colleagues, a
similar question regarding their joint glorification of their patron, Sara).
Dayananda alone has taken this word as a nominative form, obviously,
not noticing itsjgrave accent.
(i), (c). The translation takes the whole verse to be one simple
sentence, the word Psaras — ‘a hymn of praise', qualified by the adjec-
tives stoma — ‘full' and mahi — ‘great', being the object of the verb
radhama. Skanda, the earliest available scholiast has likewise con-
strued the whole verse as a simple sentence, but has made the word
stoma — in the sense of ‘praise' the object of the verb radhama, taking
the words mahi — and psaras — , in the sense of ‘great' and ‘beautiful',
respectively, as adjectives qualifying the noun stoma-. We may now
quote him from his edition by Raja:2 (sic.
(sic. off f wff
1. The Direct Lineal System of Vedic accentuation asset into
vogue in our Concordance is employed in this paper for marking accents
in the Vedic text-citations in Devanagarl. For a description and
evaluation of the several systems of Vedic accentuation see our
Vedic Word-Concordance\ Vol. I, pp. LXIII ff. and CXVIII*ff.
(available, also, in reprint under the title, Vishva Bandhu: Vaidika-
svarahkanariti-Praka^a) .
2. Madras University Sanskrit Series, No. 8 (1935). The emen-
dations suggested are ours.
22 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Evidently, he had to take too much burden on himself in seekings
to establish the impossible concord between his masculine noun stoma-
upraise’ and his neuter adjectives mahi- ‘great' and Psaras- ‘beautiful',
more so in the latter case, because he knew that it was a neuter substan-
tive. Apparently, Venkata-Madhava felt the difficulty of the situation
and the futility of the attempt of Skanda to overcome it. Therefore,
he took another course by splitting up the construction of the verse
into two independent simple sentences, the first comprising the Padas
a and b and the second presuming a repetition of the Pada a towards
its being read, a second time, with the Pada c. This course, compara-
tively less exceptionable though, could not be passed as quite smooth.
For, it would connect the verb radhama with two different roots, namely,
with V^adh ‘to make* (Dhatupatha, IV, 16) for the first sentence and
with y*rod/i ‘to praise* for the second sentence. Even admitting that
there is a good case, on philological grounds, for the acceptance of the
non-Paninian y^radh *io praise', (compare our own translation ) j the
construction proposed, to say the least, looks improbable, because it
unreasonably attributes two meanings to one and the same verb and,
further, delimits the two different predications, the first, namely,
‘fashioning’ to a song to the Gods Mitra and AryamJin only and the
second, namely, ‘praising’ to the great manifestation of the God Varutja
alone. Sayana positively improved the situation by reading, fir^t, the
verse, short of the two neuters mahi and psarah, as a principal clause
and, then, by introducing .an extra subordinate clause to which were
appropriated the said two neuters. Says he,
I wr %sr tivtiw
ii”
Plausible as this construction sounds, it suffers from its having to
read too much from outside, for, otherwise, the two words mahi and
psarafy would be left out unconnected. Indeed, in case the poet had
intended this, he, in keeping with the usual Vedic mode of expression,
jnight have read the Pada c as , making the
verse a Brhatt (Compare R.V. VIII, 70, 13 whose JagatJ Pada c;
''^hich raises an Uqnik structure on a Gayatrl
ground, would^have offered an exact parallel). Dayananda's construc-
tion again worsens the position by concording the neuter mahi with the
masculine stomam (as Skanda had done) and following Sayaija in relegat-
ing psaral^, probably, as a neuter nominative, to an unwarranted ellipsis.
Crassmaiin, Griffith and Geldner have taken the whole yexse as one simple^
sentence, understanding psaras in the sense of ‘refreshment', ‘food* and
‘delight', respectively, but have* not succeeded in removing the rather
disjointed look of the Pada c. For, it is not clear why the poet should
have different offerings for the Gods, namely, a hymn for Mitra and
Aryaman and food for Varupa, Or, is it intended that the hymn itself
ofVarutia is figuratively described as his food? Even then, it would
read better if the entire hymn, addressed jointly to all the three Gods,
be likened to the well dressed food for all of them alike. It is, however,
to be pointed out that if this represented the real idea of the poet, he
would rather have fashioned his Pada c somewhat like HflC
THE TRCA RE-INTERPRETED
2J
or ^ W • That the poet was quite careful in making
his words well concorded is evident from his another verse, similarly
couched in the form of a question, namely, R.V. I, 43, 1 in which the
neuter pronoun Kad is to be read with {Rudrdya iantamdm) hxde.
Thus, it appears that the efforts made so far to iron out a smooth
construction of the present verse have not fared well only because both
the words, namely, the masculine stoma- and the neuter Psaras- were
taken as substantives. So, the key to the solution seems to lie in taking
one of these words as an adjective. And, the contiguity of the other sure
adjective, namely mahi, which is neuter, helps the decision, as followed
in our translation, to take psaras- as a substantive and, in consequence,
stoma- as an adjective in the sense of Tull', and 'hymn', respectively.
This sense of stoma- is supported by the adjective stoma-tasta-
which is read in connection with mati- ‘hymn' (R.V. Ill, 39, 1 and 43, 2)
and Pitaras, ‘Manes' (R. V. X, 15, 9). In all of these occurrences, this
word is used as an adjectival compound with the verbal noun
Tashioning' as its second member and with the accent of the first mem-
ber as its normal accent (cf. Panini VI, 2, 1)^.
1, A distinction, however, is to be noted. When used in
reference to mati-, ‘hymn', the word stoma-tasta- would indicate its
‘profuse production', but when used in reference to Pitaras, ‘Manes',
it would indicate their ‘profuse productivity.' This distinction
springs from two different connotations here of the genetive case,
namely, in the objective sense {karmani) in reference to mati-
and in the subjective sense {kartari) in reference to Pitaras
(cf. Papini, 11,3,65). The above distinction, only grammatical as it
is, does not, however, affect the essential meanings, namely, ‘profuse'
or ‘profuseness' and ‘fashioning' or ‘production' of the words stoma-
and tas^\a-, respectively, Others have understood tjiese words differ-
ently in their different occurrences without adducing any evidence in
support of it. Thus, Venkata Madhava thinks that stoma- in R V. Ill
39, 1 and 43, 2 means a (5’owian-adapted) verse (which, obviously,
remains a verse, all the same), but in R.V. X, 15, 9 it means a verse-
maker. Now it is a matter of common knowledge that the Vedic speech
brings out the distinction between the homo-phonic sets of action and
agent nouns by accenting them differently, apas- ‘deed' apas- ‘doer'
and brahman- ‘verse', brahman- ‘verse-maker'. It is strange that
Venkata MSdhava who himself had laid great stress on the importance
of accent as a key to vedic interpretation, should have thus paid scant
attention to this subject. Sayana, too, has followed him only with this
difference that he changes the places of the two meanings, namely,
‘praise' and ‘praiser', allotting R. V. X. 15.9 to the former and R.V. Ill, 39,
1 and 43, 2 to the latter. Now to take up the cxegetical side, R. V. Ill,
39, 1 and 2, together, glorify the hymn of praise that is being offered
to Indra : it speaks, outright from the heart, when it is ^ being sung in
assemblies, people forget sleep ; it is ancient, having come down to us
from ancestors who got its first flash from the heaven; it is dressed
most beautifully and, finally, it is fashioned out so full and profuse
24 * 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Etymologically, the word stoma, adj. 'profuse' as met with in the
R.V. passages cited above or «, 'profuseiiess' as met with in Classical
that it must go direct to the heart of Indra and win His pleasure and
friendship. It will be seen that replacement of the last attribute, name-
ly, 'being fashioned out in fullness' whether by 'fashioned out in
measures peculiar to particular Samans* after Venkata Madhava or by
‘fashioned out by hymn-makers' after Sayana would takeaway from this
eulogy one of its most vital expressions without adding any new poetic
beauty to it. For, would it not be quite obvious and stale too, to speak
of a song as 'sung by singers’? Moreover, Venkata Madhava’s reference
to any Saman measures seems to be out of place, because the use of the
pronouns iyam 'this’ (R.V. HI, 39, 2) and imal} ‘these’ (R.V, III, 43, 2)
clearly indicates that the object of glorification is no other than the
present group of verses, including the glorifying ones themselves. For
the same reason, Oldenberg’s view in his Notes on R. V. that stoma here
refers to Saman chanting as distinguished from RK-reciting, referred
to by recite’ as also read here, cannot be accepted. Daya-
nanda's gloss stuti-vistzta (R.V. Ill, 39, 1) and vistrta^stuti (R.V, III,
43, 2) shows that he had an inkling of the idea of 'profuseness' (vistrta')
being wanted here, but too much familiarity with stoma in the sense of
-‘praise’ (stuti) st(tms to have sidetracked him into mistaking ta^ta for
tata (=visttta). Others like Bdhtlingk-Rdth, Monier-WiHiams,
Grassmann, Griffith and Geldner have hardly improved the position by
advancing the tautological rendering purporting to be either 'a hymn
produced for praise’ (cf. Griffith, R.V. Ill, 43, 2) or 'praise produced
by a hymn’. It will be noted that the former of these two paraphrases
IS inadmissible, on grounds of accent, too, for in that case, the word
would have been an Oxytone (cf. Panini VI, 1,223 read with VI, 2, 45;
139; 144). To take up, now, the case of R.V. X, 15, 9 in which Pitaras
are said to have strug^ed hard (jehamana — ) and at last, forced their
{tatxsuh ? dhxs 'force up’ <dadhxsuh) among the Gods,
that is, became recognised at their hands as being, like them, worthy of
worship by men. They succeeded because being conversant with the
proper application of hymns (hotra-vid) and capable of profuse pro-
duction (stoma-tasta — ), they could pile up for use to conquer their
rivals (the Gods) an inexhaustible store of hymns (aria). Venkata’s
stotx-samskxta 'well-prepared by singers’ and Sayana’s stotra-kartx
^makers of songs’, followed more or less, by the other writers, as ren-
derings of stoma-tasta, being an attribute, here, of Pitaras do not
indicate the relation of means and end that, as on our showing above,
-exists between the Padas b and a to have been properly consi-
dered by them. It seems there is an allusion here to some mythological
tradition that Pitaras who had attained, through their pious deeds, to
their exhalted position in the higher world of immortals by emerging,
in a way, from their ordinary position among the mortals here, had yet
to struggle Hard to win proper deific recognition at the hands of the
Gods and that, eventually, they did carry on that struggle and came out
5uccefeful but they did so by entering the citadel of the heart of the
Gods through their proper and profuse praise, in other words, by
stooping to conquer them.
THE t:?lca re-interpreted
25
Sanskrit (See Amara 11,39; III, 141 and PW. formally more refe-
rences) does not appear to be related to y/stu, ‘praise’, but seems to be
cognate with 01 A. sthur (l)a— ‘thick’, sthavira — ‘great’, sthaviman-^
‘expanse’, ‘bunch’, stabaka \ NIA. t/iw/a — ‘fat’, thos--^
‘solid’, thok — ‘whole-sale’, thabba— ‘quantity’ ; English stack---^, stocks,
stout — , thick — all being derived from yj^sthu ‘to be bulky’ and not
from y/stha ‘to stand’ as others have surmised (See, Walde-Pokerny,
sthavi — , sthavira-^, II, 606; 608).
According to B'dhtlingk-Rdth, Psaras is included in the Nighantu
list (III, 7) of words meaning ‘splendour’ or ‘manifestation’ (rupa)^
This inclusion, since rejected, in favour of the variant reading marut,
by the several later editors of that text, is however supported by Devaraja
and one of the basic manuscripts of Sarup’s edition. Besides, it has on it
the stamp of a hoary authority in that, as observed above, Skanda
(compare his remark r^pa-namaitat) and, after him, Vehkafa Madhava
and Saya^a have accepted it. This, however, can mean only this that
the compiler of Nighantu, probably, did read psaras in the sense of
rupa. But Bdhtlingk-Rbth and, after it, the entire line of modern
Western scholars seem agreed on rejecting this meaning and suggesting,
in place of it the meaning of ‘eating’, the word psaras, according to
them, being derived from y/psa ‘to eat’ (Dhatupatha II, 45) and, obvi-
ously, not from y/psa ‘to move’ (Nighantu II, 14). The suggestion
regarding the above meaning also appears, however, to have originated
with the Indian scholiasts of yore who had surmised that psaras, when
read in relation to Sdma, meant ‘drinkable’, (see Vehkata Madhava
on R. V. IX, 74, 3) and ‘drinkable food* or ‘drink’ (see Venkata Madhava
and Sayana on R.V. IX, 2, 2 ; 96, 3 ; 97, 27 )i. They appear to have been
inclined to derive the word from ^pa ‘to drink’, although, with full
recognition that Sdma was ‘a drink’ but, at the same time, ‘a food’
(andhas), too. In picking up the latter meaning as being the real
one for every occurrence of the word, B’dhtlingk-R’dth seems to have
welcomed the handy evidence of the said y/psa ‘to eat’ of Dhatupatha.
^ There are, however, a few occurrences of this word that clearly
indicate that when it is used in the objective relation to y/vac ‘speak’,
its proper sense is ‘praise’ or ‘song of praise’.
Thus, R.V. IX, 2, 2 reads:
Sdma is being pressed and poured, in a hundred streams, in the vat
below, producing a loud and charming sound. Pada a refers to this
1. It is regretted that Skanda is not yet available on this portion
of ^.V. Probably, Venkata MSdhava and, after him, Saya^ta, who has
■copied from him to a large extent, both owed this interpretation, too, to
Skanda.
26 16th ALL-IMDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
sound as a great and bright song (Psaral}) and urges Sdma to sing
it on (5 vacyasva)^. Similarly, ]^.V. I, 75, 1, in addressing Agni,
says : —
Accept our hymn, most extensive and most praiseful of the Gods as
it is; do accept it, for we offer it as our oblations are poured into Thy
mouth.
1. The test of interpretation of this and other similar texts, being
cited hereafter, lies in hitting at the correct meaning of the verb ’\/*vacya
(compare vacyate R.V. I, 142, 4 etc. for the determination of accent).
R.V. IX, 97, 2 speaks of Sdma as a great poet who is singing sweet songs
{mahan Kavir nivacanam ^amsan) and urges Him to sing on{vacyasva) .
R. V. IX, 108, 10, addressing Sdma as a great orator (sudaksa — ), asks
Him to pour forth his song (o vacyasva) like a poet (vahnir na)* For
this meaning of vahni-— compare R.V. III, 1, 1 ; 6, 2; 20, 1 ; V, 79, 4;
VI, 39, 1 ; VII, 75, 5 ; 82, 4. y *vacya *to speak* or ‘to sing* is likewise seen
used in R.V. 1, 46, 3 ; 142, 4 (ty am hi tvd matir mamdccha sujihvavacyafe) ;
184, 3 ; III, 6, 1 (karavah..,»vacyamanah) ;,6, 2 {vacyantam te vahnayal}
sapta-jihvali) ; 39, 1 (indram matir hrda a vacyamanacchapatim stoma-
tas\a jigati) X, 47, 7 (mama...,stomas caranti.,..manasa vacyamanaJ^) ,
and in A. V. XX, 127, 4 (vacyasva rebha vacyasva). In all these cases,
the textual and contextual position points to ^J^vacya being connected
with yvac ‘to speak* and not yjvanc ‘to move* as Skanda (e,g. at
R V. 1, 46, 3), Venkata Madhava, Saya^ia (e^ g. at R. V. JX, 2, 2), Grass-
mann, Griffith and others have taken it to be. Geldner(see PG. II, 258f.)
has also supported the latter view in an incidental discussion. i/*vacya
is found used as an active transitive verb in most of its occurrences
and as an intransitive verb in only a few of them. It could be explained
as an alternative form of vacas — <y/vacasya and might not be taken as
a passive or reflexive base from yjvac (compare, R. V. I, 55, 4; IX, 99, 6
for similar use of -y/vacasya, the latter occurrence, actually, speaking of
Soma as ‘one who is singing songs*). Obviously, being an oxytone base,
it is not connected with the fourth conjugation. The present verse
(R.V. IX, 2, 2), in asking Soma to sing, should naturally be employing
the word psoras in the sense of ‘song' that might be sung and
not ‘food* that could be taken in but not sung out. Moreover, as in the
present case, if it meant ‘food*, the same could not lend itself to being
sung by Soma, which was just a deific personification of that food
itself. In fact, grammatically, a transitive construction like the present
one could not permit the subject and the object to be distinct only in
name, being, otherwise, essentially identical.
1. However extensive a hymn might be, its attraction for the Gods
wo uld be only in direct proportion to the measure of divine praise that
it is couched in. Therefore, the poet here, naturally, refers to the
profuse presence in his hymn of this most essential element of it. The
^ adjectival base deva-psaras is a Bahuvrthi compound, duly preserving
the accent of its first member, deva. Vehkata MSdhava and SSyatJta^
THE TR;CA RE-INTERPRETED . if
being familiar with only two meanings of psoras, to wit, (1) 'a drink^
or ‘a drink-food' and (2) ‘splendour' or manifestation' (rupa), and
seeing that their hymn, consistently with its purely man-made Phonetic
content, could neither contain in itself any food for the Gods nor
embody in itself the splendour that belonged to them, were apparently,
at their wit's end to read a sense in this word. So, they dismissed,
outright, the familiar meaning namely, ‘a God' of the word deva,
and took it in the purely adjectival, but unfamiliar sense of dfpta
‘shining'. It is not evident why Skanda, whom they had frequently
followed at other places was ignored by them here. But it was, cer-
tainly, to their own disadvantage, for he had fared better, anyway, in
paraphrasing the word as devasya agnefj^ rupair...,yukta — aieqdgni^rupa
praka^ana. He is so near the mark that one wishes that it had
occurred to him that the meaning of prakaiana ‘description*, which he
felt like reading from outside could be directly conveyed here by the
word psoras itself. B’dhtlingk-Rdth and, after it, other modern scho-
lars, inclined to take psoras in the sense of ‘food', have not explained
how the word deva-psaras with such renderings as Monier- William's
‘serving the Gods as food' and Griffith’s ‘food to the gods' could be
taken as an adjectival compound and how, if it is not that, could it
preserve the accent that it has done. Indeed, under their general inter-
pretation, the word, in its relation to vacas as in the present text and,
also, in its relation to Sdma as in the texts being noticed below, could
not but be a Tatpuru^a compound and not a Bahuvrthi compound as,
on the contrary, it actually is. For, vacas ‘hymn' might be a substitute
of the Gods' real food, namely. Soma, but could not be ‘that something
else which could provide them with their food'. Similarly, Soma,
being itself their real food, could not be said to be ‘that something else
which gave them their food'. Indeed, it is the presence of the Bahuvrihi
compound itself that is a pointer to the really intended meaning, namely,
•praise' or ‘a hymn of praise* of the neuter base psoras — when read in a
context of y/vac ‘saying' or ‘singing* to please some one. Etymologi*
cally, this base might have developed, phonetically, out of y/*pra-svar
‘to speak well of* or ‘sing of* <C,'^pra~svaras — <^pasaras — . And, OIA.
Y.flagh, NIA. y/sr (1) aA-na and Pers. Vsraidan, and, possibly, OIA<
y/iams, y/stu, y/Hoka — , Pers. y/statdan, all meaning ‘praise* might
liave been cognates of said y/^pra-svar, the initial *p (<*/>ra) having
dropped off from them. The neuter base psoras — which is read in R. V.
IX, 74, 3 ; 96, 3 ; 97, 27 ; 104, 5 ; 105, 5, probably, in the sense of ‘favour* or
•grace* to be received by the worshipper at the hands of the God or Gods
and not in the sense of ‘food* or ‘nourishment* for the worshipper or the
God or Gods, as the case may be, appears to be, etymologically, a cognate
of y/ pro-sad ‘to be pleased* <*pra-sadas — ‘favour* or ‘grace* and|^
4herefore, distinct from the present homo-phonic base.
16th ALL'INDIA oriental conference
Verse 8.
28
m »n w:
irftr
n w II
(Comrades), to him of ye, I don’t retort,
Who vilifies and to cursing does resort ;
But, with words sweet, him of ye I do address,
Who, towards Gods, full of fervent devotion is.
The poet feels that his worship of the three Gods, Mitra, Aryaman
and Varupa would become most pleasing to them if he could have
a large number of people* with him for that purpose. But, at the
same time, he wants to be extremely cautious in the choice of
comrades who, it would seem, surround him in abundance. He
knows that the Gods are pleased with those of sweet and sincere
speech and dislike those of vile and impure speech^. So, not prepared
to mince matters, he tells his companions quite plainly and forcefully,
too, that while he would welcome, at his side, those whose main
interest of life lay in sincere worship of the Gods, he would have
no truck with those who instead of engaging themselves in worship that
would be its best use, wasted the divine gift of speech by filling it with
blasphemy.
The negative particle mo in Pada a is repeated to emphasise the
firmness of the speaker’s above resolve to avoid the company of those
of impure speech*. The enclitic II Person pronoun val} in Pada a as
well as in Pada c is a genetive of specification (nirdharana, see Pacini
11,3,41). Syntactically, it cross-references jOB/tayok of the previous
1. That collective worship would gather a momentum of influence
over its object is indicated by R. V. VIII, 70, 14 in a context that, as
noted above, bears a good deal of resemblance with the present one.
2. Compare the sentiments expressed on this topic in R. V. 1, 174, 7 ;
III, 55, 7 ; V, 49. 5 ; VII, 18, 9 ; 10, 88, 7 ; 8 etc.
3. Vehkata Madhava seems to have confused one mS with Ihe-
enclitic pronoun ma?
THE TRCA RE-INTERPRETED 29^
verse, for it is out of them that the speaker wants to pick up his most
congenial collaborators to glorify the Gods^.
4. Skanda is not available on val} in Pada c, but, in Pada a he
takes it as a genetive of possession. Apparently clumsy as his cons-
truction (where yus^mad — and deva-- must
be identical) would be, it should be simply unthinkable that one devoted
to the Gods (devayat^) could be, at the same time, carrying in him the
taint of cruelty {^han) and cursing Venkata Madhava saw
the above incongruity and construed devayat — as referring to the speaker
himself and ghnat — and iapat-- as referring to his foes. But in thus
construing, he worsened the position of val}, which he took as an accu-
sative* His paraphrase
evidently, could not connect, as he wanted to, yuqmad — and devayat--.
The idea in his mind could have been conveyed by the single base
yu^mayat— (see, R. V. II, 39, 7 ) and not by the two separate words as
found used here. Sayana, seemingly, overcame the above difficulty by
taking va}i as a dative of report, objectively connected with the verb
yprati-vac (compare R. V. Vlll, 100, 5 for similar idiom). It is,
however, not clear from this construction why z/a/i should not refer to
sakhayas, already under address in the context and should refer to the
Gods, under address in the previous Trca but not in the present one.
From his rendering of Pada c, in which he apparently construes vas
with the Gods, it would seem that, in Padas a and b too, Grssamann^iias
classified the Gods themselves into two groups, namely, those who are
used to kill and curse and those who are sincere and truthful, and made
the poet declare that he would hold in high esteem only the latter class
of the Gods. Thus, according to him, vah would be a genetive of speci-
fication in Pada a and an accusative in Pada c. This construction,
though, grammatically, agreeii g with our own, is the more unacceptable,
because it not only makes the speaker address the Gods in place of his
companions who were already under his address, but, also, unwarrentedly
makes pratiy/vac "to retort' or "to report' and devayat ‘devoted to the
Gods' mean ‘to hold in esteem' and ‘sincere', respectively. He might
have taken his cue from certain arfcient texts which appeared to draw a
line of demarcation between Varuna, who lorded it over all that was^
bound or blocked in any way, on the one hand, and Mitra, who was
supreme where light of every kind prevailed, on the other (For the
relevant texts, see Hamsaraja; Vedic Kosa, pp. 471fF. ; also, Durga on
Nirukta III, 16). But as should be evident from those texts, they can
have no bearing on the present context which holds the three Gods,
equally, in the highest esteem and does not hint, at all, at any of their
distinctive traits of character or fields of action. Rajawade takes vali
in Pada a as well as Pada c as accusative, standing for the Gods. The
reference here, says he, is to certain non-Aryan people who would hate,
kill (f. e. break the images of) and defile the Aryan Gods. To say the
least, this interpretation presumes too much and, from the purely gram-
matical point of view, is utterly inadmissible, because it pays no heed ta
the accentual and syntactical aspects of devayat — in reading it as if it
were a-devayat— and in making it related, as a transitive verb, to val}.
30 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The translation of ghnant — in Pada a implies that yj^ghan 'to
revile’ from which the present base is derived is different from the
familiar y/gk (h) an ‘to kill’. The context characterised by the descrip-
tion of a blasphemer as pitted against a God-worshipper anci the general
precept to shed the company of the former of the two and the contiguous
presence of y/iap in its familiar sense of ‘cursing’ or ‘swearing’^ should
support this postulation. Knowing as the speaker does that th*e Gods
are deadly opposed to people given to blasphemy^, he answers the ques-
tion as posed by himself in v. 7 by declaring to his people towards
reassurance of the Gods that he would shun, at any cost, the company
of those whom the Gods did not like on account of their blasphemous
nature. Thus, the familiar yjgh {h) an ‘to kill’ can have no place in
this context. O. I. A. y/^ghan ‘to revile’ is indicated by O. I. A. ghana^
-‘the ulgar* (compare Monier Williams’ reference to SubhasJtavalJ)^.
6 umna — as used here in relation to y/vivas ‘to address’, or ‘con-
verse* means ‘sweet word’ (compare, R. V. I, 106, 4; 111,3,3; 68,3;
VI, 15, 7 ; 48, 12 ; VIII, 9, 21 ; X, 132, 2). y/mna, which is the radical^
element in this word, means ‘to say’ or ‘to praise* (being a phonetic
variant of y/bhan ‘to say’ or y/pan ‘to praise’)
is not read in Dhatupatha. Nighantu (III, 5) reads it in
the sense of ‘attend on’ or ‘worship’ (paricarana-^). Against the
evidence of Padapajha, which does not treat it as a prepositionally
composite verb, modern Western scholars have generally taken it as a
compound of the preposition vi and y/vas ‘to shine* or ‘to dwell*. More-
over, in the present context as also elsewhere where it is read y/vivas
does not seem to have either of these two meanings. On the other hand,
the meaning ‘to address’, ‘speak to’ or ‘invoke’, as adopted in our trans-
lation and may be said to be in essential agreement with Nighantu’s
suggestion, fits in every where. Our meaning assumes that this verb
is a basic reduplication of y/*vas ‘to say’ or ‘to praise’, being a phonetic
variant (and not a wrong substitute as Monier- Williams thought), of
y/vas which Dhatupafha (IV, 571) has read in that sense, both being
ultimately connected with the familiar y/bhas in the same sensed.
1. Compare, R. V. 1, 129, 6 ; 152, 2 ; II, 23, 8 ; III, 41, 6 ; IV, 5, 12 ;
V, 53, 14 ; VI, 61, 3 ; 72, 1 ; VII, 31, 5 ; VIII, 70, 10 ; 78, 6 etc.
2. O. L A. ghanfa — ‘a bell’ is derived from y/ghanf ‘sound*
{Dhatupatha X, 236). Likewise, 0,1. A, y/*ghan ‘sound* would be
suggested by gf/iawa(a)— 'a bell*, ‘a musical instrument’ (see Amaral. 4)
and Panj. ghandi^ ‘throat’. Similarly, it is implied, O. L A. ghana —
*^the Vulgar’ should point to its source, namely y/^ghan ‘to revile’.
3. Its meaning abhyasa ‘repetition’ (as read in DhatupStha I, 954)]
looks like a phonetic development from *abhubhaqa — ‘repeated reading*.
4. Detailed discussion of the reduplicative process of this verb and
the determination of its suggested meaning in reference to its occur-
rences in a fairly large number of Vedic texts might form the subject
of a separate treatment elsewhere.
THE TRCA RE-INTERPRETED 31
Verse 9
H I
A man would fear him, indeed,
who, lucki'st though, is vile-worded;
For, none would like being foully ‘ddressed.
a, b The poet now proceeds to conclude the determined declaration,,
made by him in the preceeding verse, that he must not associate with
those of blasphemous speech. For this purpose, he makes use, in a way,
of what will be called a General Proposition, known to dialectics as
samanya-iastra — and to rhetorics as the arthantaranyasa “Figure of
Speech. Thus, he affirms that any sensible person would follow a course
of action similar to the one which ‘he has set to himself in v. 8. For,
argues he in his mind, if for the sake of filthy lucre, with which, at the
most, a blasphemer, provided he happened to be a wealthy person, could
help him to some extent, some one did not mind clinging to him, he
must not forget, that while he might be getting some money, he would
surely be losing his soul itself by continuously listening to or being
addressed with foul language.
Caiural} ‘four’ refets to the particular throw of dice known as
Kzta^, in which all the four dice used in the game should fall obversely.
Or, possibly, it refers to the same throw in another form of the game,
played with a much bigger number of dice, when dice thrown should
come out to be divisible by four. This all-obverse^ or quadri-multiple
throw indicated the best luck to the thrower2.
Dadamona— 'holding* is from non-Paninian ^/dad ‘to hold*, being a
phonetic variant of ydadh ‘to hold* (Dhatupatha 1, 8). R. V. IV, 26, 6^
in ref erring to the divine hawk (syena — ) as holding (dadamana — )
Soma (amJu — ), also, uses the same ydad *to hold*.
The ‘holding* in our verse, however, has the sense of ‘possession* or
‘control* and, hence, ‘a titlevto what this possession or control is bound
to lead to, namely, wealth etc. as conveyed by the term ‘good fortune*.
1. Compare the NIA. idioms *stdha pdrana* and ‘w/ta parana*
which, literally, mean ‘to fall obversely* and ‘to fall reversely* but convey
the sense of ‘being favourable* and ‘being unfavourable*, respectively.
Apparently, these idioms sprang from the meanings attached to the
obverse and reverse casts, respectively, of dice.
2. Campare, Dhatupatha III, 10 which refers to the use of V^ha
‘to hold* in the sense of ^da ‘to give* as well, indicating this phonetic
variation in the opposite direction, i, e. d>dh. Also, compare Yaska.
[(II, 2) **dando dadater dharayati karmana]} etcJ*
32 ' 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Catural} dadamana^, in the present context as already discussed,
means 'one who has on him a perfect smile of good fortune'. This
derivative idiomatic expression seems to owe its origin to the game of
dice, but the game as such, however, does not appear to be directly
referred to here in any way.*
nidhatu — 'reviler', ‘blasphemer* — tos (ablative sing,) seems to be
the pivotal word in the present verse because around it revolves the
conclusion, in general terms, of the topic commenced in v. 7 and brought
to a head in v. 8, namely, that the best way to please the Gods with
hymns in their honour would be to sing the same in chorus, untainted
by the association with it of the blasphemous. Thus taken, it is derived
from y/*nidh ‘to revile* which, barring the familiar phonetic or, may be,
merely manneristic variation d <dh, is identical with ^nid
(Dhatupatha 1.896), and y/nind (Ibid, 66) and \/ned (Ibid, 897) ‘to
revile*. Under the Pacinian morphological plan, this word is formed, iA
the sense of ‘agent with the suffix-a^w with the indicatories (anubandha-^)
k and n or p to explain its low-graded and initial radical accent. In this
way, it becomes an extended cognate synonym of wirf— ‘re viler*, the
object of so much contempt in R. There is another way, less probable
though, of arriving at the same meaning of this word by taking it as a
' Bahurvrihi compound of ni ‘base* or ‘foul* and (y/*dha ‘speak* >)
*dhatu — ‘speech*.^
The latter derivation will be agreeable to Padapatha which treats
the word as a compound, it is difficult to say, with what second member
— our postulate^ or the ablative infinitive dhatos, as taken by almost
‘everyone else who has dealt with the present text.
The enclitic cit is taken here as a ‘particle of comparison’
{upama — ) in Nighamu (III, 13), but the above contextual construction
1. Compare Krta >Krtin — ‘lucky* or ‘fortunate, (see, Apte)
which in its actual use has lost all direct reference to the Krta throw of
dice.
2. See F. N. 2 to p. 11 above.
3. For indications of the postulate -y/^dha ‘speak*, compare its
familiar use in both senses of abhi-dhana — ^ namely. , saying’ and ’name*
and vi-dhana — and vi-dhi — ‘statement* of something as binding*.
Dhena— ‘speech* (see Nigha^itu I, 11) is also derived from this radical
through the change dha>dht (Compare Yaska VI, 17 ), The grammati-
cal term dhdtu — also, seems to have come into vogue from its original
sense of ‘verb* or ‘description’, each separate dfeafw— . surrounded by
the varied morphological elements, having severally stood as the primary
descriptive or predicative nucleus to denote a diflFerent object or situation.
4. Our second derivation bases itself on Bahuvrihi compound and
not on the prepositional compound mVdA3+the suffix tu (n) in the
sense of ‘agent*, because, in that case, the word should have borne accent
on the radical syllable dha and not, as we have it, on the prepositional
member ni (compare P§pini VI, 2, 50).
THE TJJCA RE-INTERPRETED
33
shows that it should rather be taken as an adverbial or conjunctive
particle in the sense of a/>i ‘even though', ‘although' or ‘notwithstand-
ing that'i.
a in Pada 6 is a particle of emphasis and surety (avadharana — )
as Yaska has correctly taken it (1X1,16) in paraphrasing it with eva
and, accordingly, it is not an ablative-bound adnominal preposition as all
others have apparently taken it.. Indeed, the metric defect in Pada b
suggests the surmise that this a might rather^ be a phonetic transfor-
mation of the emphatic particle aha (through aa)2.
The view that the phrase caturah dadamana — meant ‘a gambler'^
(kitava — ) which might have been implicit in Nighaptu (111,13) was
first stated, explicitly, by Yaska (III, 16), It has since been accepted,
mqre or less, by almost all later writers who have treated the present
verse in any connection^. But a gambler ‘throws' and does not ‘hold'
the dice. He, however, can ‘hold' what the dice might have favoured
him with. So the phrase refers rather to the situation of the dice hav-
ing already not only been cast but won too. As already indicated above,
it only figuratively speaks of an affluent person as ‘one who had scored
Fours (krta — )^. Such a person would not ordinarily merit being
avoided or shunned by those around him unless he had misbehaved.
Yaska knew that the context contained a forceful ban on association
]. Compare, for similar and other uses of this particle, Yaska I, 4
**acaryaicit etc." Also, see Oldenberg's footnote to p. 43 of his R. V. —
Notes.
2. Rajawade (Nirukta, Vol.,1, p. 495) has come forward to remedy
the metric defect by reading nidha-patejt in place of nidhatol}, giving
the unwarring sense of ‘wealth' to nidhd — which itself has not the least
bearing on the context.
3. See, however, Rajawade (Nirukta, Vol. I. p. 496) for the view
that caturah dadamana — might mean ‘one who gives away the four
oceans of wealth' (compare, R. V. IX, 33, 6). Benfey, Ludwing and
Bergaigne (La Religion v^dique, HI, 158), also, did not favour the
phrase being taken in the sense of ‘a gambler' (see their surmises referr-
ed to by Griffith).
4. Compare Yaska's paraphrase dharavatah — Keith and Olden-
berg saw this hurdle in the way of this interpretation and attempted
to overcome it in their own way, the former by taking y/ dad to mean
‘attempting to throw' (see, JRAS., 1908, p 826, fn. 1) and the latter by
reading here a reference to somebody else who ‘holds' the dice for
throwing them on behalf of a gambler (see, R. V. Notes). But the
difficulty seems to have persisted because neither the one thought of any
need of explaining how y/dad could be made to yield the sense of
^attempting to throw' nor the other bothered to see what indication there
was, if any, of there having existed *a holder of dice' as distinct from
‘a player of dice'. Moreover, it is to be pointed out that neither Yaska's
‘dicer' nor Oldenberg's imagined ‘dice-holder' could be properly descri-
bed as ‘holding the fours' till it had been determined after the actual
throw that it was fhfiat which was known as X’rfa— in which the number
34
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
ivith a blasphemous person as is evident from his paraphrase of
pada b (evam eva duruktad bibhyaty.
Therefore, probably, taking his cue from R. V. X, 34, 13 (aksair ma
dwyal}) and other like lexis which speak ill of dicing, he thought that ‘a
gambler’ (kitava — ) would hQ a suitable meaning lor catur ah daaamdna —
in the present context, obviously, overlooking that ‘a gambler' {kitava^)
as such could pot always be, as has been shown above, a ‘holder of
Fours’ in the real sense of the phrase. But impelled by the force of
the Nighaptu tradition that cit here was particle of comparison, he was
‘four’ was supreme. Thus out of the two parties to the game, that
alone could be said to be ‘holding the Fours’ whom the dice had
favoured with that enviable position (compare, R. V. X, 34, 6 where
this favour on their part is expressly stated in terms strikingly parallel
to those of the present passage, 5 y/dha *to grant’ as said of the
dice being most appropriately represented by y/dad ‘to have’ as said
here in relation to one whom they had favoured by falling Kpa — wise,
that is to say quadruply). It may be added here that Geldner’s
reference (see his“R. V. Tians., fn. to I, 51, 9) to A. V. VII. 50,2 (antar*
hast am Kxtam mama'), also, does not support the view that catural}
dadomana — could be said of a gambler when he has not yet actually
scored the kxia — throw. For, read in its context, the text referred
to is to be headed by the verb samaitu and construed as a prayer “May
kxta come w^ell within my grip”, evidently, envisaging the situation
following and not preceding the kxta throw (Compare, for support of
this construction, verses 8 and 9 of A. V. VII, 50 itself which, refer to
kf/a as the most cherished result of dicing which, obviously, must be
distinct from the action of mere ‘holding’ of dice in the hand before
their actual throw. The verb d y/dhd in v, 8 when read with the same
verb used in R. V. X, 34, 6 as already cited would mean ‘to grant’ or ‘to
favour with’ and not, merely, ‘to put' or ‘to place’).
1. Apparently, he has used the word durukta — in Pada b as an
adjectival noun, meaning ‘one of foul speech’ and, probably, understood
durukta — read in pada c, also, like that (compare, R. V. VIII, 2, 18
where svapna — , an agent noun, is, likewise, objectively related to
yfspxh^ioWke^). As such durukta — will be taken as a Tatpurusa
compound with its second member formed in the sense of ‘agent’ arid
carrying its accent intact (Compare, Panini VI, 2, 139; 144). But
Skanda and Durga have taken durukta — as an action — noun which,
however, is to their disadvantage, for, proper comparison, if wanted,
could be between ‘a gambler’ on the one side, and ‘a reviler’ and not
‘the action of reviling’ on the other. Also, these writers as well as the
Western scholars who have followed them have construed y/spxh ‘to
desire’ in the sense ‘to desire to speak’ which is unwarranted, because
this verb refers, objectively to a person or thing that the speaker is
anxious to have or appropriate obviously, from outside himself and not
from within himself. Our translation, which does not institute any kind
of comparison, will construe equally well with durukta — ^being taken in
either way, but it has taken it as an action-noun on the basis of its use
as such in R. V. 1, 147, 4 which offers a parallel contextual setting.
THE Tl^Cii RE-INTERPRETED
in no mood to wait and see if some other meaning of this parlicie might
the better connect Padas a and b to each other and give that force to
their meaning which the context so much needed. It is, however, passing
strange but rather unfortunate that what amounted to Yaska’s miracu-
lous contribution to the interpretation of the present verse has remained
unnoticed and, therefore, unused so far. For, as haS been remarked
above, [evam] eva duruktad bibh %yat is, really his paraphrase of pada b and
has not been added from outside the text for the purpose of just forestall-
ing what would actually be the content of Pada c. The sentence-struc-
ture demands ihat if Pada o contained, as Yaska believed that it did,
the mention of the object of comparison (upamana — ), namely, a dicer
{kitava — ), Pada 6 must complete the simile by mentioning ‘the object
to be compared' (upameya — ), namely, a blasphemer {durukta — ).
Yaska's heading his paraphrase of Pada b, and not Pada c, with evam
*so' conclusively indicates that he completed his simile by taking, we
might say, Pada a as its ‘as-wing’ and Pada b as its ‘so-wing* and em-
phasised the same thing over again, in general terms, in Pada c. In
fact, if he had intended to take nidhatoh as an ablative infinitive or
ablative of a verbal noun from 'ni y/dha, as Skanda and Durga who
have commented on his work and Vehkata Madhava, Saya^ia and all
other writers who have commented on this verse have, done, so to say
with one voice, he too, like them must have construed 5 as an adnomi-
nal preposition governing the following ablative form and not paraphra-
sed it, as he has done, with eva, thus making it *a particle of emphasis'.
Also, in that case, he could not but have given, as Skanda and others
have done, a separate paraphrase of nxdhatos. It is possible that
Yaska's Vedic text read nidatos and not nidhdtos and that, therefore,
he considered the derivation of the base *niddtu — from y/nid ‘to abuse'
to be too evident tf) need any further treatment than the supply of its
paraphrase durukta. This would mean that the reading of unfamiliar
dh in place of familiar d in this word might have misled Skand and
other later writers into wrongly connecting it with ni y/dha ‘to bind' or
‘to deposit' which, really does not fit in with the interpretation proposed
by themselves^.
1. Only Katyayana-^rauta-Sutra XV, 17, 18 in the entire range of
Vedic literature employs ni y/dha in connection with dice which are
mentioned there as having to be placed, on behalf of a King, by some
one else appointed for this purpose, in a particular position. Evidently,
this could not mean ‘throwing' of dice as practised in the regular game.
While the Vedic meaning of niy/dha is characterised by ‘fixity of
position' or ‘security' (compare, R. V. I, 163, vS etc. for use in this sense
of its verbal forms and derivatives like nid ha — and mahana — ),lhe
‘throwing' of dice, to the contrary, is mentioned as marked by their
‘bumping' reaction which seems to be expressed, in a consolidated
manner, by ni y/vap which, radically, may be a cognate of y/bximp ‘to
jolt' (compare, R. V. X, 27, 17 ; 34, 1 ; 5 ; 9). To conclude, a regular
throw of dice, the meaning which Skanda and others wanted ni y/dha
to express in the present passage, was not known to Vedic idiom. Its
apparent equation with mW/tanu — in the sense of ‘end' or ‘death' (see^
Monier-Williams) need not be taken seriously.
II— Iranian Section.
(4) Interpretation of some Avestan and Pahlavi Words
AND Passages.
by
Ervad Maneck Fardunji Kanga.
In this paper I have selected the following words and passages from
Avesta and Pahlavi texts which have not been properly explained by
scholars in the field of Iranian Studies. As it is difficult to reproduce
the orthographical peculiarities of Pahlavi words in transcription, I
have taken recourse to the system followed by Prof. Ch. Bartholomae
in Altiranisches Wdrterbuch, “the indispensable instrument of all our
studies." The words and passages uhder discussion are : —
I. Patacanbyd — CItak Handarz i PSryStkesan. 31 (Pahlavi
Texts I. p. 45.)
II. Apar Xem ut Xrat i FarroXMnart, Sec. 20-21 (Pahlavi
Text II p.,166).
III. (a) a-S (Pahl. Vend. I. 1 ; II 21 ; III 14) ;
(b) Av. ubjyaite (Pahl. Vend. VII 52. commentary).
(c) X^azarak or huzarak (Pahl. Vend. XIII. 45.)
(d) Unan (Pahl. Vend. XVII. 2.)
I. The Av. word patacanbyb occurs in the Pahlavi Text^ £itak
Handarzi P5ry3tke§an, 31 by way of a quotation from some Avestan
passage which is now lost to us. Mss J and K 29 give the reading
patacanbyS and Mss U 2 ^and P show reading paticanbyS. Bartholomae
cites from the Ganji Sahlkan a word in Av. script which he takes as
dat. pi. of path £ant: — “Which man is paticanbyO? Who after his
father “3 Ikamb i matar Savet. N.P. pas uftad,” which can hardly
mean anything but “posthumous2’’. Freiman reads the word
paiticanbyS and derives it from vfiand— .Candenitan, bal-candag, ta
move, tq shake and leaves the word untranslated by remarking that the
word is doubtful*. Nyberg reads the word pata - £anby3 without
offering any etymology and meaning^. Dastur Peshotanji Sanjana reads
1. Pahlavi Texts ed. by Jamasp Asana I. p. 45 1. 16.
2. Z Air Wb. 179*
3. Pand NSmaki ZartdSt. W.Z.K.M. 20. p. 262.
4. Hilfsbuch des Pehlevi und Glossar by Nyberg. S. V.
U — IRANIAN SECTION
37
paiticanbyO like Freiman but offers no explanation of the word in the
translation and the glossary of select terms*. Mr. J. C. Tarapore
translates the word under discussion by ‘^doomed" without giving any
etymology and remarks that this word cannot be etymologically under-
stood*. I myself have left this word unexplained when I published
this work ‘£itak Handaszi P5ry6tkeSan in 1944^. Prof. Herzfeld has
made an attempt to explain this difficult word. He says : “The explana-
tion is based on the phonetic similarity of C. Ir. £amb— and M. Ir.
$kanb-, and the inverse correspondence of O. Ir. §k: M. Ir. £; It is
written with the 2, which takes the place of Z-without exception — in
M. P. fracant<frazanti, “progeny”, e. g., inscr. Fiiruzabad, 1. 5:
mtrnrshy v§ frcndyn” Mihrnarseh and his progeny,” also in the Pahl.
Psalter paticant-seems to be M.P. patizant, comparable to frazanti
and api. Zan Oa*”. But he has not arrived at any meaning whatever.
I derive the word thus: pata-(pata, pta, patar Pahl. pet® ) = father
-t-2an (cf. skr. Pahl. Samis, camiSn) meaning, testicles -f-)
byS abl. pi. suffix and I translate “from the testicles of the father.”
If we follow the variant reading pati - Sanbyd, it would then mean
'from the testicles of the master or husband.' Av. pati-skr. pati-means
“master, husband, lord”. This meaning suits the context very well. In
order to justify this meaning of the word I give the transcription and
translation of the passages in which this word is quoted :
£e martSm patacanbyo ka hac p3§t i pitar 5 §kamb i matar Savet,
a8ak-a§ Astvidat mendkiha band-e andar 5 griv apakanet, tak zlvandak
drahnaS in band ne pat mendk i veh ut ne pat mendk i vattar hac grlv
be-kartan ne tuvan, be pat an i X^eS hu-kuniSnIh <i> an i ahrS p pas
hac be vitIriSnih an band hac griv be dftet, ut in i druvand pat an i
ham-band 5 dSzax* niyet'®.
5. Ganji Sahlkin p. 141 ; p. 14.
6. Pahlavi Andarz Nimak by Mr. J. C. Tarapore p. 7 and p. 59.
7. 2itak Handarzi Pdrydtkelan tr. into English with notes by
Ervad M. F. Kanga*p. 10. f. n. 19.
8. Herzfeld, Zoroaster and His World. Ch. XXIV. p. 359 f. n.
9. Horn, Neupersischen Etymologie. 286. p. 64. Bartholomae
(Air WB. 905-06, note 1 ) has noted that Geldner has adopted the reading
patar throughout even though good mss. have pitar.
10. Pahlavi Texts ed. by Jamasp Asana p. 45. Sec. 31-32.
38
16th ALL-INDIA ORIKNTAi. CONFERENCE
Further!*, when the s^minal-fluid^^ <from the testicles of the
father> goes from the spinal-chord of the father to the womb of the
mother, Ast-vidati! casts a noose invisibly into the neck; one cannot
remove that noose from the neck till the end** of his life, neither
through the good spirit nor through the evil spirit, but that noose falls
off from the neck of the righteous after the passing-away, on account of
his good deeds, whereas (Ast-vidal) drags the wicked to the wicked-
existence by means of the same noose*®.
II— .4 par Xem ut Xrati Farrox -mart. Sec, 20-21 :
I have selected Sec. 20 and 21 only from the Middle Persian Text
*apar Xem ut X rat i Farrox^-mart:’ for discussion at this conference.
I give below my transcription and translation of these two sections and
discuss some important words, which have been misunderstood upto
now. Prof. Pagliaro in his monograph on” Note di Lessicografia
11. The word £e, which introduces the sentence, means ‘further,
well, moreover”; cf. Sayist Ne Sayist by Tavadia p. 28 f. n. 8 and
p. 159 S. V. and Indo-Iranian studies by Tavadia p. 93.
12. I have translated the word martSm as ‘seed of the man’ i. e.,
seminal fluid, in its literal sense and not in its ordinary sense of “man”
as hitherto translated by Freimann, Nyberg, Bartholomae etc. It is
■derived from mart-l-t0m<t5hm, Av. taoxman, O.P. taumS, Paz. Oum,
Seed, sperm, origin; cf. Andreas-Barr, BruchstUcke einer Pehlevi
Ubersetzung der Psalmen p. 62.
13. Av. astS-vidatu—Iit. bone-breaker, divider of the body, is the
daeva of destruction, from V^a-with vi-pref, to destroy ; see my citak
Handarzi PSryOtheSan. p. 10. f. n. 20.
14. Lit. length ; see Horn, N. p. Ety. 121; Salcmann, G. Ir. Ph. I.
278 and Manichaeische Studien 155; Barth. Air Wb. 774 and Tavadia-
Siyist ne SSyist. p. 7.
15. Compare Vendidad XIX. 29s vizar§ div nam,....r5j8an bast
nayenet druvandan i dev-yasnan i ah5k-zivi§nan martOman [hat, har
kas-e pat band-e andar gartan Sftet; ka be miret, ka ahrSjS, hac
gartan be Oftet, ka druvand, a-§ pat an ham-band be 5 dOzax^
ahanjend]. Cf. Pahlavi Vendidad by B. T. Anklesaria p. 383 1. 5-9
where he wrongly reads vadinet for ntyenet ; ahu-zlvisnln (=“living
immortal lives) for ihOk-zIviSnan ; as for t-§ and hanchend for
.ahanjend respectively, see Freiman, Pand Nlmaki Zartait. p. 263
X n. 1.
II — JKANIAN SECTION
39
Pahlavica**” has treated of a part of Sec. 20, whilst discussing the PahL
word viyipan kartan^^, but I differed from this learned authority
entirely. Prof. Pagliaro transcribes and translates Sec. 20 in tfac
following strain : “Martom- ec i kdr viyapan ke pat bun i kar start ut
vat-xrat u5 har gah pat frahang i getlhSn pat pe§ + startak har rOc
Kamar be aparazand u afrank zanand andar bun darvar gurg darand
<<un uomo cieco e distratto che sul piano deli’azione i confuso
edi cattivo discernimento e sempre nel sapere pratico & a* priori
confuso (di quei tipi che) ogni giorno riattano la volta e rompono le
decorazioni e sul pavimento di tegno tengono ill fornello... >>.
I beg to give my transcription and translation of these passages;
(20) Martom-ic i k5r niyazan, ke pat bun i k§r start vitart hac-is, har
gas pat frahang vistax^ pat pes stutak, har rQc kamar be ajSrazend, ut
ajSrang dzanand andar bun, salvar ; dSren darend, mScak tang i pastak,
i saxtak, sahik kamar nikirend, ut sinak stajSar manendku-man nest
kas handazak. (21) K6r paseman an r5c bavend i ka patdat i X^eS
hacaSartar savend, ke X'^astak X'^art i petar kart ut handdxt, i
dutakan yaft, X'^ap but sut;ke pilak i kUak nikirend sarak a-nam; ketak
X6§kpa8ak i kandak; ke andar man ut mahn nikirend; ciscis du<an>’
1 gart andar Xumbra i X5sk i tuhik venend ; ke andar bun mandak,
duzafrik <ut> nam i skastak; ka frac 6 nisast ut hanjaman raset,
api-san zang a-z5r ut skastak hac vltartih i X^es tarsend; nest
a^zarih i pesak^ a^zar pat denar ne viset ne pat vaxs ut ne pat razak.
Translation: (20) Also the blind and needy men are those who in
the beginning of the work (are) stupefied and turned away from it;
everytime they are proud of their knowledge and praised beforehand;
everyday they raise up the waists and humiliate at the outset; they put
on pairs of trousers and narrow shoes of Morocco leather and watch
their stiff resplendent waists and keep chests stiff (thinking) that there
is nobody like us, (21 ) The blind become repentent that day when
they go most downwards by their own laws, who devoured, enjoyed
and squandered the wealth, which (their) fathers made and accumulated
and which was acquired by the members of the family ; who peep
into the bottom of the purse for a small coin and (find) no trace
(of it), the sections of which (are like) the dry bottom of a moat ;
who survey to see various things in the houses and mansions but
find dust in empty dry utensils ; who at the outset are repentent, cursed
and ignominious ; when they come to the assembly and occupy seats
in the front, their legs are powerless and broken and they entertain
fright on account of their distracted nature; they have no skill of
(any) profession and they profess skill neither in ‘Denars* nor in their
i nterest nor in (their) architect.
16. Estratto della “Rivista Degli Studi Orientali. Vol. XIX. 1941.
289 ff .
17. Ibid pp. 289-292.
Wth all-jndja oriental conference
Notes.
Niyasan: The needy, solicitous, necessitous, derived from Av. ySs with
ni-pref; Skr + Pagliaro reads it viyapan and
translates ''distratto^'-distracted. The word viyapan, Av.
vi-apa, vivapa means desert, wilderness, barren waste. See
my Pahlavi yaSts p. 101.
jKitSrl > Past-part of inf vitar tan, caus. of vitartan, to cause to pass,
proceed, to move away, to cross, Av. vi+tar-. meaning
turned-away (from it); Pagliaro reads u vat-Xrat and
translates “di cattivo discernimento'' of wicked judgment
and reads the following word hac-i§ as u-§.
Vistax^: The Editor of the text rightly suggests the reading in the f. n.
vistaxv, meaning, proud; cf N. Pers Gustax, Armen, vstah
‘confident' in which viSt could be compared with Budh.
Sogdian “Wystk" “agitation," Benveniste, Notes iii 229.
p. 70. Pagliaro reads the word getihian and translates
“worldly, pertaining to thrs world."
Siutah: Praised, glorified honoured, eulogizeds, from inf. stutan, Av.
stav-;cf. stay i tan; Pagliaro reads startak with a sign-fand
translates “confuso," i,e., confused, confounded.
So/vof: Salvilr, trousers; c.f. Messina, AyatkSri Zamasplk, Ch. 12.12:
“uSan zan§n pa §alvar vastart hend u marziSn vas kunend.
Messina translates it in Italian “calzoni", meaning, pyjamas,
trousers. Pagliaro reads it “darvar, “pavimento di legno."
Dd-ren: Lit. means ‘two-fold% made up of do, tvvo-f-reu, suffix for
multiplicatives (G. Ir. Ph. I. 1.290) which Nery5sang
translates by skr* “gunam", fold ; c. f . Unwala, H3m yaSt
p. 73 f. n. to para 16 (45) ; cf. yasna XI-9 where Av. uye
is translated d5-ren and Pahl. Vend. V-28: d5-ven.
Darmesteter (Et. Ir. pp. 150-151) says that the Persian
suffix in is added to the ordinal numeral, but in Pahlavi this
suffix is added to the cardinal and adds further that the
letter r which precedes in is wrongly written for letter v.
Salemann (Mid. Pers. Gram. p. 65) remarks that the suffix
ren is doubtful as regards its origin and use. Pagliaro
reads the word “gurg" and translates “tengono" “Ittpo"
meaning ‘^wolf".
Sahfk : Pers. Sahi “resplendent, showy" misunderstood and mis-
applied as “erect" in Persian, vide Henning's monograph on
“Two Manichaen Magical Texts p. 47 ; BSOAS. 1947.
Vol. XII, part I. cf. Handarz i OSnar Danak by Dhabhar
p. 10: ut ce harvisp-akSsih ut harvisp-datSrih ut
harvisp-daniSnih i X^eS ciS-e en sahtkiar arz5mandtar
ut sut5mandtar....dat.=for He on account of His own
omniscience and all-creatorship and all-knowledge created
this thing which is more resplendent, more precious and
more advantageous. Here Dhabhar translates 'sahTktiar’
II— IRANIAN SECTION
41
by “more straight", which is not appropriate in the context. . See
Dhabhar, Pahlavi Rivayet accompanying Datistan'DenIk p. 91 :
ahrSSthetOn sahtk ut vazurg ut arzOmand ^ righteousness is 'so res-
plendent, grand and precious. In the footn te Dhabhar gives the
meaning of ’Sahlk* as “straight,” which does not suit the context. Stig
Wickander, in his “Der Arische MSnnerbund pp. 16-17, has transcribed
and translated the whole passage commencing from ahraSih etdn sahik
There he reads the word ‘sahik' with a question mark and translates
“erhaben” ( ? ), which is not correct.
Mandak or mantk: repentent, faulty, defective, from inf mandan,
to repent, see Horn, Neupersischen Etymologie. 9b6, p. 215.
This word occurs in Pahlavi Texts II. p. 148; KSrnamak;
ArtaxSer-i-Papakan (Antia, Ch. 11.26; Sanjana Ch. I, 43;
Anklesaria Ch. II. 26 > and Nirangistan (Anatol Waag p. 84;
Bulsara p. 394).
(fl) Pahlavi Texts II p. 148: mandak 5 ratan gar2ltan=to
repent of sins or faults to the spiritual-leaders.
(b) Karnamak: ut nun-ic b6zi§n g5j8, pat petik mandak hangir
=and now give the explanation; regard it as the fault of
(your) father.
(c) Nirangistan; ku har, ke andar yaziSu frOt mandaylh kunet
aS patfras garzet=*‘i.e., any who might allow defect in
the Holy Thanksgiving Service shall confess that to him
and shall implore him to be prescribed the retribution
(therefor)” (Bulsara.)
Waag (ibid. p. 126) compares the word with NP. manda and
translates “auslassung” and quotes in support of it Bartholomae’s
discussion of the phrase manday garzitan “eine Auslassung, eine Unter-
lassung begehen” (Zur Kenntnis der mitteliranischen Mundarten
Z 32. 1.40 ft.)
Here the meaning 'repentent' defective (of character) suits the
conteitt well. Probably the word is an abbreviated form of paSeman,
derived from paiti-manah= having a repentent mind. Horn (NP. Ety.
p. 69) derives it from O.P. patiS-mana (Skr. prati-man) to requite, to
pay. cf Hubschmann-Persische Studien. p. 40. 312.
DUsafrik: Cursed, from duz, Av. du5-, OP. du§-Arm LW. dz
(Horn, NP Ety 565 p. 126) d-afrlk from afritan, to bless;
hence the word means “cursed.”
Viset: He opens, inf. viSatan, to open, to conquer (Frahang;
Pahlavik by Junker p. 83) ; See Salemann, Mid Pers. Gram,
p. 130.
42 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Razak: Architect, making, Manich. Mid. Pers. r^zj cf viXitakIha-
i-Zatsparam 29. 2 : r5z-i-ker6k ke katak deset, i.e., a skilful
builder who builds a house; rSz i kerdk= skilled architect.
(Bailey, Zoroastrian Problems in the IX Century Books p. 84
and 94.; See BSOS IX. 8.7). This word is wrongly trans-
lated by “bribe” and is compared with Pers. taz. This Pers.
word means deceit, deceptive attitude and the meaning 'bribe'
hitherto assigned by some scholars is not appropriate.
Pastak i Saxtak : ”of morocco leather”; cf. Pahl. text draxt i
Asurik, 35 mdzak hem saxtag; see Prof. Henning's paper on
“A Pahlavi Poem” p. 644 f.n. 4, reprinted from the BSAOS,
XIII. 3. 1950.
III. I have selected only four words for the purpose of discussion
in this Conference from Pahlavi Vendidad by B. T. Anklesaria, who has
failed to transcribe and translate them. These are —
(a) a-s (Pahl. Vend. I.l ; 11.21; III. 14) : Mr. Anklesaria reads it
a-s and omits translating the sentence in Frakart H®. I read it a-S, a
meaning *then', frequent in Pahlavi as correlative <* ad, Y Av. aat*^.
It is regularly followed by an enclitic pronoun, a-§, a- -man, a-san, or
-c,-ci, a-c, a-ci, 'then also’; for examples see Bartholomae-Zum
Sasanidischen Recht Part III. p. 23-^24; Part V-8, 25, 38; Zur Kenntnis
der mitteliranischen Mundarten I. 8 ; IV 14.
Vend,I&l Com,: en ku martdm an gyak ku 5 zadet, yi-§ 5
parvarend, a-s veh sahet, ku nevaktar<ut>asantar ; eman dat=this is
that place where man is born and whereon he is nourished, then he
feels it best, i.e., most excellent and comfortable ; this I created.
Vend. II 21 : Yim an i Ohrmazd guft asnut, ka-§ apayist dlfan,
a-S dit=Jamshed listened to what Ohrmazd has proclaimed; when he
ought to see, he saw it.
Vend. Ill 14: Kareman etdn kunet yi-s pat gdmez apayet §Cstan,
a-S X^ar 5 bun.=:When one makes (the body) so polluted that it is
necessary to wash by means of bull’s urine, then (there accrues) to the
stock one X^ar^o sin.
(b) Ubjyaite: The word occurs in Pahl. Vend. VII. 52 commentary,
Prof. Darmesteter remarks: “Sec. 53-54 (of the Avesta Vendidad)
belong to the Pahl. commentary ; they are composed of disconnected
18. Pahlavi Vendidad. p. 1.
19. Bartholomae, Zum Sasanidischen Rechtbuch. IV. 46,
20. A degree of sin; cf, SSyist Ne Siyist by Tavadia p. 13, §16*
II— IRANIAN SECTION
43
quotations, part of which refers to different deeds by which a Tanafuhr
sin may be redeemed, while the other part refers to the rules of what
may be called tho book-keeping of good actions and sins^*/' The sen-
tence ‘yat he avat pourum ubjyaite' is quoted by the commentator in the
commentary from some Avestan nask which is now lost to us Dastur
Darab Sanjana and Dastur Hdshang Jamasp Asana give the reading of
the word ubjyaite without any variants^^. It is strange that Mr, B. T.
Anklesaria gives the reading “Uba Jyaite*' and he translates the quota-
tion thus : ‘‘When both his may go (even) so much23/» His translation
is quite vague %nd unintelligible. Ervad Kavasji Kanga takes it pres,
sub j. 3/1 atm. from V to press down, to destroy24. Bartholomae
derives the word from V weights and compares it with Skr.
This meaning of Bartholomae suits the context better4 The
quotation runs as under : GdguSnasp guft : e pat sitds evat pat dit be-
Stvet: Yat he aval paourum ubjyaite. =G5gusnasp said: know that at
the time of SitOS^? one will go for the other: his (good deed) out-
weighs28 so much. It maybe noted that Mr. Anklesaria has kept the
word “tan!" in his Paz. transcription. The word tani Is not a Paz. word
and it is the ideogram of Ir. dit. see Junker, Frahang i Pahlavik p. 118.
See Pahlavi Vendidad p. 128 1. 7 andl. 14 words “vad” and “askah&net*'
are kept in his Paz. transcription. These two words are ideograms and
their Iranian forms are ‘tak‘ and ‘vindeP respectively.
21. Sacred Books of the East Vol. IV. Second Edition, 1895.
p. 89 f.n. 3. Darmesteter has left untranslated these quotations, which
form paras 53 and 5+ in Westergaard's Edition of the Vendidad.
Ervad Antia has followed Westergaard cf. Vendidad Text p. 74,
22. Pahlavi Vendidad by Sanjana p. 126 I. 18 and by Jamasp
Asana p. 278 1. 7.
23. Pahlavi Vendidad by Anklesaria p, 175.
24. Avesta Dictionary p. 101. 25. Birth. Air Wb. 605. 25*
Grassman Wb. 259-60;
27. i.^. at the dawn of the fourth day; for details, see Tavadia^
SNS. lOH.
28. Darmesteter |'(S B E Vol, IV p. 270) translates the sentence
thus :
“Gogfishnasp says: during the sitOsh, sin and merit are compared."'
Yjad he avad paourum ubgyaite— “if it outweighs so much . .
“If sins outweigh the merits by three Srfishd-karanSm, [he shall
stay] in hell till the day of resurrection." Compare Artik Viraf Namak
VtML
44
16th ALL'INOIA OaiJNTAL CONFERENCE
(c) huzarak: Pahl. Vend. XIII 45:
Mr. Anklesaria reads this word "hu-chihara" and “hvSz§r” respec*
lively and translates "good cheerfulness” and “forbearing". The
correct reading and meanings of this word have been pointed out by
Prof. Bailey in the Bulletin of School of Oriental Studies, Vol. IX p. 91,
where a number of references are given. He reads it "X'^azar,.
X’azara” and translates "small, little, few.” Mr. R C. Zachner has
discussed this word fully^s. He reads huz&rak and agrees with Prof.
Bailey’s interpretation. To the references cited by Bailey and Zachner
I add one more from the Pahlavi Text £ltak Handarz i PSryOtkeSan,
54^0. The reading huzarak is now assured by Mid Pers Turfan
hwz’rk, cited by Henning. The sentence runs thus : hu-§n5hr SegOn
SsrOn, ku pat X''azarak apar pat rami§n be §avet= well-satisfied like
the priest, i.e., he is contented with a little^*. From this it will seen that
Mr. Anklesaria’s transcription and translation are far from correct.
(d) Unan (Vend XVII 2): et5n an apar tS§end andar «n3«
[andar sfilik] aivap andar re§i§u (andar drem].
Mr Anklesaria (Pahl. Vend. p. 340) reads “a&n” and leaves it
untranslated in the sentence quoted above. He reads: "aStfin Sn
awartOsend andar-aOn, — (andar sfira), — (ayfip andar) resSt (rSsakan)
—(andar....)” and translates thus: "thus thereby are left over small
pieces of hair in ‘aun ’ — (in crevices), — or (on) the hairs of the beard, —
(on twisted locks of hair).”
The word is to be read unan, meaning ‘rifts, holes’ and this
meaning is further supported by the Pahl. gloss "sutak”, holes. It is
the mere transcription of Av. word unS-sb. fem., meaning “earth-hole”
(Reichelt, Avesta Reader p. 152 and 224 * 2 ) _• Dastur Jamesp Asana
^(Glossarial Index p. 229) reads finS and says "meaning uncertain."
See Pahl yasn 71. 9: unik, Pahlavi translation of Av. word upas ma-adj.
29. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society Jan. 1940 pp. 3S-45.
30. See my Sitak Handarz i PSryStkeSSn. p. 14. : an i enhazSrak
sar, ke denvattarih amar ut mazdyasnih X^’azar ut den ad&tih frahist^..,
Freiman (Pand Namak i ZartOSt. p. 277) read acarak wrongly.
31. Compare Anklesaria’s translation : (he is) well-contented like
the athravan (that is, with good clieerfulness he becomes over joyful).
37. Barth Air Wb. 401 and Z Air Wb. 29.
II — IRANIAN SECTION
45
‘living* the earth, under the ground; and unanend-PahL yasn. 10-15=
they make a rift^^^
I read the drim as drera^^ and compare with Av. Word driway
subs, fern, ‘‘mole, birth mark and derive it from inf darrflan, to tear,
Mr. Anklesaria has shown “ram*' in Pahl. characters and left it untrans^
lated.
I translate the quotation under discussion thus : in this way they
are left over in burrows [in holes] or in the tendrils [in the moles].
33. See Dhabhar. Pahl. yasna and Visparad. Glossary p. 52 and
p. 185 also ibid. Pahlavi Visperad Karda I. f. n. 2. p. 296. See A Waag,
Nirangistan p. 99: “andar 5 un (andar ane suray), ayaj5 andar kaSarce
darmV \ compare Vend. XVII 2; See Bulsara, Nirangistan p. 45S
Ch. IX 1.
(5) The PahlAvi Word for ‘Monster’
by
Dastur Hormazdyar Mirza, Udvada.
1. In B. S. O. A. S. XII pp. 41-43, Dr. W. B. Henning has given
a very illuminating note on the M. P. T. word pSqwc, occurring in a
Manichaean magical text. Quoting evidences from Iranian and foreign
sources, Dr. Henning has come to the conclusion that the word means
‘a griffin or a monster like a griffin’. Dr. Henning has pointed out that
besides M. P. T. the word, in various modified forms, occurs also in
Pahlavi, in the Talmud, in Armenian, and in Georgian.
2. In the Manichaean magical text (Henning, B. S. O. A. S. XII
pp. 39-47), the Spirit of Fever is described as a figure having three
forms and wings like a p§kwc [ : paSkuc ‘griffin’]. But, as Dr. Henning
remarks, the comparison is not clear. Dr. Henning quotes Pahlavi
Rivayat accompanying the DadistSn 1 Denik p. 22.10, where the Pahlavi
word bSkwc occurs. This Phi. passage will be discussed later. In the
Talmud the word occurs as puSqansa ; and it is ‘traditionally explained as
a female raven’. According to Dr. Henning, Armenian paskuc translated
the Greek word for ‘griffin’. Dr. Henning quotes Marr for the statements
that ‘in the Armenian Geography the paskuc hav ‘bird paskuc’ is among
the strange animals of India’ ; and that the word occurs in Middle Arme-
nian as pasguc ; and ‘in an unpublished medieval dictionary it is glossed by
t)one-swallower (Ossigrage)’. In Georgian the word occurs as p‘askunji
with variants ; and it translates the Greek word for ‘griffin’. According
to Marr, quoted by Dr. Henning, ‘in late medieval versions of the Shah-
name p’askunji renders Pers. Simury ; and it is ‘in body like a lion, his
head, beak, wings, and feet are like those of an eagle; he is downy;
some of them are four-legged, some two-legged ; he carries off elephants,
hurts horses ; there is also another kind, which is quite like an eagle,
but very big’. Dr. Henning *notes that Ossetic pakondzi (a loanword
from Georgian) is a winged creature with seven heads’ ; and that in ‘an
Ossetic tale recorded merely in Russian the same beast is called Pas-
kondi’. According to Dr. Henning, Mme. Trever describes the monster
as ‘the winged dog of the Ossetic epic’ ; and recalls ‘a Ukrainian beast
Paskuda’. Dr. Henning recalls also ‘the ordinary Russian appelative
paskuda ‘monstrosity’.
3. On the strength of what has been stated above Dr. Henning
notesfourchief forms of the word: puSqansi, paSkuc (with baSkuc),
THE PAHLAVX WOHD FOR ‘MOKSTER
47
paskuc* and p’askunji. As to these forms of the word, Dr. Henning
remarks ;
‘Armenian and Georgian may have come from Middle Iranian
pasku (n) c/j, but -^sk — is strange. The Aramaic may
have come from Iranian or vice versa ; — ^ — can be — c — »
in either direction. Perhaps an Akkadian word ? *
4. This short paper is intended to suggest a possible etymological
explanation of the word. As shown below, the word occurs twice (in
two forms) in Pahlavi; and from the context in which the word is used
in Phi. it appears that the Pahlavi word means' a monster, a noxious
creature of the Evil Spirit, Ganak Mendk.
5. In Phi. two forms occur :
(1) bSkwc — Pahl. Rivayat Datistan i Denik, edited by Ervad
B. N. Dhabhar, p. 22.10. The original initial p — is here
changed to b — due to Mod. Persian influence.
(2) pSgwnc — Mendk i Xrat, edited by Ervad T. D. Anklesaria,
p. 91.4, note 45; edited by Dastur Sanjana, p. 46.16.
6. The word pSkwc may be explained as a compound word : pS—
— kwc. The first component may be explained as derived from Av,
f§av — , f§u — ( Bartholomae, Altir. Wb. 1029; Kanga, Av. Die. p. 329),
a modified from of Av. pasav — , pasu — (Altir. Wb. 879 ; Av. Die. p. 329) :
'animal'. The second component part may be explained as a derivative
of Av. kaxuzi (Videdat XXI, 17), a term denoting the class of a daevic
creature, as explained below. Hence the word would mean 'an animal
of the daevic group, a despicable animal, a contemptuous animal, a
monster' .
7. The Av. f§u-— occurs in the compound fradat-f§u — (Yas. 1.4;
2.4; 3.6; 4.9; 6.3; 7.6; Gah IL6) ; and the second component thereof,
namely fSu — , is generally translated into Phi. by f§ak, paSak, fSah, etc-
see Pahlavi Yasna, edited by Ervad B. N.! Dhabhar pp. 6, 14, 22, 30, 39,
45, and Glossary pp. 77, 85 ; Zand I Khurtak Avistak, p. 49. But in
these cases the Phi. word is a component part of the name of the Yazata,
and may, therefore, be regarded as mere transcript of the Av. word. More-
over, other Av. compound words containing f §u--*f as second component^
namely Av. kamraafiva — , drvaf§u — , frafSu — , matf§u — , haurvafSu — ,
the second component is translated by Phi. ramak ‘flock'. Hence one
can, with justification, object to this word being taken as an ordinary
Phi. word with general ^ense of animal. But in Videvdat VII. 4, Av.
varatafSS is translated into Phi. vartak fSakIh (Hoshang p. 300), and
vartak fSukih (Sanjana p. 137). Similarly, in Yas, XXXIX4 Av.
pasukanam is translated pasvikan (Dhabhar p. 173). Moreover, the
48
16th ALL'INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
derivatives of this Av.-Phl. word are preserved in Mod. Iranian dialects,
as noted by Paul Horn, GrUndriss der neupersischen Etynaologie p. ^7.
We can, therefore, argue that the word fSak, paSak, or pasak is attested
in Phi., though it is very rarely used.
8. As to the second component word — kwc, it can be explained as
derived from Av. kaxuzi (Videvdat XXI-17). The word in this case
is used in the sense of an evil creation ; and it occurs in the same coitext
as ayehe (which is obscure), and yatumaiti jahi: ‘a sorceress’. In the
Phi. Videvdat the word is translated as xvarreh kastar : ‘decreaser of
glory’, and explained ahrman : ‘Evil Spirit’. Bartholomae, Altir. Wb.
432, explains the word : 'Bezeichnung einer Klasse weiblicher Wesen der
daevischen Sch'dpfung’; and translates ‘verachtliche Gauklerin ; Gaukler
Skt. kuhaka— .Kanga, Av. Die. 123, explains : ‘name of a Druj or an
•evil spirit’, and quotes Harlez recalling Mod. Pers.^ kakh, and ^ kaj.
9. It appears that the Av. word kaxuzi is preserved in various
forms in Mod. Pers. as kakh, kaj, kaz, kaz or kuz, and kfiz, and also in
other Mod. Iranian dialects, as noted below :
(1) Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary,
p. 1016
p. 1017
p. 1018
p. 10z7
p. 1028
^ ’
■
•14 gJ :
:
•
^ '
f :
jT :
kaj ‘crooked, curved, wry, distorted, bent’,
kajbaz ‘unfair play, fraudulent’.
kaj kbvah ‘deceitful’.
kaj dil ‘crooked in mind, perverse, ill-natured’.
kaj dum ‘having a crooked tail, a scorpion, a
dragon.'
kakb zhanda ‘an evil spirit, a demon’.
kazb ‘crooked’ etc.
kazb byan ‘giving a wrong or perverse expla-
nation.’
kazb bln 'squinting, malignant’.
kazb gav ‘the mountain-ox of Tibet with a bushy
tail, the sea-ox.’
p, 1061 ; kOzb 'crooked, curved’.
(2) Lorimer, Phonology of the Bakhtiari, Badakhskani, and Mada-
-glashti Dialects of Modern Persian, p. 106: Bakhtiari kaj, kac;
‘crooked’.
(3) Grierson, Ishkashmi, Zebaki, and Yazghulami — An account of
Three Iranian Dialects, p. 84 : Ishkashmi kaz : ‘crooked’.
THE PAHLAVI WORD FOR ‘MONSTER’
49
10. In connection with these Mod. Iranian words, we may quote
the following sentence from chapter 23, on the Xarfastars, the noxious
•creatures, of the Saddar Bundehesh, edited by Ervad B. N. Dhabhar,
p. 93:+4>w|ji. jy* iS
‘a Kusa which is called ant in Arabic.’ See also B. N. Dhabhar,
Persian Rivayats p. 520. Furthermore, in Persian Rivayats,
karkdza is mentioned as one of the noxious creatures ; see M. R, Unvala,
Darab Hormazyar’s Rivayat, p. 272‘9 B. N. Dhabhar, p. 268.
11. As shown above, Avesta and Pahlavi words give both-S- and
-S-, as in Av. f§av-and pasuka- ; and also in Phi. fSak, pa§ak, and
paSvikan. This, therefore, clearly explains the 'strange -sk-, as noted
by Dr. Henning, in the Armenian and the Georgian forms of the word.
Moreover, in common with Mod. Pers. kuz, and kuz, the word
pSkwe is written in various forms with -u-, long or short. The Phi.
word, therefore, should be read paSkuz, ba§kuz, or pa§kunz, with the
meaning as settled above.
12. According to the literal meaning of the Avesta word kaxuzi
'sorcerer, sorceress,’ as given by Bartholomae, the Mid. Iranian word
paSkuz should mean 'an animal, or a noxious creature which is a sor-
cerer’. This idea of a noxious creature being a sorcerer is not un-
known in the Iranian literature. In connection therewith we may quote
■Great BundahiSn, edited by Ervad T. D. Anklesaria, p. 144T5ff. :
etdn gSwet ku xraftar hamak yatuk u mar yatuktar ; be hayar-§
( . . . as in D. H.) Ozat ne miret (read . . . for . . . ). mar an-ic hast ke
zahr pa ca§m daret pa nikirien marton be Ozanet cig5n ka gazit estet ;
an-ic 1 hast hac dur ( ... as in DH.) gyak gaw u gOspand u asp u mart
ap5c 0 x^eS chan jet Oparet; u azdahak an-ic bavet, u-z hand cand
4ulQakih patiS ke hangdSltak i vinaskaran anakih kunet.
kastar xraftar [i] gilak yatuk-denih ray x^arilnik cil i pa durih
hac 5i nihend be Savet, evar ku ne pab55 veni§n ( ... as in DH.) be pa
yitaklh awiS apSyet.
'It is said that the noxious creatures are all sorcerers; and the
seroent is a greater sorcerer (than other noxious creatures), unless it is
killed it does not die. The serpent is also that (creature) which has
poisoA in the eyes, and kiOs men by sight, just as if they (t.e. men) are
fitten (by serpents) ; that is also (the creature) which drags animals,
sheeps, horses, and men from afar towards itself, (and) devours
fthem) • and the dragon also is one (of them) ; and he has very much
evil knowledge, who thereby perpetrates evil just like sinners.
50
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The smaller noxious creature of mud, on account of sorcerous
nature (yatuk-denih), approaches articles of food, which they (i.e. men)
put at a distance away from it; it is clear that it reaches upto it, not
on account of smell (and) sight, but on account of sorcery.'
13. The word occurs in the following Phi. texts :
(1) Pahlavi Rivayat accompanying the Datistan i Denik, p. 22*7ff.
men5k i dr5n ka yazend apak aveSan devan karicar kunend 99 bar et5n
saxt k5xset cig5n gav baSkuz . . , nun-ave§an devan be 5 zamik zapend u
cig5n tagarg ka be 5 zamik dftet.
‘The MenSk of Dr5n, when people worship (him), fights 99 times
with those devs as fiercely as the Bull (fights) the monster (baSkuz)
now they (i.e. people) (are able to) smite those devs on the earth; and
(the devs are) like hail when it (i.e. hail) falls on the earth.'
In this passage, the Bull may be .a form assumed by the Mendk of
Dr6n just as Varaerayna-assumes the form of a beautiful Bull, as des-
cribed in the Behram Yast 7. The fight between the Bull and the
monster may be compared with that between Tistrya, in the form of a
beautiful horse, and Apaosa, in the form of a dark and frightful horse,
as described in the TiStrya Yait 20-28 According to the Great Bun-
dahisn (p. 62-7) Tistr assumes also the form of a bull in his fight against
ApOS. The monster (baskuz) maybe same as the dreadful monster, the
form assumed by Apaosa.
(2) Men5k i Xrat, ed. Ervad T. D. Anklesaria, p. 91*5ff ; ed. San-
jana, p. 46T5ff. ; ed. Andreas, p. 31. If. ;
u hac sam sut en but ku-s mar i sravbar u gurg i kaput ke paSkunz
(as in K35) x^anend be dzat.
‘And from Sam was this benefit that he killed the horned serpent,
and the dark-coloured wolf, which they (i.e. people) call monster
(paSkunz)'.
Pazand reads : pahanica ; and Sanskrit has :
14. In the above passage, the dark-coloured wolf (gurg f kaput)
is called monster (paSkunz). This gurg I kaput is referred to in the
Great Bundahishn, ed. T. D. Anklesaria p. 14713- 14. In the Chapter
on nature of the wolf species, it is stated that the Ganak Mendk
produced a noxious wolf of dark body; and out of this Ganak Men^k
produced various kinds of wolves, one of which is (Great BundahiSn
p. 147'13f.):
palang ke kapfit-ic (written ... for ... ) x^anend.
‘the panther, which they call also dark-coloured'.
THE PAHLAVI WORD FOR ‘MONSTER" 51
vAccording to these Phi. texts, therefore, Phi. baSkuz or paskanz
is a dark-coloured noxious creature of the wolf-species.
15. It appears that the Phi. word p’Sk: pask: ‘gnat', Great
BundahiSn p. 14411, is cognate with Mid. Pers. paskuz. Moreover,
the following words from Mod. Persian, and from various other Mod.
Iranian dialects, culled from various sources, may also be regarded as
cognate with Mid. Pers. paskuz :
( 1 ) Steingass, Persian-English Dictionary, p. 252 :
paSk ‘owl'
puSk ‘cat'
«/
paSsa ‘gnat'
(2) Grierson, Ishkashmi, Zebaki, and Yazghulami — An Account
of Three Iranian Dialects, pp. 91, 108, 112:
Ishkashmi pa§a : ‘fly'
„ piS : ^cat'
Sanglic! pasai : ‘fly'
„ pi§ : ‘cat'
Wax! pi§ : ‘cat'
Zebak! pu5 : ‘cat'
Suynl pa5 : ‘cat'
Yudya piSkoh: ‘cat'
Sarikoll pi5 : ‘cat'
(3) Lorimer, The Phonology of the Bakhtiarl, Badakhshani, and
Madaglashti Dialects of Modern Persian, pp. 115, 183, 199:
Baxtiarl paSka : ‘fly'
BadaxSanI pu§uk : ‘cat'
MadaglaSt! puSuk : ‘cat'
16. The above explanation shows that the word pasku (n) z is
Iranian; and in Phi. it means ‘despicable, contemptible noxious
creature, a monster'; and from Iranian it found its way into various
languages of Middle East, and Europe.
(6) “Vasimcha Yam Panchasdwara” in the “Sea Vourukasha"
by
H. R. Bana m.sc.
In the last and eighth chapter of Haptan Yasht of Khurdak Avesta^
Yasna Haptanghaiti Ha 42, 4, “Vasi Panchasdwara” is also extolled.
The words Vasi Panchasdwara is found to occur only once in the
existing Avestan texts as stated above.
The text of Haptan Yast suggests that all items included in it have
direct or indirect bearing on the seven Ameshaspentas including
Ahuramazda, who also is one in their Union ; that is ‘One United
whole’ formed by the union of the seven Ameshaspentas.
In the last or the eighth chapter of this yast, after extolling the
Ameshaspentas, roads, bridges, grown up corn, Ahuramazda and his
chosen prophet, Vohumana, Alburz, the earth and the sky, the three-
legged ass, the tree Gaokerena etc. the reciters say; “Vasimcha Yam
Panchasdwaram Yazamaide” “We extol the vasi (a place) with 50
gates.” (Ref. translation by Late Ervad C. E. Kanga).
Vasi "is translated by Late Ervad Kanga as “A huge aquatic
animal; a sort of Leviathan” (P-483 Av. Eng. Dictionary by
Kanga). In doing so, Ervad Cawasji Kanga seems to have
followed the translation of Bundehishna. However, the same word
“VASI” is translated as a proper noun indicating the name of place
in his translation of Khordeh Avesta Page 189 — Yt. Haptan. The
word Panchasdwara is not clearly translated by Kanga on P. 314 of
his dictionary but he takes it as a proper noun of a fish along with the
word “Vasi”. However, in his Khordeh Avesta, the word Panchas-
dwara is taken as adjective to “Vasi” and translated as ‘Having 50
gates.’ Scholars differ in giving’the correct translations of “Vasimc-
hayam Panchasdwaram.” Harley, Darmsteter, Mills have taken the
words to mean “A gigantic Fish with fifty fins” ; Ervad Cawasji Kanga
has followed Spiegel in translating the words as “A place named Vasi
with fifty gates.” Spiegel, however, takes it as “a place with fifty
fountainheads” and takes it as an imaginary (Spiritual) abode— a
mythical land having fifty fountains.
Bundehishna chapter 18th gives us details regarding the contents
of the Sea Vourukashna. One of these is the tree Gaokerena bearing
the seeds of all earthly vegetation or the white Haoma— giving the
‘‘VASIMCHA YAM PANCIIASDWARV' IN THE ^'SEA YOURUKASHA’" 55
elixir immortality. To protect this “Symbol of immortality"
which is to be utilised at the time of Renovation (Frashokereti) when
all the recreated beings will be immortalised, Ahuramazda created ten
Fishes (Pah. Mahi) which go round the tree. One of these Fishes haa
its head always turned towards a Vazag (a sea monster of the species of
the Lizard or the frog) which is constantly trying to attack and kill the
tree of immortality, but for the guarding Fishes. The Fishes and the
Vazag are said to cut everything that comes in their way into two except
“Vasi Panjasadvaran." f Ref. J. T. Mody's translation of Bundchisna
Page 75).
In chapter 14th of the Bundehisna 10 genera or kinds of fishes are
mentioned and these are further sub-divided into 282 species. Of these
the first created, hence, the ancestor of all, is called “Arij" Fish. This
genus “Arij" is also called “Kara” Fish in chapters 18th and 24th.
of Bundehisna.
The fish “Vasi Panchasdwaran” is related to the Kara Fish as it
is said to stay in the same place Vourukasha. It is so big that its
length only cannot completly be traversed by a man travelling from
morning till evening.
Many of our scholars are unanimous in suggesting that the Sea
Vourukasha (Pah. Frahokant) is an open space between the earth
and the sky or the earth and the heavenly abode (Garodemana)
which I am inclined to accept for the purpose of this paper.
Prof. Shapurji K. Hodiwalla in his “Zarthustra and his contem-
poraries in the Rgveda" on page 69 says “The Sea Vourukasha is, I
think, here as in several other places, used for the open space between
the earth and sky."
Mr. Ardeshir Khabardar translates Jaryo Vourukasha as “The
expanse of the orbit of the Sun, Planets 12 rashis (Zodiacal stellar
signs) and 27 Nakshatras or asterisms" or in short “Ecliptic circle."
The two meanings attributed to the word Vasi by various scholars
namely ‘Space' or 'Fish' can thus be settled by taking into consideration
the two meanings of the word ‘Vourukasha,' namely ‘expanse' or the ‘Sea'.
Whatever the meaning of the word ‘Vasi', we can analyse it as
something with fifty outlets or doors. To me the word space or
enclosure with fifty doors appears to be most suitable. This may be the
space enclosed by the “line of action" (field of activity) of the
seven Ameshaspentas and their various helpmates which collectively
form an enclosure contained in space (Vourukasha) made from their
Schyothnaongh — actions. In Rapithwan Gah and Sraosha Yast we read
about this Anjuman of Ameshaspenthas “Avat Vyakhnemcha Han-
jamanem cha Yajmaide Yat asti Ameshnam spentanam Bareshnavo
54
16th ALL^INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Ayanghac Asno Dhimatem" : — We extol this society and assembly ot
Atxieshaspentas which they have kept high above in the space ( Asao-
Sky). This space has 50 outlets which are multiples of 7 namely
:?fX/ ==49, plus one, for the combined action of all helpmates towards
Garbdemana. The fiftieth outlet connects VAST with Garodamena.
Thus the seven Ameshaspenthas spread their good guiding actions or
influence on the seven Keshwars making total number of outgoing outlets
to 49. The souls of the maierial creations who accept this line of action
laid down before them by the efforts of the Ameshaspenthas are nearing
perfection and immortality. In other words, they are said to have
tasted the elixir of immortality, Gaokerana. The Sea Vourukasha is
Said to be connected to the material world, according to Aban yast. This
link is in turn linked with Vasi panchasdwara. The fiftieth door of this
Vasi links the immortal souls who deserve highest heaven with Garo-
demana. In Avesta we read ‘‘Yoi Hapta Hamo Manangho, Hamo
Vachangho, Hamo Schyothnaongho’* about Ameshaspentas who are
said to be one in thought word and deed. Seven Ameshaspentas,
therefore, require only one door to link the souls with higher abode
(Garodemana) as a reward for attaining perfection and hence immortali-
ty. In Gathas we read ' Ameshaspenta Gathao Geurwain'' which
suggests that the Gathas were brought to the knowledge of Zarthushtra
by the Ameshaspentas. Gathas are the essence of knowledge which
would lead humanity to perfection through their actions The con-
tents of the expanse (Sea) Vourukasha may summarily be explained as
under:— 1. Vasi Panchasdwara:— an expanse kept aloof and separate
in the expanse Vourukasha, with 49 outlets for spreading the immortal-
ising method of working laid down by Ameshaspentas (7 in number) for
creations to act in the Keshwars (7 in number according to Avestan
scriptures). The essence or spirit of the creations when perfected by
this line of action of Ameshaspentas are immortalised and merge into
expanse Vasi Panchasdwara through the medium of Gaokerena tree.
Thus immortalised the spirits (Urvans) get Frashokeroti and are sent
to Garodemana, the abode of Ahuramazda through the fiftieth outlet.
2. Gaokerena : — The elixir which acts as a medium to immortalise
the Urvan and is represented by a tree in the expanse Vourukasha.
3. Fosagr:— It is a frog or lizard or some similar personification of
Angramanyue which tries constantly to introduce evil line of action into
the Ahurian creation of the seven Keshvars.
4 . Kara fishes : — ^These are protectors of the two trees one Gao-
kerena and the other carrying all the seeds of the trees which grow on
the seven Keshwars. Thus they are protectors of life and help the crea-
tion to live and make effort for immortalising their spirit.
5. Khar : — ^The three-legged ass appears to indicate the three key
words Humata, JIukhta, Huvarashta which can help Urvan to rise to
the level of perfection. This, therefore, is a further medium to work in
“VASIMCHA YAM PANCHASDWARA” IN THE “SEA VOURUKASHA" 55
conjunction with Vasi Panchasdwara like Gaokerena. The creation desi-
rous of attaining immortality or perfection like that of 7 Ameshspentas
has tj procure the particular line of action coming from the 49 outlets
through the tree Gaokerena and the three-legged ass. Thus the latter
two link Urvanic portion of material creation with the Minoi Immor-
tals namely Ameshaspentas.
6. The Expanse Vourukasha : — This is the space indicating the
connection of Ur van, the Tanu or the body with the invisible holy
immortals, Ameshaspentas. It is an expanse which contains both spiri-
tual and material workers who help the creation to raise themselves to
perfection.
The above idea, though original to an appreciable extent, has its
origin traceable in the short resum^ given in “Jazashne in buland kriya**
by Dr. F. S. Chinj walla, while explaining the Khshnoomic version
Yasna Ha. 42.
(7) The date of the death of Yazdagard 111
by
J. M. Unvala, Ph.D. (Heidelberg, Germany).
Arab and Persian historians are unanimous about the place where
Yazdagard 111, the last Sassanian sovereign met his tragic fate. It
was a flour-mill near the city of Marw, where he was assassinated by
a miller named KhosrS at the instigation and order of Mah5e the
margrave i^marzban) of Marw. Among the oriental sources, Firdausi
only gives in his Shahnamah the date on which this event took place as
the night of the 30th day of the 3rd month {Khordad Mah Aniran Roz)
of the Persian year, as the late Mr. Fardoonji D. J. Paruck calls it. He
says in his Sassanian Coins, Bombay 1924, pp. 120-121, as follows:
“The exact date of the death of Yazdagard is not known. Arab and
Persian historians give only the year A. H. 31, without indicating the
month. This year ran from 24th August, 651 to 12th August, 652, and
the 20th year of Yazdagard from 12th June 651 to 10th June, 652. The
A ralf astronomer Kutbu-d-din says that Yazdagard was killed in the year
960 of the embolistnic period which corresponds to 651 A. C. Firdausi
places the event in the night of the 30th day of the 3rd month Khordad,
i. e. 90th day of the Persian year, corresponding to the night between
'tl) and 10th September, 651. This date corresponds to the night between
17th and 18th Muharram A. H. 31.“ W. H. Valentine considers A. H.
31 as corresponding to 651 A. D., the date of the death of Yazdagard
{Sassanian Coins, London p. 70), as also Colonel Allotte de la
Fuye. A. Mordtmann says that Yazdagard was assassinated between 21st
March and 23rd August, 651 {ZDMG, 34, p. 151), and according to the
late Mr. Palonji Barjorji Desai, precisely on the 23rd August, 651 ( History
of the Sassanians in Gujarati, Bombay p. 47d). Ferdinand Justi
places this event in Autumn 651 (Grundriss der Iranischen Philologie,
II, p. 547) and J. de Morgan in September, 6$1 {Monnaies Orientates,
Paris tome I, 3 fasc , col. 597, note 2). It should be, however,
observed that Lt. Col , P, M. Sykes gives 652 A. D. as corresponding to
A. H. 31 (A History of Persia, London 1915, vol. I, p. 544). The late
Mr. Mancherji Pestonji Khareghat has given 652 as the date of the
death of Yazdagard ( J. M. Unvala, Collection of Colophons of Manus-
cripts bearing on Zoroastrianism in some Libraries of Europe, Bombay
1940, p, 19, note 1).
Now, the following two dates are important for arriving at the
^correct date of the death of Yazdagard III. Mr. Paruck says that
Yazdagard ascended the throne in the second half of 632 br in the first
lialf of 633 A, D. {Sassanian Coin^. The Reader* s Encyclopaedia^
58
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
London begins the era of Yazdagard with 16th June, 632,
which is also the year of his accession to the throne. Ten years
later, i. e. in 642, corresponding to A. H. 42, he lost the fateful
battle of Nehavand. He passed ten other years in the vain hope
of stemming the tide of the victorious Arabs until he was assassinated
at Marw in 652, i. e. exactly twenty years after his coming to the
throne. This yean 652 A. D. commenced a new era'in Iran, called the
Era of the Zoroastrians. It is found in the colophons of Avesta Pahlavi
manuscripts written by Persian Zoroastrians. The formula used to
mention this era is ; andar sal i....pas hac sal i 20 hacoe be yasdakart
sah t sahrayaran i, e. “in the year .after the 20th year of (the
reign of) His Majesty Yazdakart, son of Sahriyar.” This era is also
called Parstk in the third colophon of the Denkart, i. e, andar sal i 1009
parslk pas hac sal i 20 ijoe be^azddkart i. e. “in the Parsi year 1009 after
the 20th year (of the reign) of His Majesty Yazdakart” (Unvala,
Collection of Colophons, p. 19, note 1). Now, as the late Mr.
Khareghat places the enthronement of Yazdagard in 632, 652 A. D.
must be considered as accepted by him as the date of the death of
Yazdagard.
In Eraniahr nach der Geographie von Ps. Moses Xoxenac’i, Berlin
1901, p. 67, J. Marquart gives an interesting description of the last
attempt of Yazdagard III to resist the Arab invaders as follows :
“According to Arab sources, Yazdagard entered into negotiations on
the advice of MahSI, the Marzban of Marw, with Nezak Tarkhin, the
prince of the Hetals, who was residing in Badges, as w? learn from later
sources. The Tarkhan behaved himself before the King of Kings
(Sahinsah) as an independent prince.
“According to Sebeos (p. 137), the Arab army which was stationed
in Pars and Khuzistan, marched against Yazdagard, the king of the
Persians, in the 20th year of the reign of Yazdagard to the east in the
country called Pahlav which had been formerly the country of the
Parthians. And Yazdagard fled away from them, but he could not
. escape them. They overtook him on the border of the K’uSank’ and
destroyed his whole army. He fled and went to the armies of the
T’etalk’ who had come from their country to his help. The army of
the T’etalk’ took Yazdagard prisoner and killed him. We see here again
that the country of the T'etalk’ was independent of Iran.” The Nezak
Tarkhan mentioned above was a prince of the Hephthalites, the Hetals
of the Arabs, several of whose coins have been published by me in The
Journal of the Numismatic Society of India, vol. V, Part I, Bombay,
1941. They have the name of the prince written in Pahlavi characters
on the right of his effigy, which had been wrongly read Napkl Sah
^MLKA). The T’etalk’ were none other than the Hephthalites, the
name being an Armenian form of Hetal. Their country was transoxiana,
according to Muqaddasl. . r , .
Speaking of the Jabaristan era, ’Pkruck says, on p. 122 of his
'Sassanian Coins: *‘Tb6 Ispahbads remained faiffiful to Zoroastrianism
and apparently viewed themselves ks direct descendants of Yazdagard
THE DATE OF THE DEATH OF YAZDAGARD III
5 ^
since the era employed on the Ispahbad coins seem to have the date of
Yazdagard’s death as its epoch'* Now, J. Marquart commences the
era of Tabaristan with 11th June, 651 A. D. (Eransahr, p. 133), Herein
he is followed by W. H. Valentine who gives 651 as the date of the
death of Yazdagard and also as the first year of the independence of
Tabaristan {Sassanian Coins, p. 70). I have said in my Coins of Taha-
m^an. Paris 1938, p. 7, §2: '"The province of Tabaristan declared its
independence under the Ispahbad princes of the royal Sassanian blood
immediately after the assassination of Yazdagard III, the last Sassanian
king in 651 A.-D. These princes following an old Sassanian custom,
inaugurated a new national era called the era of Tabaristan on the 11th
June, 652 A. D.** I had given this date according to Mordtmann, who
had published several coins of Tabaristan in ZDMG. VIII, pp. 173
seq. J. Walker also starts this era from lltli June, 652, corresponding to
A. H. 31. {A Catalogue of the Arab-Sassanian Coins, London 1941,
p. LXX). The Ispahbad princes drew tfieir lineage from Dadb5e or
DadOe, a descendant of Jamasp, the youngest son of Sassanian king
Firuz.
From what precedes the following conclusion is drawn: The date of
the death of Yazdagard III has been placed between the 2lst March, 651
and 11th June, 652 by scholars of repute. The year is, however, certainly
652, which even the late Mr. Mancherji Khareghat has accepted as
corrupt. The Ispahbads of Tabaristan whose country was not situated
far away from Marw, the place of assassination of Yazdagard, must
have been immediately informed about the tragic event, as they
inaugurated their era on the 11th June, 652. This must be the probable
date of the assassination.
Ill — Classical Sanskrit Section,
(8) The relation between the Alankararatnakara and the
AlANKXrASARVASVA and its gloss the ViMARSiNI — AND
the date of the AlankararatnSkara
by
Prof. C. R. Devadhar
Ferguson College, Poona.
It is most gratifying to note that recently that indefatigable scholar
Mm. P. V. Kane has brought out a third revised edition of his Sahitya-
darpana, wherein he has attempted to bring up-to-date the history of
AlafikaraSastra appended to the work as an introduction: It was^
however, with a feeling of surprise and dissatisfaction that in the list
of Alahkara works the Alahkararatnakara is mentioned as a work of
uncertain date, although in my edition of the text published long ago
(1942) I have fixed the date of the author with tolerable certitude as
the end of the 12th century or the beginning of the 13th. No reference
is made to the printed edition, and when a person of Mr. Kane’s
eminence has ignored the work — it is hardly a matter of surprise that
the wider world of scholars has scarcely noted its publication in printed
form.* With a view, therefore, to bring to the notice of scholars this
work which has fallen into unmerited oblivion, I am repeating in the
following pages, my observations on the work in its relation to the
Sarvasva and the Vimar^ini, and my arguments in favour of giving him
so high a date as the end of the 12th century.
The author of the Alahkararatnakara belongs to that school of
rhetoricians who, while implicitly accepting the authority of the Dhvani
doctrine, yet hark back to rhetoricians like Dandin, Bhamaha, and
Rudrata, who looked upon tropes and figures as supplying in a dominant
measure the principal element of charm and interest in poetry. The
work has fallen into unmerited oblivion, owing possibly to the vigorous
attack of the Vimar^inlkara whose able brief for the author of the
Alarhkarasarvasva places that work in the front rank among works on
Alahkara. That the work was once very popular in KSSmlrS is proved
from the fact that YaSaskara, a Kasmirian poet, thought it fit to com-
pose a DeviSataka, a century of songs in praise of PSrvatl, in which
each verse, besides being a panegyric of the goddess, also serves as an
illustration of Ratn§kara’s AlahkSrasfitras. This indicates that the
work had a considerable vogue in the country of its birth and the same
is further corroborated by the fact that Appaya Dikjita as well as
HI — CLASSICAL SANSKRIT SECTION
61 !
Ja^annStha thought it fit to adopt his views. JagannStha refers to the
RatnSkara in as many as eleven different places,' mostly to controvert
his views, but in one or two places, to show how the writer shows his
independence of the ancients, as when he holds that Rupaka occurs
when identity (Al>heda) is based on a relation other than that of siipi-
lanty, like the relation of cause and effect, or when he maintains that
Apanhuti occurs when there is the concealment of the Upamdna, with
a view to show its identity with the Upameya : a variety of Apahnuti
recognized and adopted by Appaya Diksita under “Paryastapahnuti.”
The author has written his own sutras on Alahkara, has elaborated
them in his commentary, illustrated them by examples drawn from
varied sources, and summarised his views on particular topics in what
are known as Parikara^lokas. In doing so, he seems to have placed
before him ancient models, like the Dhvanyaloka, which, as is well-
known, consists of four parts (a) Karikas, (6) "Vrtti, (c) Illustrations,
and (d) ParikaraSlokas. The Sutras are very concise, and, unlike the
KavyaprakaSa, written in prose. There is no doubt that the immediate
object of the author was to write a new Alahkarasutra in imitation of
and to controvert the Alahkarasarvavsa of Rij'anaka Ruyyaka. It is
not necessary to refer to the numerous points of agreement between the
two writers ; what is of interest are the disagreements between them;
and from these it is scarcely possible to escape the impression that the
author was a rival of Ruyyaka and wrote this work mainly to confute
him.
(а) To start with, the figure of speech is regarded as.
an iirtrhNrT by Ruyyaka, and a by §obhakara. Sobhakara
says : ^ i w 5
wrwn 1”. The view is controver-
ted by Jayaratha who supports Ruyyaka in regarding this figure as an
ShfTfnis*«iT; 11
( )
(б) Regarding the verse etc. cited by
Sarvasvakira from the Vikramahkadevacarita in illustration of
Nidar^ana, Ratnakara remarks that since in this verse there is a direct
superimposition of the sense of one sentence on that of another, the
case is one of nrrwtfnlv!^, a view controverted by ttnd by
following the and dinfifrift, but supported by
Jaganpatha in his Rasagahgadhara.
62 16th ALL-lNDlA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
. (c) RatnSkara takes exception to Sarvasva’s definition of —
remarking that the words should not be added, since that
ii/ould mean that the figure also obtains in those places where the
is shown to be superior to the which is absurd, because
the is by its very nature always superior to the (¥«T*Tr«T-
fif Sutra, therefore, should be
amended in the way shown by —
, ' ^ I P- 22, in place of Sarvas-
vakara’s Sutra i ( Sarvasva,
p. 101). The * defends Sarvasvakara by showing that in the
€tanza given in illustration of this variety of
itntft where the Moon and Youth are contrasted,
the ^Youth* is intended to be shown as inferior to the
'Moon’ ( ^r^iTf'ST7w«RtT>7^d flw trfer iftiTJTCT-
3*PrnnR ). He further remarks that this, how-
ever, does not mean that the is in reality inferior to the — ,
since the is intended to be shown as possessed of superior
excellence, ' 353 <utsr«^ i srfHTT«rt«rtei: «
Hf % «4«n it: t TT^f^fnrvT
I TT»*rr^5p^ar ^ i sr?^^ irPcT^gn^ ?ir=atfT
gr«TmTTTff<T^TR»Tfiw% tir^^trit sirrjr^^rT^ i f%«rfKt«f)
p. 103).
The controversy is really very old. Rudrata held the vie'w that
is possible in both the ways (i.ff. ^iTTTrTTr^iTdTRTTrflV^
W — ) and cited the stanza ^nr: ^4hirTsf^ — etc.
The same view was held by 7^«rz and his commentator
Mamma^a controverts the view, and our author falls in line with
Mammata. The echoes of the controversy are to be met with in the
works of Vidyanatha and Appaya Diksita, who side with the
and of Hemacandra, VidySdhara and Jagannatha who uphold Mammata.
(d) The author of Ratnakara finds fault with the definition of
given by Sarvasvakara (^^yrwwTTr^ «TTniTTJrrw%
ir^nRTTirHrtPltTrfTTWW^ l P- 47) on the ground that being of
the nature of fancying one thing as being probably identical with
another, involves doubt or incertitude («T^fTTTf«) and not arvifWTrfV
of. identity of two objects wherein there is an element of
certainty (fHOTftm!). Sarvasvakara and his commentator, however,
%4efend the position by pointing out that ^R sig g f i rT T i.e. representatinn of
one thing (ftrrg) as identical with another (fg^flirn )'“4 representation
in which the liffg is completely swallowed up by the rdilly
in — CLASSlCAli SANSKRIT, fSECTION
two-fold: accomplished (f^^) and in the. process of accomplishment
i Wrwi ) ; there is certitude in the former, and want of it in in the
latter ; and therefore it becomes the basis of the figure which is
The controversy is referred to by the Rasagafigadhara-
kara, who points out that there is no authority for the distinction of
into ftrgr and Rasa. p. 399);.
and thus supports our author in his criticism of Alahkarasarvasva.
(c) Our author does not agree with Sarvasvakara in holding that
the figure is based upon similarity (?rr??tr) ; his contention is
that wherever one thing is mistaken for another, we get this figure
^nd it is independent of the consideration whether the error
arises through similarity or through some other cause. The VimariSinl
upholds Ruyyaka and criticizes our author. With regard to the five
types ol mentioned by Ruyyaka, our author’s contention is
that the fifth type is really included in the
fourth type ^I'^d so the number could be reduced to four.
(/) in ^obhakara’s view, the definitions of WlTff'T
and as given by Sarvasvakara are defective. The definition
is defective, because, says ^obhakara, if the subject
( ) i® comprehended in Samasokti it would be a case of
or ^obhakara takes exception to the second variety of
"k” on the ground that it is included in
the first variety ; while with regard to Sarvasva’s definitions of
and ^obhakara holds that they are v6«Tr<r<K, too narrow; the
seconcT variety of is according to our
author the type of R i® needless to say
that the defends the views of the Sarvasvakara against
these attacks of Sobhakara.
Our author holds very peculiar views about the nature of an
tinrvrf and about and According to Sutra 1 10
he lays down that the figures of speech enumerated and defined
in the work deserve the name of KT^fiT only when they are “principal”
not in relation to Rasa but in relation to other figures of speech.
Alahkaras are never found in an unmixed or pure form. Everywhere
it could be shown that there are subtle nuances or shades (Kr9^7rs<rir-
of other figures of speech which are subordinate to the principal
figure. This would intimate that figures of speech are never “absolute”
or “pure”, but always mixed in character and hence in which two
figures of speech are found in one atid the same verse or poeticaTpiece,
as “aloof” from one another is an untenable position. Hence
. is impossible. As for the figure which is subordinate
m
16Ta ALL'INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(Rff^ 5 11^) is to be called so thit or are not
separate figures of speech aS the ancients hold, for that would reduce
all figures of speech to only two vis. or since figures in
theit absolute or pure fortn are never met with : but in any given case
the figure which stands as principal is the figure of speech there, while
the one dependent on it is to be called • thus if there is a blend, of
fUr and fyr and is JTwrsr, we say that trf^ffw is the erirsrg
while is che ?ifg. Here is quite a novel and original view, and
naturally does not pass without notice and severe strictures by the
author of the who as we have shown in the foregoing
discussion, defends Ruyyaka against the attacks of ^obhakara.
There are quite numerous citations from the text of in the
firnfm. and many of the illustrations given by our author are bodily
incorporated in the There are also a few places where
thought it fit to support our author, as for instance, when
he agrees with that does not deserve to be a figure of
speech. Jayaratha mentions that his distinct aim is to clear up the
position of the author of who is unfairly criticized by
2 ii^d not to enter into a detailed examination of the very novel
views of the author of the
srf^Ter^srf^^^rrf^T: 0-
From all these indications, it should not be difficult to fix the date
of our author. That he wrote after Ruyyaka and may have been either
his coeval or lived just a little time after, is proved from his detailed
criticism of Ruyyaka’s work, and it is also equally clear that he pre-
ceded Jayaratha, the author of who defends Ruyyaka against
our author’s attacks. Ruyyaka’s date is known. ‘'He was the son of
'Tflaka. lived in KaSmira and was the teacher of Mafakha, the author
of §r!kapthacarita who was attached to the court of king Jayasihha
(1129 to 1150 A.D.) “Jayaratha, the commentator of Ruyyaka, was the
son of §rngara, iie minister of king Rajaraja who ruled at Satisaras
(vmm ffli 55^rir»3[ipniftg*flNgRrr«T«T5 i ?ri graijwmuT-
P-2S7).” He quotes from PfthvIrSja-
vija3ra, a poem describing the victory of the Chauhan king PfthvIrSja
who died in 1193 A.D. and must have flourished probably in the 13th
Cttitiiry.”
^bhSkara, the son bf the mihister Trayuvara, .thus belppgs to ^e
latter paH of the l^th GentUfy or the early part of the ISth, as he
-comes after Ruyya^ and precedes Jayaratha.
Ill — CLASSICAL SANSKRIT SECTION
65
^obhakara occupies a unique position in the field of rhetoric. He
shows considerable independence in his views and boldly attacks
ancient writers wherever he feels that the traditional views are un-
reasonable. Some of these views were accepted by later writers and
even so intrepid a critic and rhetorician as Jaganhatha thought it fit to
acknowledge that there is reason and justice in the opinions held by
our writer. A detailed story of the Alafikara controversies dating
quite from the days of Rudraja and ending with Jagannatha would
certainly make a very alluring subject of discussion, in which our
author will be found to have contributed a considerable volume of
very original and weighty ideas. The work certainly deserves to be
rescued from the unmerited oblivion into which it has sunk.
(9) The KoSa Citations in Commentarial Literature BELONCiNa
TO THE Classical Period.
by
E. D. Kulkarni, m. a., ph.d.
The importance of Ko^a literature from the point of view of Sanskrit
literature, grammar and history of the Sanskrit word, has been amply
proved by the copious use of them made by the critics and the commen-
tators while commenting on Sanskrit texts. The approach to the sub-
ject is naturally two- fold z/i-ar. the study of Ko5a citations occurring in
literature belonging to pre-classical period and that of Ko5a citations
as we meet with in literature belonging to the classical period. The
present paper is an humble attempt to touch some aspects of the latter
part of the whole problem.
Now so far as the citations of Ko^as are concerned, the study has
to be divided into three main parts :
I — KoSa citations in the commentaries on various Sanskrit texts,
gr. Kavindrasarasvati in his Padacandrika on Daiakumaracarita quotes
the following Lexicographers by name : —
(а) (1) Ajaya (2) Amara (3) Kamandaka? (4) Keiava (5)
Mahlpa(6) Bharata (7) Bhaguri (8) Vararuci (9) Vopi-
Hta (10) feaSvata (11) Sajjana (12) Halayudha and (13)
Haima.
(б) He quotes the following Lexicons by name:—
(1) UtpalinI (2) Ko5a (3) KoSasSra (4) Dvirupakoia
(5) Nighantu (6) MedinI (7) RatnakoSa (8) Ratnamlli
(9) ViWa (10) VaijayantI (11) ^abdSrgiava.
(a) Mohanadasa in his Dtpika on Hanumannafaka quotes the
following Lexicographers
(1) Amara (2) Caraka (3) Dhananjaya (4) Dhara^i (5)
Virabhanu (6) ^aSvata (7) SSrasvata (8) Halayudha
(9) Haima.
1. The Department of Sanskrit Dictionary on historical principles
has planned to compile a Dictionary of Sanskrit based entirely on all
available KoSas, published and unpublished, as a contributory study
towards a Dictionary of Sanskrit on historical principles.
THE ko5a citations in commentarial literature 67
(6) He quotes the following Lexicons: —
(1) Abhidhanacintamani (2) Ekaksara (3) NamamalS
(4) Nighantu (5) LihganuSasana \6) Vi^vakoia (7)
Jiabdabhaskara (8) ^abdaSesa (9) Samsaravartaiabda-
iasana.
II — Ko5a citations in the commentaries on Ko5a-texts, e, g.
The following are the Lexicographers quoted by Ksiraswamin in
his commentary on Amarako^a,
(a) (1) Abhidhanakara (2) Indu (3) Katya (4) Candra
(5) Candranandana (6) Durga (7) Dhanvantari (8)
Malakara (9) Muni (10) Mentha (11) Bhaguri (12)
Bhoja (13) Rudra (14) Sa^v^ata.
(fc) He quotes the following Lexicons: —
(l)Anekartha (2) Abliidhanaratnamala (3) Abhidha-
naiesa (4) Amaramala (5) Dcsinamamala (6) Naina-
mala (7) Nighantu (8) Mala (9) Vaijayanti.
(c) He cites the following commentators: —
(1) Upadhyaya (2) Gauda (3) Narayaria.
(d) Lexicons, Lexicographers and commentators quoted by
Rayamukufa in his commentary on Amarakoia, are the
following
(1) Abhidhanamala (2) Amaradatta (3) Amaramala (4)
Aruna2.... ? (5) Arunadalta (6) UtpalinI (7) Kalinga (8)
Katya^ (9) Kokkata (10) Kauniudi (11) LTnadisutravrtti
(12) Jatarupa (13) Damodara (14) Deslkosa (15)
DharanikoSi (1 >) Nanarthasahgraha (17) Namanidhana
(IS) Namaprapanca (19) Namamala (20) Nigamakhya-
ko5a (21) Padacandrika (22) BalaSarman (23) Brhada-
marakoSa (24) Bhaguri (25) Ratnako^a (26) Ratiiamala
(27) Rabhasapala (28) Rudra (29) Ruparatnakara (30)
Vacaspati (31) Vopalitasimha (32) Vyakhyamrta (33)
VySdi (34) feabdar^ava (35) Samsaravarta.
(e) Lexicons and Lexicographers quoted by Bhanuji : —
(1) Amaradatta (2) Amaramala (3) Ulpalamala (4)
Katya (5) Kaumndl (6) DeSlkoSa (7) RatnalcoSa (8)
Rabhasapala (9) RudrakoSa (10) Ruparatnakara (11)’
VacaspatikoSa (12) VopalitasimhakoSa (13) Sabdar^ava
(14) Samsaravarta.
2* ’ Are.Arupa and Arunadatta the same?
3. Arc Katya and Muni one and the same ?
«8
16tII ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
i:.f citations in Koias themselves. We have given below a
(1) A jay a .... 109
(3) Amarasimha .... 10
(5) Katya .... l
(7) Ksiraswamin .... 1
(9) Jayamafigala .... 1
(11) Dattaka .... 1
(13) Pifigala .... 1
(15) Bhaguri .... 3
(17) Rabhasa .... 264
(19) Varaharauni .... 1
(21) Vakpati .... 4
(23) Sahara....? .... 1
(25) SaSvata .... 20
(27) Saraswata .... 2
(29) Harsa .... 3
(31) HalSyudha
(2) Amaradalta
.... 11
(4) Udayana
.... 1
(6) Kesava
.... 1
(8) Capukara.,.. ?
.... 1
(10) Jayaditya
.... 2
(12) Dhananjaya
.... 21
(14) Bodhra.,.. ?
.... 1
(16) Bhoja
.... 2
(18) Vararuci
.... 10
(20) Vasubhajta
.... 3
(22) VaijayantI
.... 72
('24) feakatayana
.... 39
(26) Sajjana
.... 59
(28) Su^ruti
.... 1
(30) Harsanandl
.... 17
By the study of these aspects of the problem, the scholarship and
the range of literature studied by the commentator, will be made promi-
nently apparent and we shall know exactly the individual contribution
of the commentators to Lexicography.
The commentarial literature is important from another point of
view also. The commentator generally explains each and every word
occurring in the text. The study of the commentaries will, therefore,
help us in many cases in reconstructing the text, the commentator has
commented upon. It again constitutes in itself by its very nature a
good field for studying the paryaya words. The approach to the study
of paryaya words is again two- fold: (1) the study of paryaya -words
where the commentator cites an authority, one or the other, to justify
the meaning he assigns to the word in the text, and (2) the study of
paryaya words where the lexicons are not cited by the commentator or
where the commentator was not rather required to quote an authority
to justify the interpretation, the usage being quite current in his days*.
When the work on these two problems will be completed and the results
4. The figures against the names refer to the number of occurrence.
Ke^avaswamin refers to many others by Kaicana, Kecit, Sabdaviiaradatj,,
Viditagamafy, iCaicit SvatantradhVi, Apare, pare itare, etc. etc.
5, A student of Dr. S. M. Katrc is working on this problem for
the Ph.D. degree.
THE KOiA CITATIONS IN COMMENTARIAL LITERATURE 69^
co-ordinated, it is bound to prove a very fruitful source of Lexicography
and will supplement the work based entirely on Koia literature.
The study of Ko5a citations will help also the Editor of unpublished
KoSas in his critically editing the Kosa. The Editor who undertakes
an editing of the KoSa, has to face many difficulties before he finally
settles his text. Sometimes the Mss. are hopelessly corrupt and he
has to correct those corruptions in the light of other lexicons and more
often in the light of the extracts cited from the work he is editing in
the commentarial literature. He has to compare the readings in the
Mss. with those which are given by the commentators and finally
settle the readings of his text. We shall take an instance to illustrate
this point. The one Ms. of NanarthamaHjari^ of Raghava reads the
following lines as follows : —
L. N.
629 pracarc syande ca prakdre lohakitake/
630 drakute pravdsc ca dimbe gamanadul^khayoh/
631 ativT^tdv andvt^tau ^alabhe musike suke/
632 atydsanne ca rdjdnas cdtho jdtis tu janmani/
637 ritil}. svabhdve iravane duraprakztisaukhyayoli/
The other three Mss. of NdndrthamdHjari read more or less in the
same way with insignificant variants here and there. If the above
meanings assigned to are examined in the light of other published
lexicons, we get the following results : —
1 Ndndrtharatnamdla assigns syanda, prakdra, lohakitta, drakuta
to rtttli, and pravdsa, dimba, ativz^tyddi to ttih^
2 Medinl assigns praedra, syanda, lohakitta to rttih and pravdsa,
dimba, ativxstyddi to ttili,
3 idivata assigns praedra, drakuta to rttih,
4 Anekdrthatilaka assigns pravdsa to ttih,
5 Amarakoia assigns praedra, syanda to rttil} and pravdsa, dimba
to Itih.
6 iabdakalpadruma assigns praedra, syanda, lohakitta drakuta to
and pravdsa, dimba, ativxstyddi to Itih.
7 Ndndrthdrnavosaihksepa assigns praedra, drakuta to rttib*
8 FaifayantJ assigns praedra, drakuta to rttib and pravdsa to
9 Haldyudha assigns drakuta to rttil^,
10 Anekdrthasafhgraha assigns lohakifta to ritih and pravdsa to
Itib.
6* Kff^mQrti Sharma, a Shastri in the Dictionary Depart-
ment^ has undertaken to edit this Ko§a with the help of four Mss«^
three of which are in granth script and one in MalaySlam script.
70
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
From the discussion made above we can see that there is some
confusion between the meanings of and and if under these
circumstances one could find extracts cited from* Nanarthamanjari, in
the commeniarial literature, it would immensely help the Editpr in
settling his text.
Furthermore the Editor has to face another difficulty. He notices
certain extracts cued in the commentary, which are attributed to a
particular Lexicographer by the commentator but cannot be found in
the extant Mss. Then the problem arises before the l^ditor whether
the citation is extracted from a ditferent work bearing the same name
or the commentator had an altogether different version of the Text
from which he quotes and which is lost to us now. The study of Ko5a
citations will facilitate the work of the Editor and will throw
a sufficient light on the problem in general.
For this all the citations have to be collected from the entire
commentarial literature and arranged according to the Lexicographers
to whom the citations are attributed or according to the works from
which the citations are extracted. Side by side it will then help us to
reedit the printed Kosas in the light of the citations from
them in the commentaries, as the same phenomenon occurs in the case
o.f printed KoSas also. e. g, in Mallinatha's commentary on Magha*
kavya, two passages are cited from Abhidhanaratnamala on T. 19 and
XVI. \6 but they cannot be traced as Aufrecht remarks in his preface
to Ablndhanarainamalat in the Abhidhanaratnamala of H«alayudha.
Dr. V. Raghavan, in his introduction to Amaramandana of Krsnasuri,
notices certain citations quoted by Sriharsa in tiis Amarakhandana
which cannot be traced in the printed Ko^as^.
Occasionally the commentator gives a citation from the works of
Caraka, Vyadi, Rabhasa, Sajjana, Sarasvata and other ancient
Lexicographer’s whose works have not seen the light of the day or have
not been discovered as yet. If all the citations from such works are
collected from the commentarial literature and Ko^a literature, we
shall be \n a position to restore these texts to some extent or at least
construct a glossary discussing the meanings as given by them.
(a) We have given below a glossary as could be constructed from
the citations attributed to Sajjana in Nandrtharnavasamkqepa^.
7. The present writer in his article on *Ko^a citations in the
commentaries on BhdratacampW (to be published in the first issue of
Vak) haj* examined all the citations of Ko5is in the commentary of
RUmacandrabudhendra and meets with the same difficulties.
8.. The material on th^ citations attributed to Caraka. Vyidl*.
Rat>hasa,Saraswata and other. ancient Lexicographers; is ready with
tiiie present writer and He intends to publish % Series ^ of articles on> the
topic in near future. -
THE OKO^A CITATIONS IN COMMENTARIAL LITERATURE ’ 71
f. 1.10.4 nSfyafc/oM z/fddJiawiya/an old harlot.
cnubandha m. 3.8.26 kcQdha/singtv^
abhiqafiga m, 3.7.8 duiikha/sotvovr.
abhihara m. 3.6.4 (1) samUe^ana/mxngXmg together; (2) abhikratnana/
attacking.
arista n. 2.48.17 (1) anjanabha varna/colonr resembling collyrium;
(2) nikara/plling up, heap.
avadata n. 3.18.4 dpradhana karma/^LV^ unimpprtant or insignitiQant
work.
adambaram, 3.30.59 (!) krodha/dingtr; (2) afr^io/as/enjoyment, ‘
aiaygL m. 2.62.184 (I ) sahgha/htkp, multituJe; (2) cetas/htditl,
5ia f. 1.48.64 .raml/>a/near.
i;.v5 f. 1.11.13 /awanl/mother.
upala f. 2.67.24 rfii/quarler. . ^
^atq rn.. 1.56.157 va/ayp/bracelet of g61d.
ia/?f. 1 .58.182 iasdnadevata/ihi female messenger of an Arhat. ^
kunda n. 1.63.236 kumbha/ho\^\, pitcher, water-pot.
kutapa m.n. 8 89.496 sayamdstarana/a sort of blanket.
kubja mfn. 1.62.231 niWmrz/a/dwar|ish, a dwarf.
m.n. 1.70.32 1 nadyadrimadhyasdia nagara/a, place lying between
a river and mountain. ‘
gata mfn. 1.71.336 o/i/o/gone away.
gaurt f. 1.75.380 Sd:sanadcvatd/the female messenger of an Arhat.
carcikd f. 1.77.401 pdrvatyd ndma/U, of Parvati.
c5tw m. 1.78.415 Jorvj/a ladle.
jand m. 1 82.4t)4 aprdjTia mai%usya/a,n unintelligent person.
jayd i. 1 81.449 idsanaievatd/iht female messenger of an Arhat.
tarani f. 2.120.840 raya/ quick motion, speed.
tar a m. 1.87.524 rada/ tusk of an elephant.
dara m.n 1.92.575 cAidramafra/a hole.
dhvaja m. 1.96.631 vrksamdtra/z tree.
nadt^na mfn. 2.43.26 iarane yah ^ofwi^/expeft jn swimming.
napdd 1.100.672 (1) sarpa/a. serpant; {2) apatya/a child.
ni^ka m.n. 1.101.688 rahas/a lonely place, solitude.
picchd f. 1.109.774 sarvapicchilamandalo/tht scum of any grain,
pffir m. 1.109781 kdtphalanama vck^a/i^: of a small tree by name
katphala. . . • :
9. The figures against the Vocables refer to . volume, page and
stanza .r^pectiyely^ , . ,
72
16th ALL'IHDIA OKIBNTAL COHnRBHCB
punyaSloka mfn. 3.25.23 priyathvado/spedking kindly, agreeably speaking.
pravacana n. 3.20.26 ioj^ro/scripture.
pravttti f. 2.5.50 Mccoro/pronounciation, utterance.
bodhi m. 1.117.875 buddha/zn epithet of Buddha.
bhavam. 1.118.882 kopa/zngtr.
bhasvat m. 1.100906 pakkana/a village inhabited by savages of
barbarians.
madra n. 1.122.927 iud/to/auspiciousness, happiness.
maM f. 1.123.942 nadtbheda/z river.
war? f. 1.127.986 k^aratri/tht night of all-destroying time.
wrna/a mfn. 2.173.1440 dayt/a/cherished, beloved.
rat^aranaka m. 3.89 15 viyoga/stpzrztXon.
ligu m. 1.140.1142 mantra/z hymn, sacred text.
va^a n. 1.144.1189 iiinamatra/th^ male generative organ.
varwasya f. 3.5.50 parJ^fi/service, homage.
vw^man m.n. 1.146.1209 Su^masatiijHabala/z kind of strength by name
Jufmo.
vama m.f> 1.146.1216 uifra/z camel.
vrata n. 1.143.1178 vidhSna/rule, formula manner.
*«>yofiJfeafo m. 3.16.108 (1) z^yo/oftfi/dissimulating statement ;
(2) />rartaz/oiti/introductory statement;
(3) samparkokti/mixed statement.
■vyuqfi f. 1.151.1272 mahlruhaphcda/truit of the tree.
Mkha f. 1.159.1366 bhUruhaf^ agra/top of the tree.
Jukti f. 1.162.1397 kar^asathjHaka unmana/z weight by name Kar§a.
Jur^a m.n. 1.162.1406 (1) ardhaprastha/hzdi the prastha, which is a
particular measure.
( 2 ) dronakhyaparimatiasya caturguifa mana/z
measure of four dropas.
■sambadha m. 2.211.1886 (1) iSra/a prison.
( 2 ) sarhkafa/dzngtr,
spariam, 1.166.1453 (1) /Sro/a paramour,
mf. (2) kthkara/z servant.
svavasinJ f. 3.6.53 navavadhU/z newly married ^irl.
(6) A glossary as cpuld he constructed from the citations attributed to
Harsanandi in Nandrthdritca/asadikqepa.
2.53.'82 a^guti^ po i0 gi$ / 'z fittger.
.kaifika nu 2.81.399 bhmnatatf^fdS^yava/z broken particle of rich.
THE KO^iA CITATIONS IN COkWENTARIAL LITERATURE • 73
karka m. 1.56.160 tvprahgasya sitavarna/yNhiit, colour of a horse.
karuna n. 2.82.41,5 dainy a/ wretchedness, miserable state,
chitvara min, 2.113*763 iat/ia/roiigish.
daksina mfn. 2.126.896 fewia/a/able, clever.
d/ia«a f. 1.97.640 yaz/ana^ bhxstandm sthulacurna/si particle of fried
barley.
pa'^u m. 1.27.75 gramya/rustic, vulgur.
mfn. 2.149.1169 (1) mantrabheda/hrcdich of counsel, betrayal of
design
(2) kavacan/.,,.!
(3) paresdm a/>az/adm/speaking ill of others.
bhadantam.2.\S^A2&7>sarvasanyasin/^t^vm of respect applied to all
sanyasins.
muiera m. 2.173.1438 apantyavanaspati/s. shrub to be sold in the
market.
mxnala mfn. 2.173.1440 padmakorak/di bud of lotus.
ladaha mfn. 2.183.1555 vilasava^ /spovtivQ, playful, lusty.
vipina n. 2 196.1707 /a/adwr^a/water-fortress.
vidharma m. 2.198.1734 vyattcara/hosiiXiiy .
ir^ni m.f. 1.164.1425 (1) a.jtadaia^anz;ii^5a/eightecn gan.as.
(2) pankti/B. line, row.
(3) d/tara/streara or current of water.
snava m. 1.171.1506 snayu/muscle.
We are giving below a list of Lexicons, Lexicographers and com-
mentators quoted in literature^o.
(1) as a medical authority by (1) Vagbhata (2) Misra-
bhavsa (3) Rudrabhata (4) Tisa^a.
(2) Abhidhanamala — by (1) Rayamukuta (a) Bhattoji.
(3) Aneiarthakairavakarakaumudt — (a commentary on Hemacandra's
Anckarthasamgraha) by (1) Mahendrasuri.
(4) Anekarthadtpika — by (1) MallinBiliB on Kiraiarjuntya,
(5) Abhidhanaratnamala — by (1) Mallinatha on ^Uupalavadha.
(6) Amaradatta — by (1) Bhanuji (2) Medinikara (3) Rayamukuta
(4) Halayudha,
(7) Amaramahgalci— by (1) Kesava (2) Mahe^vara.
(8) Amaramala-^by (1) Ksiraswamin (2) Bharatasena (3) Bhanuji
(4) Rayamukuta (5) Vardhamana.
10. The material has been collected by consulting AufrechUs
CatalogxiS Catdlogorum*
74 ■ 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(9) Arum — by (1) KoiSakalpataru (2) RSyamukuta.
{10) Arumdatta — by (1) Ujjvaladatta (2) RSyamukuta.
(11) Ardhanartivara — by (1) Caritravardhana on
(12) Indu — by (1) Ksiraswamin on Amara.
(13) £//;Vo/tf— by (1) Mallinatha on
(14) Unadisutravttti — by (1) Puru^ottamadeva in Varnarocana, (2)
Ujjvaladatta (3) Rayamukufa.
(15) Utpalamala — by (1) Bhanuji (2) Mallinatha (3) Purusottama-
deva (4) Medinikara (5) Rayamukuta (6) Sivarama on
Vasavadatta.
( 16J Ekak^aranighantumala—hy ( 1 ) Hemadri on RaghuvathSa.
(17) Ekaksaramadhavanighantu—hy (1) HQvci&dri on Raghuvathia.
(18) Ekak^aramala — by (1) Hemadri on Raghuvamia.
(19) Ekakqarabhidhanamala— by (1) Padmanabhadatta.
(20) Kalinga—( — Amarako^atika) by (1) Ujjvaladatta (2) Rayamu-
kuta.
(21) Kalpadrunamamdla of KeiiLva.— by (1) Dinakara on Raghuvamia
(2) Bhattoji (3) Mallinatha on ifiVata and Raghuvamia (4)
Rayamukuta (5) Hemadri on Raghuvamia.
(22) Kalpadruma — ^by (1) Caijde^vara Thakkura.
(23) Katya — by (1) Ksiraswam! on Amara. (2) Bhanuji (3) Mahei-
vara (4) Rayamukuta (5) Hemacandra.
(24) Kamadhenu — by (1) Cande^vara Thakkura.
(25) Kokkata (Amarako^a(lka)— by (1) Rayamukuta.
(26) Koiasara—by ( I ) Sivarama on Vasavadatta.
(27) Kaumudi (Amarako^atika) — by (1) NayananandaSarman (2)
Bharatascna on Bhattikavya (3) Bhanuji (4) Rayamukuta.
(28) Khydticandrika— by (1) Ramanatha in Trikandaviveka.
(29) Gangadharakoia — by (1) Cadasimha (2) Medinikara.
(30) GAdnsiMia.’^ Anekarthadhvanimahjarl— -by (1) Usmaviveka (2)
Raghunandana (3) Ramanatha.
(31) Candrakoia — by (1) BhatJoji.
(32) Candranandana — by (1) Ksiraswamin.
(33) Jalarupa (Amarakolatika) — by (1) Rayamukufa.
(34) Trikdndamandanaoi Bhaskaramiira Somayajin — by (1) AcSrarka
(2) Caturavargacintaraapi (3) Dgnamayukha (4) Nirnaya-
sindhu (5) Madanaparij gta.
(35) Trikandaie^a of Purusottamadeva— by (1) Ujjvaladatta (2)'
Mallinatha (3) Medinikara (4) Raghunandana (5) §ivar5tna..
(36) rmiferamo— by (1) Dinakara on Raghuvathia (2) HemSdri on
Raghuvathia.
THE KOSa citations IN COMMENTARIAL LITERATURE
7S
•(37) Durga — by (1) Kjiraswimin (2) Ga^aratnamahodadhi (3)
Devaraja,
(38) Damodara-^hy (1) Rayamukuta.
(39) Dhanap§la*s j^oiya/accAmamama/a — ^by (1) Bhanuji (2) Hemacan-
dra.
(40) Dhanvantarinighantu — ^by (1) K^Iraswamin (2) BhavaprakSia
(3) Smrtyarthasagara.
{41) Dharaniko^a — by (1) Ujjvaladalta (2) Gadasirhha (3) Medinlkara
(4) Rayamukuta.
(42) Nanarthasamgraha of Ajayapala — by (1) Ujjvaladatta (2)
Ganaratnaniahodadhi (3) Medinikar (4) Rayamukuta (5)
^ivadasa.
(43) Nanartharatnamala of Irugapa — by (1) Bhattoji (2) Bhanuji
(3) Venkata.
(44) Namanig hantu oi Madhava-^by (1) Devaraja.
(45) Namani dhana oi Sarvajnanarayana — by (1) Bhanuji (2) Raya-
mukuta.
{46) Namaprapanca’^hy (1) Rayamukuta.
(47) Vamama/a of Dhanahjaya — by (1) AsalatiprakaSa (2)[jBhattoji
(3) Rayamukuta.
(48) Namamala — by (1) Ksiraswamin (2) Medinlkara (3) Vamana
(4) Hemacandra.
{49) Nigamakhyako^a — by (1) Rayamukuta.
(50) Parijataf — by (1) Candesvara Thakkura.
(51.) Prakaia — by (1) Cande5 vara Thakkura.
(52) Balasarman — by (1) Rayamukuta.
(53) Brhadamarako^a — by (1) Bhanuji (2) Rayamukuta.
(54) Kriyanighantu — by (1) Mallinatha.
(55) Bhaguri — by (1) KeSava (2) Ksiraswamin (3) Mallinatha (4)
Mahipa (5) MaheSwara (6) Madhaviyadhatuvrtti (7)
Medinikara (8) Rayamukuta (9) Halayudha (10) Hema-
candra.
(56) Bhuriprayoga of Padmanabhadatta — by (1) Narayanasarman
(2) Bhattoji (3) Ramanatha.
(57) Bhojadeva’s Namamalika--hy (1) Ksiraswamin (2) Mahipa (3)
Sayai(ia.
{58) Madanapalavinodanighantu^by (1) Nighanturaja (2) Bhava-
prakaSa (3) Smrtyarthasagara.
(59) Mahaksapanaka*s by (1) GinaratnamaliDiadhi.
{60) Mahlpa's by (1) ^ivarama on Vasavadatia,
{61) MSdhava's Ratnamala^hy (1) Rayamukuta.
76
16th ALL-XNDIA ORIENTAL' CGNFERENPE
(62) Madhavako^a — by (1) Medinlk^ra. ;
(63) Malattmala — by (I) Mallinatha (2) Kamananda on ii^aitAr/tanda.
(64) Muni (Katyayana?) — by (1) Ksiraswamin on Amara,
(65) Meghapradtpa — by (1) Vi^vaprakasa.
(66) Medintkara — by (1) Asalaliko^a (2) Bhuriprayoga (5) ,^ivako5a*
(67) Ratnakoia — by (1) Gadasimha (2) Bhanuji (3) Mallinatha (4)
Rayainukuta (5) feivarama on Vasavadatta.
(68) Ratnapraka^a — by (1) Mallinatha on iihipalavadha.
(69) Ratnamald — by (1) Bhanuji (2)^Medinikara.
(70) Rabhasapala — by (1) Ksiraswamin on /imara (2) Bhattoji (3)
Bharatasena on Bhattikavya (4) Bhanuji (5) M^dhaviya-
dhatuvrtti (6) Medinikara (7) Rayamukuta (8) §ivarama
on Vasavadatta.
(71) Rudrako^a — by (1) Gadasimha (2) Bhanuji (3) Mallinatha (4)
Medinikara (5) Rayamukuta (6) ^ivarama.
(72) Ruparatnakara — by (1) Sundaragani in Dhaturatnakara (2>
Bhanuji (3) Rayamukuta.
(73) Vararuciko^a (Katya ?) by (1) Medinikara (2) Malayudha.
(74) Vacaspati — by (1) Keiava (2) Bhattoji (5) Bhanuji (4) MaheS-
vara (5) Sundaragani in Dhaturatnakara (6) Hemacandra.
(75) Vikramadilyakoia — by (1) Bhanuji (2) Medinikara (3) Sun-
daragani in Dhaturatnakara (4) Haravali.
(76) Viivapraka^a — by (1) Medinikara.
(77) Visvarupa--hy (1) Bhattoji (2) Mahesvara (3) Medinikara.
(78) VUva^ambhumunVs Ekakqaranamamalika — in glosses on Abhi^
dhdnacintamant.
(79) Vopalitasifhha — by (1) Abhidhanaratnamala (2) Ujjvaladatta
(3) Bhanuji (4) Mahesvara (5) Medinikara (6) Rayamukuta
(7) ^ivadatta (8) Sundaragani in Dhaturatnakara (9)
Halayudha,
(80) Vyakhyamrta (Amarakoiatika) by (1) Rayamukuja.
(81) Vyadi-^by (1) KeSava (2) Ujjvaladatta (3) BhSnuji (4>
MaheSvara (5) Medinikara (6) Sivarama on VdsavadattlL
(7) Sundaragani in DhBturainakara (8) Rayamukufa (9)
Haravali (10) Hemacandra.
(82) Sabdatara^^nJ— by (1) Ujjvaladatta.
(83) Sabdahheda— by Jayamahgala on Bhaitibavya.
THE KoSa citations IN COMMENTARIAL LITERATURE _ 77
0
(84) SabdaSabdarthamafiju^a — mentioned by Vefakaja.
(85) iabdarnava — by (1) Ujjvaladatla (2) BhanujI (3) MaliinStha
(4) Medinikara (5) Rayamukuta (6) J^abdamala (7) ^iva-
ko5a (8) Sundaragani (9) Haravali.
(86) iakatayana — by (1 ) Ganaratnamahodadhi (2) Jayamahgala (3)
on Bha^ikav.ya (3) Bhattoji (4) Bharatasena (5) Mallinatha
(6) Madhavlyavrtti (7) Vopadeva (8) §akatayana (old) (9)
Hemacandra.
(87) iaivata — by (1) Ujjvaladatta (2) Ksiraswamin (3) Ganaratna-
mahodadhi (4) Mallinatha (5) Medinikara (6) Vararuci.
(88) by (1) Ksiraswamin on Amara.
(89) ^rtdhara — by ( 1 ) Sundaragani in Z)/io/MrafMafeora.
(90) Sanja — by (1) Narayana on /Iwora (2) Ramanatha on /4/Haffl.
(91) Sarasvatakoia — by (1) BhanujI (2) Rayamukuta.
(92) Sanisaravarta — by (1) BhanujI (2) Medinikara (3) Rayamukuta
(4) Har avail.
(93) Haldyudha — by (1) Katavcma on i^akuntala (2) Jayamahgala oir
Bhattikavya (3) Narahari in Cudamani (4) Narayaija on
U ttararamacarita (5) Padmanabhadatta on Bhuvaneivarhtotra
(6) Bharatasena on B/iatti&ot'yo (7) BhanujI on .idmora (8)
Rahganatha on Vikramorvaitya (9) Rayamukuta on Amard
(10) feivadatta in iivakoia (11) referred to by Medinikara,
(10) Legal Interpretation of the Pancatantr^
The Story of the Cat as Judge between the
Partridge and the Hare.
by
L. Sternbach, ll.d. (New York).
1. When we read a literary work we read it either from the point
of view of its contents, or because of its literary form, or for thoughts
contained in it. Very seldom, however, do we read it from the point
of view of law. Yet very often imperceptibly law enters into our
actions, into every step of our daily life. If we do shopping, if we go
to a blacksmith, if we go to a jeweller to order a ring, or step into
A tram, bus or a taxi, in each of these cases we conclude one or more
legal contracts which, from the legal point of view, very often, are
complicated. The same is the case when reading literary works. While
reading the Mrcchakatika, for instance, we had probably never noticed
that in this beautiful drama we find description of a juridical act,
namely, a contract of deposit. In this case the act was concluded bet-
ween Carudatta and Vasantasena and the whole drama is based on
legal rules resulting from the conclusion of this contract of deposit.
They relate to the responsibility of the depositor, the influence of vis
major on the obligation of returning the thing deposited, etc. These
juridical problems are the thread running through the whole of this
drama. However, no mention of this fact appears in any of the critical
editions of the Mrcchakatika.
2. In reading the Arabian Nights, the first time one reads it from
the point of view of its contents, the second time from the point of view
of its customs, as well as contents which were current there. Then it may
be seen that some legal problems are raised in these tales. On reading
the Arabian Nights for the third time, fourth and tenth time, the
conclusion is reached that this work reflects the daily life of the people,
the life which really existed and not that which was contained in the
books, on the basis of which legal contracts were concluded and legal
actions were performed. The legal contracts contained therein are
•clearer and more alive, and are a better illustration of the application
of legal rules than the dull legal rules contained in the law-books.
3. When reading the Indian tales and, in particular, the Pancatan-
tra, perhaps for the twentieth time, I came to the same conclusion.
Many scholars have written about the Pancatantra and I shall not
be able to add to their works. However, I should like to point out
that the tales contained in the Pancatantra, though fables, depict
faithfully the daily life in India and the juridical problems resulting
from it.
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA * 79
4. What is the aim of interpretation of tales from the point of
view of the Smrtis? It is to: —
(a) point up various juridical problems raised in the Pancatan-*
tra,
(b) show how the respective problems are solved in the Smytis
and in the Pancatantra,
(c) demonstrate whether these problems which appear in the
Pancatantra were solved in conformity with the Smrtis,
(d) demonstrate how far the legal rules contained in the
Pancatantra reflect the legal rules contained in the
Smrtis.
On the basis of these considerations, the manner in which the legal
rules contained in the Smrtis were applied in daily life may be demons-
trated. It is certain that the author, or authors of the Pancatantra
were not jurists and were unaware of the legal rules in force. If
certain juridical problems mentioned in the story were solved in
accordance with the rules of the Smrtis, it shows that these rules were
widely known, so that even laymen quoted them. In particular, Manu
was one of the authorities on which the Pancatantra is based, as stated
in the introduction to P.2
Moreover, if we interpret the Pancatantra from the point of view
of law, we frequently arrive at very interesting conclusions. We know
that various versions of the Pancatantra exist in which some of the
tales, especially those which have something in common with law, are
differently narrated. Some of them are in conformity with the rules
contained in the Smrtis and others are not. In particular, later texts,
the longer version {textus ornatiory, attempt to conform the text in
the Pancatantra with the legal rules, in order to eliminate seeming
inconsistencies. On the other hand, if some of the Pancatantra texts
<luote certain rules of the Smrtis, we may note the wording in which
they were known in daily life at the time when the Pancatantra was
written, and what other legal rules, not contained in the Smftis, were
in use.
5. Following are the translations of the two versions, the shorter
and the longer, of the story of the cat as judge between the partridge
and the hare (P. 3, 4), The short version states^;— .
Once long ago I was dwelling in a certain tree. In a hole under
the tree dwelt a bird called a partridge.
Now as a result of our dwelling together a friendship sprang up
between us, and everv day at early evening (after we had eaten and
taken our recreation outside) we would spend the time in pleasant
conversation with questions on both sides. Then one time the partridge
l6XKt ALL-IWDlA ORIENTAL CONFEREN,CE
ifaijicd to arrive (even, at even-tide),. at the time when we were wont to
converse. For this reason 1 was much perturbed at heart, and I
wondered: ''Can he have been killed or caught/* or has he taken a liking
tPi another dwelling-place; (that he does not come) ? "While I was
pondering on this many days passed/’ (And) after this a hare named
Longears came and settled in the hole in which he had lived. And
when. I saw him I reflected: "That friend of mine is not; what concern
have I with the dwelling ?** When he had remained there some time,
the partridge came back (to the same place). When he found the
liare in his hole, he said: "(See here), this is my place, so depart (from
it. quickly).** He said (to him) : "Fool, (do you not know that) a
dwelling (and food) are to be enjoyed by whoever is at hand?” The
' partridge said : "There are witnesses available here; let us ask them,
since that is what the case demands. And it is said in the lawbooks: —
Concerning tanks, pools, and ponds, concerning a house and a
dwelling, the testimony of neighbours is decisive; thus Manu has
declared.”
"So be it,** agreed the other, and they set out to have the question
decided at law. I also followed close behind them, being curious (to see
what the outcome would be). When they had not gone very far (from
there) the partridge said (to the hare): "(But) who will hear our
law-suit?’* The hare said: "(Why, here is) this aged cat named
•Curd-Ears, who lives on the bank of the river, devoted to penance, and
who shows compassion to all living creatures: he knows the law: he
will make a lawful decision for us”. (And hearing this j the partridge
said : "Away with that mean creature ! (And it is said :)
(Do not trust who covers himself with the mask of a devotee.
Many devotees are seen at the holy pilgrimage-places
who lack not throats and teeth !”)
And hearing this (the cat) Curd-Ears, (who had assumed a false
aspect in order to make his living by easy means,) that he might win
their confidence, stood up on two legs and gazed (steadfastly) towards
the sun, and with out-stretched arms, closing one eye (only), engaged
in prayer. (And) as he prayed their hearts trusted in him, and they
crept up towards him and made known their dispute about the dwel-
ling (saying): "O holy devotee, teacher of the law, wc two have a
dispute; so decide it for us according to the law-codes!** And he
. said : "I am old and my senses are dulled, so that I cannot hear very
well from a distance. Come quite close and speak loud.” Then they
came nearer and told their story. Then he, (Curd-Ears), winning
their confidence so as to make them come closer, recited texts from the
lawbooks :
"When righteousness is destroyed, it destroys in turn ; when
righteousness is preserved, it preserves. Therefore we
must not destroy righteousness, lest it, being destroyed,
destroy us.
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA
81
Righteousness is our only friend that follows us even in death!
for all else goes to destruction together with the body.
In blind darkness are we sunk who offer sacrifices with beasts. A
higher religious duly than harmlcssness has never been nor shall be.
Whosoever regards other men’s wives like a mother, other men’s
possessions like clods of earth, and all creatures like himself lie has
true vision.”
(So) by his hypocrisy he won their confidence to such an extent
that they came up to him quite close; and then with one stroke they
were (both) caught and killed (by that mean creature).
6. In the longer version the same story reads as followss :
At one time I was myself living in a certain tree. And beneath
the same tree dwelt another bird, a partridge. So by virtue of our
near neighbourhood there sprang lip between us a firm friendship.
Every day, after taking our meals and airings, we spent the evening
hours in a round of amusements, such as repeating witty sayings,
telling talcs from the old story-books, solving puzzles and conundrums,
or exchanging presents.
One day the partridge went foraging with other birds to a spot
where the rice was ripe and abundant, and he did not return at night-
fall. Of course, I missed him greatly and I thought: **Alas; Why
does not my friend the partridge come home tonight? I am much
afraid he is caught in some trap, or has even been killed.” And many
days passed while I grieved in this way.
Now one evening a hare, nan'^ed Speedy made himself at home in
the partridge’s old nest in the hole. Nor did I say him nay, for I
despaired of seeing the partridge again.
However, one fine day the partridge, who had grown extremely
plump from eating rice, remembered his old home and returned. This,
indeed, is not to be wondered at.
No mortal has such joy, although
In heaven’s fields he roams.
As in his city, in his land,
And in his humble home.
Now when he saw the hare in the hole, he said reproachfully:
•''Come now, hare, you have done a shabby thing in occupying my
apartment. Please be gone, and lose no time about it.”
82 ' 16X11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
“You fool said the hare, “Don^t you know that a dwelling is
yours only uhilc }mi occupy it?*' “Veiy well, ihen,^’ said the partridge,
‘‘suppose we ask Uie neighbour/* For, to give you a legal quotation.
For ownership of cisterns, tanks.
Wells, groves, and houses, too.
The neighbours’ testimony goes —
Such is the legal view.
And again :
When house or field or well or grove
Or land is in dispute,
A neighbour’s testimony is -
Decisive of the suit.”
Then the hare said: '‘You fool! Are you ignorant of the consecra-
ted tradition which says : —
“Suppose beside your neighbour you
For ten long years abide.
What weight hav^e learned arguments?
Eye-witnesses decide.
Fool ! Fool I Did you never hear the dictum of the sage Narada?
The title to possession is
A ten year’s habitation
With men. But with the birds and beasts
] Mere present occupation”.
''Hence, even supposing this apartment to be yours, still it was
not occupied when I moved in, and now it is mine”.
“Well, well!*' replied the partridge, “if you appeal to consecrated
tradition, come with me, and we will consult the specialists. It shall
be yours or mine according to their decision.” “Very well,” said the
other, and together they started off to have their suit decided. I, too,
was at their heels, out of curiousity. “I will just see what comes of all
this.” I said to myself.
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA
83
Now they had not travelled far when the hare asked the partridge :
good fellow, who is to pass judgment on our disagreement
And the partridge answered : **On a sand-bank by the sacred Ganges,
where there is sweet music from the dancing waves that intercross and
break when the water is swept by nimble breezes, there dwells a tomcat
whose name is Curd-Ear. He abides unshaken in his vow of penance
and self-denial, and character has begotten compassion’’.
But when the hare spied the cat, his soul staggered with terror,
and he said : ‘‘No, no ! He is a seedy rascal. You must have heard the
proverb :
Oh, never trust a rogue for all
His Pharisaic puzzling:
At holy shrines some saints gre found
Quite capable of guzzling.”
Upon hearing this, Curd-Ear, whose manner of life had been
assumed for the purpose of making an easy livelihood, desired to win
their confidence. He, therefore, gazed straight at the sun, stood on his
hindlegs, lifted his fore-paws, blinked his eyes, and in order to deceive
them by sentiments, delivered the following moral discourse. “Alas !
Alas! All is vanity. This fragile life passes in a moment. Union
with the beloved is an empty dream. Family endearments are a
conjurer’s trick. But for the moral law, there would be no escape. Oh,
listen to Scripture I
Each transitory day, O man,
To moral living give ;
Else, like the blacksmith’s bellows, you
Suck air, but do not live.
And furthermore:
Non-moral learning is a curse,
A dog’s tail, nothing less,
That does not save, from flies and fleas.
Nor cover nakedness.
84
16tii all-ikdia oriental conference
And yet again;
A rotten ear among the wheat,
Among the birds a bat.
Is he who spurns the moral law ;
The merest living gnat.
The llowers «Tnd fruit are better than the tree ;
better than curds is butter said to be ;
Better than oil-cake, oil that trickles free ;
Better than mortal man, morality.
The praise of constant steadfastness
Some wise professors sing;
But moral earnestness is swift.
Though many fetters cling*
Forget your prosings manifold ;
The moral law is briefly told:
To help your neighbour-this is good
To injure him is devilhoed''.
Having listened to this moral discourse, the rabbit said: '^Friend
partridge, here on the river-bank is the saint who expounds the moral
law. Let us ask him.’'
But the partridge said : ‘‘After all he is a natural enemy. Let us
ask him from a distance. So together they began to question him : “O
holy moralist, a dispute has arisen between us. Pray give judgment in
accordance with the moral law. And whichever of us is found to speak
falsely, him you may cat.”
“Dear friends”, said the cat, “Ilmplore you not to speak thus. My
soul abhors every act of cruelty, that street-sign pointing to hell. Sure-
ly, you know the Scripture :
The holy first commandment runs
Not harsh, but kindly be
LEGAL INTERPRETATIO]>r OF THE PANCATANTRA ‘ 85
And therefore lavish mercy on
Mosquito, louse, and flea.
Why speak of hurting innocence?
For he, with purpose fell
Who injures even noxious beasts.
Is plunged in ghastly hell.
“Nay, even those who slay living creatures in the act of sacrifice
are befuddled, and their hermeneutic theology is at fault. And if you
object to me the passage, “One should sacrifice with goals'" in that
passage the word “goats” signifies grain that has aged seven years,
‘Go, oats' — such is the true excgensis. And then, consider the passage :
If he who cuts down trees or cattle,
Or make a bloody slime in*battle.
Should thereby win to heaven-vvell,
Who (let me ask you) goes to hell?
“No, no, I shall eat nobody. However, I am somewhat old and
do not readily distinguish your voices from a distance. So how am I to
determine winner and loser ? In view of this, pray draw near and make
me acquainted witli^the case. Then I can pronounce a judgment that
discriminates the essence of the matter, and thus causes no impediment
in my march to the other world. You know the stanza :
If any man, from pride or greed,
Timidity or wrath,
Judge falsely, he has set his foot
On hell's down-sloping path.
And again:
Who wrongs a sheep, slays kinsmen five ;
Who wrongs a cow, slays ten ;
A thousand die for maidens wronged ;
A thousand die for men.
“Therefore confide in me and speak clearly at the edge of my car.'"
Why spin it out ? That seedy rogue won their trust so fully that
both drew near him. Then, of course>>.he seized them simultaneously
one with his paw, the other with the saw of his teeth. And when rh/J
were dead, he ate them both.
86 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
7. From the legal point of view, there are also some differences
between these two versions which, may be, will allow us to come to a
conclusion which of these versions is the better one.
What are the juridical problems solved, or better to say, touched in
this story? There are three main problems; the first is that the dwell-
ing may be enjoyed by whomever is at hand ; the second is that in the
case of a dispute regarding dwellings the testimony of neighbours is
decisive ; the third is that the king had to decide in the case of a dispute
between his subjects.
8. Let us confine to the problem of the enjoyment of the dwelling
by whomever is at hand. This problem is not solved in the Smrtis
clearly; it may be only solved on the basis of general legal rules.
It is evident from both versions of the story of the cat as judge
between the partridge and the hare that the partridge possessed the hole
or rather possessed its use, that is the legal right to use it. The hole
before being taken possession of by the partridge, did not belong to any-
body. Thus, it was a res niillius. But from the moment the partridge
took possession of this hole and has shown his will to use it (had the
animus ufendi). this will to use it formed the title for the acquisition of
the hole. In legal nomenclature this act gave him the titulus acqiiiren-
di of the hole, since no special act was necessary to acquire an object
which did not belong to anybody, was res nullius. The partridge had
thus the right to the hole, even if he left it for a moment ; he had the
legal right to return to it and the hare could not take possession of the
hole which belonged to somebody else, since the partridge wanted to
return to it^. The partridge did not abandon the hole, If he had
done so, the hole would become an abandoned object (res dereJicta) and
would become again a res nuUius and thus could be legally taken by
anybody and certainly also by the hare. This act of occupation, called
in juridical language occupatio would then be the titulus acquirendi for
the person who has occupied the hole, the will to keep* it for himself.
But the partridge, in the story of the cat as judge between the partridge
and hare, wanted to keep the hole, the hole was still his and the hare
could not legally occupy it. Therefore, from the legal point of view
the cat as judge could only pass the judgment m favour of the
partridge.
9. In the longer version of the cat as judge between the part-
ridge and the hare, the substance of the story is the same. In that
version the partridge, or sparrow Kapinjala went to another place ; it
is stated clearly, in that version that he went to another place in order
to gain his livelihood; he was expected to return.
A new problem arises in the longer version. It is stated there that
hare was not warned that the hole was occupied by somebody else ;
therefore, the hare occupied the hole in good faith, in b ona fide.
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA
87
10. The ancient Indian law knows the distinction between possessio
and detentio (that is physical possession of an object by a person with*
out his will to keep it for himself)^ and the legal consequences of such
a distinction. In particular the Snirtis state that objects which were
given only into detention could not be acquired by usucapio^ ,that is
acquisition of the title or right to property by uninterruped and undis-
puted possession of it is for a certain term prescribed by law. The
Smrtis distinguish also between acquisition of some objects by usucapio^
and* praescriptio^^, that is loss of a right by neglecting to use it during
the time limited by law. They also state that it might happen that the
owner has no right to claim the return of his property, even though the
possessor of this object did not acquire it (by usucapo)^^. In order
to acquire a certain object by xisucapio the Smrtis prescribe an uninterr*
upled^- possession in good faith, in bona fide^^ without any hindrance
lasting for many years^^. Bad faith, mala fidcs excludes the possibility
of acquisition of an object by tisncapio. Usucapio creates the iilulus
acqxiircndi of ownership which excludes the possibility of proving owner-
ship of an object by the previous ovvner by means of witnesses, docum-
ents, etc^6. 'fhe period necessary for usucapio depends on the object to be
acquired by ; it extends to ten years or more^7. Indifferent
Smrtis ownership could be acquired after the lapse of different periods
of tinie^^ and originally more, object could not be acquired by that way.
After some lime, however, with the development of legal rules, they
could be acquired in varying periods of time^^.
The Smrtis also state clearly that, in spite of possession of some
objects during a period necessary for usucapio. they cannot be acquired
in this way. This problem is solved in Mn., Y., Vas., X., K., Brh.,
Sukr., G.,20, N. Quot.21. Some of these objects cannot be acquired by
^ usucapio because of the nature of the contract (lack of good faith, bona
fides), or oi Ihc object to be acquired by usucapio (real exceptions),
others because of the person who is the owner (personal exceptions).
To the first group (because of lack of bona fides) belong adhi^-*
niksepa or upanidlii--f nidhi-^; and because of the nature of the object
to be acquired by usucapio: bhumi-^, slma^^, pasu^"^, female slaves and
boats-28. Personal exceptions are more numerous. The aim of their
introduction is either protection of the said person, or the praesumptio
J^of lack of good faith, bona fides. To the first group belong the estates
of the king ra/a29, ministers (amatyay^, children {balay^, mentally
backward people {jaday^, women (striy^, ascetics (srotriyay^ and
heretics (pasanda)^^ ; to the second group belong the estate of the
sons-in-law36 or of kinsmen^^.
As far as the tale of the cat as judge between the partridge and the
hare is concerned, the most interesting problem is that of usucapio^ or
rather of object which cannot be acquired by usucapio. Land (bhiemi)
could not be acquired by usucapio only according to G. i. e., probably, in
the oldest Snirti ; this seems to indicate that only in the oldest time land
S8 16th all**india oriental conference
could not be acquired by itsucapio, although in more recent times
usucQpio in bond fide of the land gave the titulus otcquifcndi and con-
sequently, ownership's,
11. / In the longer versions of the tale of the cat as judge between
the partridge and the hare, the hare occupied the hole in good faith,
in bona fide. This is evident from the texts in which it is stated that
nobody has forbidden (nivaritah) him to occupy the hole. Therefore,
Kapihjala says to the hare: *Tt is not right that you occupied my
•dwelling. Vacate it as soon as possible”. And the hare replies: It is
not your dwelling-place; it is mine....”. “If you think so, Kapinjala
Teplies “then let us as ask the neighbours” because :
'♦For ownership of cisterns, tanks,
wells, groves and house, too,
the neighbours' testimony, goes —
such is the legal view”39
or because :
“When house or field, or well, or grove,
or land is in dispute,
a neighbour's testimony is
decisive of the suit'.^o
These texts are based on the Smrtis, in particular on Mn. (VIII-
147). According to this Dharma^astra land is to be acquired by
4:Qpio after ten years. Identical as m the longer versions of the tale of
the cat as judge between the partridge and the hare, it is stated there
that in the case of a public (f. e. uninterrupted possession of land
during a period of ten years the evidence of witnesses and documents is
not admissible. It is admitted eo ipso (Mn.) that its possessor acquires
ownership of the land or houses 4-. by usucapio.
The hare, in order to support his statement, quotes according to the
longer versions the following sentence ascribed to Narada:—
“The title to possession is
a ten year's habitation
with men. But with the birds and beasts
mere present occupation”
As far as I could ascertain, this sentence of Narada cannot be
found in N., or other Smrtis and probably was invented ad hoc by the
hare in order to prove his right to the hole. It must be also noted that
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA
89
the period of time quoted in the tale would be too short to prove the
acquisition of the property by usucapio and that no special rules were
promulgated for animals.
It should be noted that, from the legal point of view, usucapio was
inadmissible because of lack of time necessary for usucapio, even if we
admit that the hare was in bona fide,
12. It should be noted that the tale of the cat as judge between the
partridge and the hare is not the only one in the Pahcaiantra in which
the problem of acquisition of a res nullius (the hole), occupation of a
hole, etc. is raised. This problem seems to be very popular in the
various versions of the Pancatantra.
In the tale of the lion and the wary jackal, a hungry lion came to a
great mountain and thought that some animal would come into the cave
during the night. Then a jackal, the owner of the cave, came and began
to sing In this tale it is stated that he who quitted for some time
the object that was taken into possession (the hole), having still the
animus utendi, is always considered as owner of this object {svamin).
This fact proves, once more that the hare, in longer versions of the tale
of the cat as judge between the partridge and the hare, had the legal
right to the hole.
On the other hand, in the tale of the frog’s revenge, when the frog-
king, after having given his relatives to the black snake to be eaten by
him, says that he should return home, the black snake replies that cer-
tainly in the meantime his hole has been occupied by a stranger
The fact of the occupation of the hole* by strangers during the
absence of its owner can also be observed in the frame-story to book IV,
where' the crocodile is informed that during his absence his house has
been occupied by another crocodile Having returned the crocodile
killed the intruder and recovered his home47.
In the tale of the jackal and the war-drum, we also read about a
hungry jackal who hearing a war-drum crept near it thinking that he
would get food and having come to this conclusion he picked a spot,
dug up a hole and crept in ^8.
In these tales it is not stated that somebody warned the intruders
saying that the hole was in possession of somebody else. That is clearly
stated in the longer versions of the tale of the cat as judge between the
partridge and the hare.
13. From the various versions of the tale of the cat as judge bet-
ween the partridge and the hare it is evident that all these versions are
based upon legal rules which we can find in the Smrtis; that the juri-
'dical problems contained in this tale were presented by both the litigents
90 16th ALL-lNDlA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(the hare and the partridge) from the legal point of view and in con-
foiniily with the rules contained in the Smrtis; that, although the hare
very wisely quoted juridical arguments, his case ought to be dismissed;
and that the longer versions are clearer and better in so far as legal prob-
lems are concerned.
According to the short version (P), the legal problem is not clearly
described and it is difficult to understand the hare's arguments. It is
not ckar whether the hare abandoned the hole; on the other hand, the
very interesting problem of the possible acquisition of the hole by
usucapio is lacking.
The longer versions, in particular. PK. and PBK., contain the
explanation that the partridge did not abandon the hole, since he went
aw^ay only to find food (and still had the animus w/c«rfithe
hole). This version also raises a new problem, wdiether the hare,
who was in bona jidc (nobody has forbidden him the use of the hole),
could acquire it by Thcliare based his claim upon the rule
that by uninterrupted possession a human being acquired the right to
the hole by nsneapio but that this rule does not apply to animals It
seems to be clear that this rule was invented ad hoc and is not based on
the Smrtis. A special legal rule for animals could not be promulgated
how^ever, the hare could plead in the court that, being in bona fida,
he look posse>sion of a res nullius, and in this way prove his iitnlus
acqxiircndu The judge, however, hearing the case and basing his judge-
ment on the deposition of witnesses-neighbours (M. 8*262, and others)
ought to pronounce his judgment in favour of the partridge, because
the w itnesses-neighbours. could only state that the hole was a res nullius
or a res derelictn. that, in spite of bona fides of the hare, it could not
be acquired by him by usucapiOy as the period of time necessary for
ttsucapio had not elapsed so.
%
In connection with the legal interpretation of the tale of the cat
judge between the partridge and the hare, it is possible to come to the
conclusion that the longer versions are clearer and more logical and,
although the text, as ctuoted in the shorter versions may be the original
one, the value of the talc and the logical solution of the problems raised
there, increases in the longer versions, in particular in the VisnuSarman
(PK., PBK.), thus becoming more easy to read and to understand to
the Indian readers.
Foot-Notes.
1. Compare L. Sternbach, Indian Tales Interpreted from the
Point of View of the Smrtis: Pancatantra 1.13. JAOS 68.2, 84-91.
2. Manave vacaspataye iukraya parasaraya sasutaya camkyaya^
eavidus^e namo *stu nxpa^astrakartxbhyalh (P kathamukham 1.)
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANTRA 91
3. This paper is based, in the first place, on F. Edgerlon's Panca-
tantra reconstructed ...(AOS 2) (P), the most critical text of the
Pancatantra. The TantrakhySyika, ed. by J. Hertel (PHT) is also
used; this version is the nearest to P. Other texts utilised in this study
were the Vis^u^arman ed. by /. G. L. Koseg^rten under the title
Pantchatantrum sive quinquepartitum de moribus exponens (the first
text of the Pancatantra published in Europe) (PK) and the critical
edition by F, Kielhorn and G, Buehler (BSS I, 3, 4) (PBK), as well as
/. HerteVs recension of the Jaina Monk Purnabhadra (H03 ll)
(PHP).
PBK and PHP are the longer versions.
4. Translated by F. Edgerton in P (AOS 3).
5. Translated by Arthur W, Ryder in ‘The Panchatantra*', The
University of Chicago Press.
6. As it may be enjoyed by whomever is at hand, i.e. takes a
res nullius into Possession. P 3.4, 93 scaled: markka, (kini na te
viditam,) upasthanabliogya avdso (bhukti^ ca.)
7. Compare L. Slernbach, Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian
Law; 11. Law of Deposits; par. 4. Suppl. to BhV 7.3-4.
8. Compare L. Stcrnbach, Juridical Studies in Ancient Indian
Law ; /, Pledge ; par. 40. BhV 6.9.
9. Mn 8.148, N 1.78, 80, G 12.37, Vi 5.187, Brh 7. 23,41, Kaly 327.
10. Mn 8.147, Y 2.24, Vas 16.16-7, N 1.79, Brh 7.43, Sukr 4.5,
221-3.
11. ^ukr 4.5,223-4.
12. Bfh 7.28.
13. N 1.84-8, ^ukr 4.5,223.
14. Mn 8.147, Y 2.24, N 1.78, Brh 7.23,41, §ukr 4.5,22.
15. N 1.90, Brh 7.28, Katy 329, Vi 5.187, SinrC 3.166.
16. Brh 7-41. Compare Katy 299.
17. According to Mn (8.147) every object is acquired by nsucapio
after the lapse of ten years (compare G 12.37). Similarly NT 1.79.
According to Y 2.24) land may be acquired after the lapse of twenty
years of time, and money after ten years. According to Vas (16.16-7)
a property inherited from the father, an object bought, etc.* may be
acquired by usucapio after the lapse of ten years.* According to &ukr
(4.5,437-40) small properties maybe acquired by usucapio
lapse of ten years and land after twenty years. According to Brh
(7.28,43) uninterrupted possession for thirty years or by three genera-
tions created ownership. Compare also Katy (299-301) and N (Qaot.
•« 2 . 21 . )
92
16tII ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
18. For instance according to Mn. (8.147) land may be acquired
after ten years and according to Y (2.24) after twenty years. Compare
Vyasa in Sialapa^ii {adY 2.24), G 16.39 and others.
19. According to G (12.39) animals, land, females are not lost by
adverse possession. Immemorial possession is mentioned in Brh
(Sams (329). According to Bfh (Sams 327), Vi (5.187) land may be
acquired by tisucapio after possession by three generations.
20. Adhih shna baladhanam niksepopanidht striyal},
rajasvam ^rotriyasvam ca na bhogena pranasyati (Mn 8. 149.)
Adliishnopaniksepajadabaladhanairvina,
iathopanidhirajastnirotriyamm dhanairapi (Y 2.25).
Adhih shna baladhanam nik^epopanidhl striyah,
rajasvam srotriyadravyam na bhogena pranasyati (N 1.81.)
Adhih shna baladhanam nikqepopanidhistatha,
rajasvam srotriyasvam ca na bhogena pranasyati ^ukr 4.5,225).
A th apytidh ah aran ii,
paitvkam krttamadhiyamanvadheyam pratigraham,
yajnadupaganio venistathd dhumaHkhastamiti (Vas 16.16).
Tatra bhuktannblmkladasavarsam (Vas 16.17).
Anyathapyiidaharanti,
adhih shna haladhano niksepopanidhistriyah rajasvam Srotriya-
dravyam na sambhogena hJyate (Vas 16.19).
Jhatayassrofriyah pasanda va rajhamasannidhau paravastuqu
hivasanto na bhogena hareyuh; upanidhimadhhh nidhim
nik^epam s triyam shnanaih raja^roiriyadravyani ca. (K
1911-3).
Asvamma tu yadbhuktam gthak:ietrapanadikam,
suhxdbandhusakulyasya na tadbhogena hiyate (Brh 7.44).
Vaivahya srotriyairbhuktafh rajTtamatyaistathaiva ca,
sudtrghenapi kalena te^ath sidhyati ianna tu, (Brh 7.46).
A ja^apogandadhanath daiavarsabhuktant parail^ sannidhau
bhvktuh ; na irotriyapravrajitarajc^nyapurusail } ; paiubhu-
mistrhiam'anatibhvga^ (G 12,37-9).
21. N. (Quot) 7.12)
LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE PANCATANT RA
95
22. Mn, Y, Vas, N, K, 5ukr, N Quot. Compare L. Sternbach, Juri-
dical Studies in Ancient Indian Law ; 7. Pledge, par. 39—50; BhV 6.9
234 Mn, Y. Vas, N, K, ^ukr, N Quot.
24. N
25. G.
26. Mn, Y, Vas, N. K, Sukr.
27. G. Compare N Quot 7.12.
28. N Quot. 7.12; Compare for females G.
29. Mn, Y, N, K, Brh, 5ukr.
30. Brh.
31. Mn, Y, N, Vas K, $ukr.
32. Y.
33. Mn, Y, N, Vas, K, Sukr.
34. Mn, Y, N, Vas, Brh, Sukr.^
35. K.
36. Brh.
37. K.
38. Mn, Y, N, Vas, K and Sukr enumerate sima as objects which
cannot be acquired by usucapio. Medh (ad Mn 8.149 ) adds the follow-
ing commentary on sJma : Sima maryada gramadinani : b ahusadharan-
yaddhi tdtropeksa saihbkavati; g};hadinaih tu prakdraparikhddirupa
dvi-.rihastaparimdnarupa dvayoh sadharani yd’nyatzre kathamcidupa-
jiryamand sva’patvadbhogaica kascitkayaniam kdlamupeksyetdpi;
tatrapi daiiddisvatvapagamahetuni sambhduayatah;'atastatptitrd^ pautra
vd gudacihnddind prajHdpitasiinatz'dddcchindantyeva. Since shnd are
only boundaries or objects which are in the boundary-line.
39. Vapikupataddgmdvi g^hasyopavanasya ca,
sdmantapratyaydt siddhirityevaih maniirabravit (PK 3-91, PHP
3.83).
Tht iloka as quoted inP. 'K. and PHP is almost identical with
that of P. 3.47 which is identified with the Srartis (Mn 8.262. Katy
734).
In PK and PHP the same maxim is repeated in other words in the
subsequent Hoka. It is stated there :
Gthak^etravivddequ kupopavanabhum i^n,
sainutpanne vivdde tu sdmantdt prasyayo bhavet (PK 3.92,
PHP 3.84).
I did not find - these i/oiojf in the identical wording in any of the
Smrtis.
94
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
40. Vaptku patadaganaiii devalayakujanm anam ,
utsdrgaparatd^ svdmyamapi kartum na ^akyate (PBK 3.93).
41. Compare Brh 7.28.
42. Some of the texts use instead of k^etra (land) the word gvha
(house.)
43. Mdnusdndmayam nydyo munibhih parikirtitah,
tira^cdm ea znhanigdndm ydvacchihisamdsrayab (PBK 3.9S)
PK (3.105-6) and identically PHP (3.94-5) and PBK (3.104-)
state :
Ahimsd purvako dharmo yasmdt sadbhiruddh^tah,
vukamatknnadam^adimstasmat ianapi rak^ayet.
Himsakdnyapi bhutdni ya huhsati sa nirghtnah,
sa ydti narakam ghoram kim, punaryah iubhdni ca.
44. Atha giihdsvdmt dadhimukha ndma stgdlo dvdri phutkartum
arebhe (PHP 218.11-2).
45. Madiyabiladurgam anyai ruddhaih bhavisyati PHP 234.3).
46. Yad aho tvadtyagxhxm any a p arena mahdmakarena santgxhttam
PHP. 250.20-1 ). Compare PBK 4.29.12. ‘
47. 4.256.
48. Evam avadharya kasmimicit pradeie viddryantah pravistah
<PHP) 13,20-1). ’ * ‘
49. Mdnu^dndfh syddbhukiirvai da^^savarsikt,
vihangdndm ttraJcam ydvadeva samdirayaJ), PK 3.94, PHP
3.86, PBK 3.95).
50. The rule contained in G that bhumi cannot be usueapio should
not be applied in this case because bhumi is mentioned only in G and
according to all other more recent Sinrtis, including Mn, might be
acquired by usueapio.
( 11 ) Patanjalis’ Attitude Towards KStyayana
by
Sri M. G. Gaydiiani, m.a. — Nasik
is a matchless grammatical work in the field of
literature of the whole world. By its perfection, accuracy, and
encyclopaedic nature it stands unique among the aphoristic literature.
It fulfils all the conditions which an aphoristic work requires*. Though
irrftirprf discussed his subject entirely some rules were left to be taught;
moreover the grammatical forms current in time changed at
the period of 'vho flotinshed at least after a couple of centuries.
These facts gave scope to the latter to compose which were
intended to correct, to modify or supplement the aphorisms-,
is a commentary on together with
In his commentary he carries out his two-fold work : — (1) To
defend and refute as well as 5pr?«rT?T5T (2) To give his own
additions called
It is really interesting and useful to the students of grammar to
see what attitude was towards f;rrft[rr«T and gpic^T^T^T. Yet, here.
T have limited my subject and I am going to investigate his mode of
dealing with alone. I'urther, the detailed study of the whole of
the ^vill be too big a work for the small compass of this article.
Therefore, 1 have restricted the field to the first four only. The
first discusses general topics such as the aims of learning
grammar, its definition etc. The second deals with the
and the third and the fourth comment on the first ten
aphorisms of the
To begin with, let us examine critically all the refuted by
the commentator.
( 1 ) The raises a problem whether a man gets merit
only by the knowledge of correct words or only by their correct use,,
and comes to the conclusion that the knowledge of correct words and'
their correct application both together bring prosperity^. The commen-
tator does not disprove this view, but suggests that one achieves merit
only by the knowledge of correct words. He further remarks that the
96
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
-eraployment of correct words is necessary in sacrificial rites only. One
who uses correct words in sacrifices attains merit even though he uses
incorrect words in everyday affairs. To support his view he cites the
example of sages and by name. They, instead of speaking
^3[T«r«nErii:, used to say common language, but
during sacrifices they used correct words and they acquired merif*.
As a matter of fact the knowledge of correct words is the means
and not the end itself ; so the application of correct words is more
important than the knowledge itself. Therefore the argument of the
commentator is not acceptable. Moreover this view of the commentator
contradicts his own statement. At one place he remarks that though a
correct word and an incorrect word denote the object equally, the
science of grammar makes the rule that only correct words should be
•employed, as the use of correct words gives rise to prosperity^.
(2) The defines the word as that which denotes
both word and aphorism®. The commentator rightly disproves this
definition and states that the word eiJcicErtir denotes only the aphorism.
(3) The states that the letter ^ in the as well
as in the ijrg, etc. should be understood as ancThe gives
two purposes for it..
(o) i*ir is . w must be homogeneous with jjf and so it
should be flsrfH.
(b) ^ being ?r*f?r, its long or protracted form will be 9 *^ 9 . To
avoid this in the should be taken as
The commentator accepts the first purpose but rebuts the second
on the ground that ^ cannot become long, or protracted as
long or protracted ^ is not found in the Vedic language or the
popular language. Only those forms of letters can be made which do
oxists. The commentator convincingly sets aside the purpose given by
the
(4) The mentions that if constituents of a letter are not
treated as separate letters, then the letter ^ should be read in the follow-
ing aphorisms, (o) (^) (®) «ir:
(h) The letter consists of two elements and a vowel. If ^
in "the letter !K is not accepted as a separate 'letter, the root nvi"
contains only one consonant But the aphorism en^rnr^flltCIfrr
required two consonants, so it cannot be applied to the root in
forming the perfect form
PATANJALl’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS KATVSyANA
97
The commentator does not accept in the letter ^ sls a separate
letter and yet he refuses to read in the aphorism i He
asks to drop the word^fjf^: from the aphorism Then* tke difficulty
arises that the roots such as get augment and the forms like
would not be formed. The*commentator faces this difficulty fiy
tfie I If we read the aphorism as only, the root
automatically gets the augment ^and the aphorism becomes
fruitless and it makes the rule that ^ augment is to be inserted in the
root only, among all the roots whicli begin with ^ and so the
roots like have no augment*^.
(b) The commentator does not accept the suggestion to read the
vowel ^ in the aphorism \ He tries to show that qffdrrsT
already given in He dissolves the“ aphorism as follows.
fpT is an implied genetjive 3 * is the genetive of ^ is the
genetive of ^ and is nominative. Thus sg- and both are separatelv
mentioned in the aphorism and there is no necessity*' of adding 5 ^ to the
aphorism!^.
fc) He also sets aside to read the words in the aphorism
?ir- 1 He presents two ways to show that there is no
necessity to add Ike above aphorism. In the first place the
words and fjmm arc included in the I The ^
prohibits nr??f. This forbidding pre-supposes the existence^ of
caused by Thus the is proved. Secondly he splits up the
next aphorism in the two parts and
He then repeats the words •f') ijf: from the preceding aphorism
I Then the aphorism ordains to substitute xs for
^ preceded by Thus there is no need to add the above words to
To speak impartially all the three argumduLs of the connentator
are farfetched and not convincing to the molern readers.
(5) The again argues thaf* if different components of a
letter are not taken as separate letters, the conjunct — consonants
consisting of double letters (such as fn in the w>rd c nmol be
understood as conjunct consonants but single ones
The commentator rightly rebuts it on the principle of syllabic
instants (urafs). An ordinary consonant requires one half syllabic
instant while conjunct consonants have one syllabic instant, and so they
cannot be single consonants'^.
98
16Tir ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
( 6 ) The shows three difliculties in ortlatniiiff the letter ^
after in the I
(a I As ;[ is tauj^ht after and it is include I in the ST?*irffT.
Tliercfore, the ^ in the example is chansrel to nasalised iq^ by
«Tf>S^stTf^%S5HT^^> art I
(h) Similarl)' the t in doubled by ?irr¥ilf t I
(c) As y is mentioned in the !Tii JTciTffrtr, iK-cccdin" f is
substituted by tlie nasal of ^ by ?TriT I riie
therefore, suggests to make rules for the prohibition of these changes'’.
The commentator success full)' removes the first and the third
ditlicultics as has no- nasal form at all. Only those letters arc subs-
tituted which dii exist. As nasalised is not found, the substitution
of nasalised ^ is not possible. Thus the first and the third difficulties
are set aside'^.
He dismisses the second difficulty as follows. The aphorism
^ 5 l¥?j} 5 teaches to double optionally a letter of if??rrfrT,
comes after ^ or 5 which are followed by a vowel. Thus ^ is a cause
(jf so ''itself "is not doubled even though it is included"' in the
He" corroborates his view by an cxamiile from cvery-day
experience'^. This argument is not s itisfactory. Thmgh causes
to others, wliy it itself should not be double I if it fulfils all the
conditions in the ai>horism,
(7) The "tsks to read the ^>jT^r(rs '» ^I'C
for ujf^. The commentator accepts this.
The aifer^H "Iso suggests to read the
and tjijit's. The cpf&iCTfrT presumes that the root is origi-
nally taught as This 'S changed to , by the aphorism
This"aphorism requires a letter from jrjtrtfT?. The
garsmjftil is not taught there at all. So this aphorism cannot be applied
to it. The srrf^S^rr therefore asks to read the ^
srfiTinfr^ ( 7 T^rrsft^ 'S included in the wjrhrsrrfS and is included
in the SR«n?TT).
The commentator argues that the root originally ordained is iwt
but zX m "s the form cannot be obtained if the
is^ccepted. The ^ in the root is changed into , by the fjnrwst
5n?555j^ iTt'iqqnmt; i
PATANJALI'S ATTITUDE TOWARDS kXtYAYANA
The argument of the commentator is more acceptable.
The conimentalor accepts the purpose for given by the
The further suggests to read the somewhere
in the for ^igr>«nf^r\sr, f3:w>w5t ami
The co.n.neiitalor accepts the tliree purposes
and ^?Trf!TW^»Tr3rirrer^«. He refutes the remaining two purposes namely
and 3-q^ ?T' 5 fr. The is required to substitute ^
for in words like f*y ff*e aphorism
z in the above example can be called penultimate only when
fhe is called Therefore it must be mentioned somewhere in
ti’e ^ sn«rrfr7.
The commentator refutes this purpose as follows : —
He rejects the word from the above aphorism, and explains
that the preceded by short ^ or ^ is changed into «ij Thus
tkere is no necessity of and so this purpose mentioned by the
=t|T?%?PfTT does not stand^o.
rhe argument of the comnentator is preferable as the aphorism
then becomes shorter.
The shows the need of the mention of the
somewhere in the for His argument is as
follows. In the c.xamples like ?r?f6r, f^Wjf is changed to « If
is not ^rsr, Ifie aphorism cannot be applied. Therefore
must be put somewhere in the SR^rnff?.
The co n nentator successfully refutes it on the «Tr5r*rr^r-r4f?-
(8) The drst suggest^ to employ the before
to make it clear that it is a He further argues
that there arises a doubt which is ^’ajf and which is He him-
self refutes these points22. Again he proposes to mike some signs to
The commentator rightly refutes It.
(9) The raises a problem whether is a part
of the aphorism or it is an exception to it. He shows
•difficulties in both the explanations^*.
. 100
16tU ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
If the arst proposal is accepted then the and are made
to the hnal letter only. Then the roots etc. cannot have
as 5 or gr is not at the end of those’' roots, so in all the
aphorisms which teach or the word must be read.
If the second proposal, namely that is an exception to-
the rule is accepted, occurs even to the initial or
medial 5 or g- etc. The therefore suggests to make a rule
to forbid these gitTS. He himself rebuts the second argument's.
The commentator refutes both the arguments. He explains the
aphorism differently. According to him this ordains
that the word is to be read in all the aphorisms which teach
giU or I This explanation is convincing. He also gives another
explanation which contains the splitting of the aphorisms, the dissolu-
tion words in strange ways. That way is farfetched. The first way
is satisfactory.
(10) The ^sks to read the word ^ in the aphorism •
as the should denote all llic conso-
nants collectively 2 ^>.
The commeiilaLor refutes it by dissolving the words and
^*3cr)iTr?'^ in ditlereat apliorisms in such ways thit they denote all
consonants collectively. Further he coiroborates his view — (that
docs not nee{l to be mentioned) by citing the example jnsl as
without any specific mention like in \leaotes
^T, ^ separately, similarly without any specific mention such as
the denotes all the consonants collectively-7.
( 11 ) The argues that in the case of conjunct consonants
consisting of more than two consonants, if the ?T*?rl’3T*T*?rT denotes all
the consonants collectively then the ;i*3f root would not be
dropped in the form Tr^i^r as it is not initial as required for elision.^®
The further "'argues that if ?T*?ThTW‘^r denotes only two
component elements of the conjunct consonants consisting of more than
two consonants, again a difficulty arises in The himself
refutes this second argument.
The commentator holds the view that the denotes both the
meanings and e.Kplains all the aphorisms in such ways that no difficulty
arises.
101
PATANJ/kLl’S ATTITUDE TOWARDS KRTYAYANA
Out of these eleven cases of reputation, the commentator convin-
cingly refutes the ^rfJr^s in eight cases. There are only three cases m
which the point arises whether has justly refuted. These
three cases are enumerated below.
( 1 ) The commentator suggests that one attains merits only by
the knowledge of words. His suggestion is really strange. But it is
a different point of view and for the present it is not a very important
problem.
( 2 ) He argues that following ^ and 5 preceded by a vowel
is not doubled as it is the cause of He illustrates from everyday
experience. Yet the argument is not satisfactory to the modern readers.
(3) The. commentator has refuted the suggestion to read
in the aphorisms I I and iir: I
by means of «ft<Tr^wrr>T the dissolution of vvords in strange ways
etc. The employment of q'\jTT^(Tr*l and others is not convincing.
They clearly show that aphorisms 111 the present condition are lacking
and so supplements and luodilications are necessary. But one cannot
blame very seriously the commentator for using these methods as
they were in practice during this time. The himself takes
resorts to iftifftriTm, f«T'Tr?r*T
Thus though the and other methods are not satis-
factory in eyes of modern readers the commentator does not deserve to
be blamed. Further just as he refutes he accepts many
of the latter. Moreover in one case he seems to show favour
in excess to I \Vliilc discussing the definition of the word
the criticizes the view that 5 ^Irc^;Tl!r denotes He
puts forth the two difficulties t.-itr. (D (2) whicii
arise- in accepting the view. How is a termination so
the “wl” is naturally included in the ‘jT>Siref«rar ?r^r:’
and its separate mention is unnecessary. The commentator cannot
find any way to remove the fault. He argues that the first
wrote the afterwards came to know that the other
af^er terminations must be metitionecl so he composed the sriRr^-
I The aphorism once written is not to be rubbed out^s,
therefore the did not dismiss the first I The
argument is not satisfactory. Yet it clearly indicates that just
as the commentator refutes the he defends him also.
The popular belief is that the commentator is not in favour of
iSWn’iW. i^nt the critical study of the first four vr?isiis does not support
this view. Out of these eleven cases of refutation, onlj^two are not
102
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
satisfactory in eyes of ruDdern readers as the methods# employed there,
are not acceptable. Y^et the commentator cannot be blamed for using
them because they were in practice in his time. li*rnself has
used them. Moreover just as he refutes some he has accepted
many others. Just as he defends losing
defends also as mentioned above. Moreover he has refuted
some aphorisms of Thus it is clear that his attitude towards
is not unfair. He tries as far as possible to defend both qfrfhrriT
as well as I fact can be corroborated by the study of the
remaining portion of the commentary.
PATANJALl’S ATTITUUIC TOWARDS KATVAYANA 103
Quotations-
( 1 ) I ?rw>*T;r5r^?i ^ wi «?»-
f«f5- II
( 2 ) T?Frgff55»!T*Ti rats^ffT^ i 5 t uif^Jf^^sgrr
II
( 3 ) 5r!T>as¥3^«7^5!T i ( sjrfiar^ )
( 4 ) fsrw ![f^ *rT# sBilfhr w i
??ratJni> sTTJwn'> i ^ a?T>T^»?i) JTg[f sr jr«i>ai>«^ jnrhir??w!>!r
ff?T ag55»^ *n# g«T: sp4f’ir i ( )
( 5 ) H4r5inTr»T«fna1 ?rs\H ^
( 6 ) I ( wifS"* )
( 7 ) f?ria>T^sfr w^rT5tf»irT*i; i
?rajffnfnrr»r. i m 4f?TrsTf5«i4: i ( ^rfaa; )
( 8 ) 5r>% 5T l sbI tiff i fgfal i
vrf^^g: I ( wi*:^ )
( 9 ) %'gif^r-7^r^^F^5TT4siwTHfiim | ( )
( 10 ) f5fvH5^ 5 t 1 h laB’iirT wiz§:
?ii3f??ar?riFi ar’sjrtm i ?ivrtFa hitit Fa^T^rrv »rr^«?if4 i ’!i«>^c^rgrnff'r'»?«T
5Tr^*rt^»!ffT'«^rfr i ( ^
(11) a^«rT>S’:'!I9r l?5»-m i ?TrV»TFsii«> Fa^V: i 3 - : t: 5r :
f 7> sr f Fa 1
( 12 ) «ir^T4srfFaiylF<TaFa »Taai^f^r?ahir?af4f^ ^awa
515^ qsFai ^alFastrs^asFa i waa^irFmaWamu: i
aca> a>»!il ^aFa i 1 9ca![5%a i ( arr^a
( 13 ) gaa?:^ tialit f^sawaFaFa: l ( arf<T^ )
( 14 ) araiapr^rtsa a»n4 a a afFa^ saaaaF^a i agaF^' a? 9 pa
?r*a ^r§a^ i ( ar^ )
( 15 )H?a aT>a^&sgaTFa^F 5 :aaaaTaaafai^a: i ( arflra ) ^
( 16 ) '^a>>«a«iii aaarf a aF^a i ( area )
( 17 ) FafWaFaal Tf) f^aaa^a i aaar i amarr a>3as'ai arse
alFaasal at%ftrerFara ^^raH gwi^ i ( ar^a )
( 18 ) aa>aarfrara ?3 aifan i ( arf%a ) ag* aaaraa?% i ( arRl^ )
104
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
-( )
( 20 ) if 5 i
< »n«ii )
( 21 ), ( 22 ), ( 23 ) figr Ji«<iiTr»f: 1 i
fkjF* if 1 ( )
Wf^9ff«r«rirf§«f€^f?i>3*<$^i5fiisr%^^: 1
>< )
( 25 ) 3iTSfRr^T^jifi!r*i5T^«Triiimr«f 1 ( ^tRi^ )
( 26 ) ?iif>ir?i3ffiri iKTrsii?! 1 ( )
( 27 ) ^ ^Tiftni^nTi'irtRT 1 sff^ *niff ^mrftisVRr 1
«n»n if^Rpir«# ir?5t# ) w«r wmsfifisr
Jie^ »Wfi ?frf*T ifiif: iifiif^ir 1 ( ms?T )
( 28 ) ?r4)*iff^5rhrt mt: 1 ( ^Tf^« )
( 29 ) fiirtn ^fcr 1 ( mfSiB )
( 30 ) ^3sr>lf*Tra 1
3K«tgr)sf^rfr m ii>n?5r?^rQrrifr 1
fN<nffifrf?jj^RC 3 1
grwfCT ?«iTRrgwrwr?sT?TjF %«rrgz)
I
(32) (i) The commentator rejects the f*RnJiftii in the
aphorism ^»w«^a'iii?r«if^%sT'T
( ii ) He sets aside the word a^'JfCT in the ^
-"irrinijiT^ir
( iii ) sf wr^vfT 3 % etc.
( 33 ) if %^iflwr^nif; ^jmhir ??«fT 1
(12) The QllXgharXghava - an Unpublished Sanskrit Play by
Some4vara, a Protege of the IVIinister Vastupala
(13th Century A. D.) of Gujrat.
by
Dr. B. J. Sandesara, m.a., ph.d.
SomeSvara or Some^varadeva, as he prefers to call himself, was the
hereditary priest of the Caulukya kings of Anahiivad Patan in North
Gujarat, and was a friend and protege of Vastupala, minister of the
Vaghelfi feudatories of the Caulukyas ruling at Dhavalakka or Dholk§
in the modern Ahmedabad District.
Vastupala was a shrewd politician and a successful general, and came
from a Jaina family belonging to the Pragva^a (Porvad) community
which is famous in the history of Gujarat for its valour, statesmenship
and business acumen. But it is noteworthy that Vastupala was also a
great patron of learning, a promoter of literature and art, a philanthro-
phist, a man of religious devotion and a great builder of monuments,
such as temples on Mt. Abu and Mt. Girnar. Moreover, he was a
Sanskrit poet of distinct merit, and is known to have composed a Sanskrit
Mahakavya — Naranarayanananda— and several Stotras or devotional
hymns. Consequently a large number of poets and scholars had gathered
around him, who made a remarkable contribution to various branches
of mediaeval Sanskrit literature. Someivara was the most noteworthy
figure in the literary circle patronised by Vastupala. Occupying th%
high position of the Royal priest of the Gujarat sovereign ruling at
Apahilvad Patan, ^Jomesvara was not merely a protege of Vastupala,
but also his personal friend, who was always by his side throughout his
•eventful career, as the historical Prabandhas bearing on their life
inform us.
SomeSvara was a Sanskrit poet of remarkable merit and has
attempted various forms of Sanskrit literature like Mahakavya, Nataka,
Stotra, Pra^asti, Subhasita etc. He wrote two Mahakavyas, the Kirti*
kaumudl (‘Moonlight of Fame') deals with the good deeds of Vastupala,
beginning from his ancestry, and the Surathotsava describes the story
of a mythical king Suratha, as given in the DevTmahatmya in the Mar-
ka^deya Puraija. S^meSvara has composed a play UIIagharaghava>
dramatizing the R§m5yana-story, with which we shall deal in the present
paper. It is interesting to note that the play was written at the request
of the poet’s son Bhallaiarman, as mentionel in the last verse, and was
acted in the famous Vais^ava temple at Dvaraka on the PrabodhinI
106
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Ekadasi (eleventh day of the bright half ot the mouth of Kartika).i.
The reference becomes significant when we know that in mediaeval
Gujarat a number of Sanskrit plays were performed on festive
occasions^.
In Stotra, Somesvara composed Rama-^ataka, a hundred-verse
hymn, to Rama in the’ Sragdhara metre.^. In Subhasita, he has to his
credit the Karnamrtaprapa, an anthology of didactic verses, which is
unpublished as yet.
The Abu Prasasti of Somesvara commemorating the building of
the Jaina temples on Mt. Abu by Vastupala bears the date of 1287
V. S. (1231 A. D.). Metrical portions in two, out of several Girnar
inscriptions of Vastupala are from the pen of Somesvara. His Vaidya-
natha Prasasti, commemorating the reparation of the Vaidyanatha
temple at Dabhoi by king Visaladeva, son of Viradhavala, bears the
date of V. S. 1311 (1255 A. D.), which shows that Somesvara lived at
least 16 years after the death of Vastupala who died in 1240 A. D. The
Vaidyanatha Prasasti seems to be his last composition. One more
Prasasti was written by Somesvara. That was the Prasasti of the
Viranarayana Prasada, built by king Viradhavala at Dholka, as we
know from the Prabandhako^a of Rajasekharasuri (1349 A. D.)^. It
contained 108 verses. It can be inferred from the name of the monu-
ment that it was a temple of Narayana or Visnu. No remains of this
temple nor any other building of the times of Vastupala have survived
at modern Dholka. From his numerous compositions on various subjects
it appears that Somesvara was a man of liberal outlook. Though he
was a devout $aiva and ^akta and an adept in the Vedas, he wrote
not only poems and plays praising Rama, but also Prasastis for
the Jaina temples.
Now let us come to the Ullagharaghava : The Ullagharaghava
^(Lit. ‘the happy scion of Raghu') is a play in eight acts dramatizing
the story of the Ramayana. The only available manuscript (copied
down in V. S. 1537) of this very rare work which has remained almost
unknown to the students of the Sanskrit drama is preserved, in the
I 1 -Prologue.
2. Vide my paper Gu jar ataman Sanskrit Natakd (Guj,) published
in Itihasi Kedt a collection of research-papers.
3. For a notice of the Ramasataka, ^vide my paper in the Journal
of the Oriental Institute, Vol. I.
4. PrabandhakojJa (Singhi Series),. p. 59.
THE ULLAGHARXgHAVA — AN UNPUBLISHED SANSKRIT PLAV OF GUJRAT 107
Bombay Government collection of manuscripts deposited at the Bhan-
darkar Institute, Poona (No. 343 of 1884-86), and even in that, eleven
folios in all ( 1-5, 18, 39, 40, 71, 73 and 87) are missing. Thus we miss
the historically very important prologue in this manuscript, but I was
fortunate enough to get that portion from a copy of the work made by
the late Mr. T. M. Tripathi of Bombay, who had taken down the whole
of the Poona manuscript, but had supplemented the missing section
from some other manuscript, which I was unable to discover from his
private collections. The Granthagra of the play is 2100 ^lokas, as is
noted in a later hand on the last folio of the Poona manuscript.
Looking to the contents of the play-in act I, after the Nandi, 5ata-
nanda, the Purohita of Janaka, refers to the grief of the king that his
daughter Sita will now be separated from him, that is, the play begins
after the marriage of Rama and Sita. Dasaratha and his two sons and
Sita take Janaka’s leave and start for their capital. After a while the
chamberlain Haridatta informs how, on the way, angry Parasurama
was pacified by Rama, and Janaka goes to inform the inmates of the
harem about this great success of his son-in-law. From a Viskambhaka
in the beginning of act II containing a dialogue between two servants we
know that Dasaratha has decided to install Rama as the king and has
called for his Purohit Vasistha. Then Rama and Sita with the garden-
keeper move about the pleasure-garden and the pleasure-pond and
enjoy the beauty of the place. Meanwhile Dasaratha calls Rama and
bids him to remain ready to take charge of the onerous duties of state-
affairs. It is the time of evening, and the stanzas of the Vaitalikas
describing the evening twilight are heard from the background. The
chamberlain informs Dasaratha that Queen Kaikeyi requests him to
come to her palace. Before going there, the king again tells Rama to
remain ready for the coronation ceremony. In act III from the con-
versation of two maid-servants it i^ inferred that Kaikeyi has decided
to obtain the two gifts from the king, which the latter had promised her
sometime ago and that one was the banishment of Rama and the other
was the coronation of Bharata in his place. Then Rama drives in
state to the Palace, witnessing the festivities in the city, but coming to
the residence of Kaikeyi, he and Sumantra find the old king vainly
attempting to persuade the queen, so that she may not insist upon her
demands. The king faints when he sees Rama. At this juncture enter
Kausalya Sumitra and Sita, and are stunned to know the turn which the
events have taken. Angry Laksmar^a enters with drawn bow, asking
who is bold enough to banish Rama. But Rama pacifies him and bid-
ding farewell to all retires to the forest, and grief prevails in the whole
kingdom.
The whole of act IV is utilized for supplying information regarding
events that occurred after the banishment of Rama, The act is devoted
5. For some quotation from the prologue of the Ullagharagbava
supplied by Mr. Tripathi to Mr. C. D. Dalai, first general editor of the
Gaekwad's Oriental Series, vide the Vasant (Guj.) Vol. XIV, p. 191.
108
l&rn ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
to the aerial travel and conversation of two Gandharvas-Kumudadigada
and his son Kanakacuda. We know that Da^aratha is dead ; Bharata
follows Rama to Citrakuta, but there he is prevailed upon by Rama to
return to Ayodhya for the protection of the people : Rama has killed the
demon Viradha ; and in the end, he expresses a desire to go to the
southern direction. Act V has a Viskambhaka in the beginning, in
which the audience know from the soliloquy of Marica that Rava^a
wants to^take his help in the abduction of Sita and that the ears and
nose of ^^urpaiiakha were cut by Laksmana and also that the demons
residing in the Janasthana were killed. Then enters Ravana and for-
cibly carries away Slta. Jatayu, king of the vultures, comes to Sita's
help, and fights with Ravana, but he is not successful, and from the
speech of Ghoraksa, Ravaria's attendant, we know that Jatayu is fatally
wounded. Rama and Laksmana not finding Sita in the hut, start for her
search, and know the details of her carrying away from Jatayu. Jatayu
advises Rama (o go to the Pampasara in the south, where he will
make friends with Sugriva and other monkey-chiefs, and thus a
suggestion is made as to how it will become possible for Rama to attack
Lamka. Act VI begins with the dialogues of three demons, vi 3 ,
Malyavan, Sarana and feuka, from which tiie audience know that Vali
was killed by Rama and Hanuman had burnt Larhka; Vibliisana advised
Ravana to return bUa to Rama, but he was insulted and consequently
went over to Ramans camp. Then Amgada comes to Ravana's court
for a peace-mission but his mission fails and there follows an inter-
change of recriminations. The battle-cries of the monkeys are heard
from the background. Ravana, from the terrace of his paiace takes a
view of Ramans army, and the chief warriors are pointed out to him by
Suka. In the same way Rama and Vibhisana see Riivana's army from
the peak of mountain Suvcla.
Almost the whole of act VII is a Dialogue between Kapatika, who
was a spy of Lavana, the lord of Mathura and a friend of Ravana, and
a demon named Vrkamukha. We know that Ravana has been killed,
Sita has come out pure from the fire and Vibhisana is installed on the
throne of Lamka. Kapatika says that he would try his best still to
create difficulties m the way of Rama, In the end, Vibhlsana's voice is
heard from the background requesting Rama to sit in the Aerial car
Puspaka for going to Ayodhya. Act VIII begins with the aerial journey
of Rama to Ayodhya. Sita asks him about various places coming on
the way and he satisfies her curiosity. Kapatika takes the guise of a
young Muni, and hastily goes to Ayodhya where the news of Ravana’s
death have not reached as yet. There he gives false information that
RSvana in his aerial car is coming to attack Ayodhya having killed both
Rama and Laksmana. The army is ordered to remain ready and
Kausalya and Sumitra, struck with grief, prepare for burning themselves
alive. At this juncture enters the aerial car. Bharata aims an arrow at
Vibhisana taking him to be an ally of Ravana, but Vasistha who
knows everything checks him. and the plot of KSpafika is found out.
The concluding portion of the play (folio 87) is missing, but it can be
easily surmised that it must have described the re-union of the family,
(THE ULLAGHARAGHAVA— AN UNPUBLISHED SANSKRIT PLAY OF GUJRAT 109
and in the end there must have been a Bharatavakya in the mouth of
RSlma.
We may mention here that in the beginning of each act. except the
first, the poet has put one verse in praise of Vastupala which speaks of
his close associations with the patron.
Thus the Ullagharaghava is a long drawn out play, possibly having
as its model the Anargharaghava of Murari (before the 9th century
A. D.), a play in seven acts. There is a series of Rama-dramas ending
with the word Raghava which seem to have some connection with one
another. We are in darkness regardingthe Udattaraghava of Mayuraja,
winch is known only by reference^, and we are not able to say anything
about its relation with the Anargharaghava of Murari, who may either
have succeeded him or preceded him. Murari seems to have been
imitated by jayadeva (circa 1200 A. D. ), in the Prasannaraghava^,
v;hich is also a Rama play in seven acts. Murari’s play was very
popular ill Sanskrit literature at a time, and he has been spoken of very
highly in anthologies, and a large number of commentaries were written
on his playS. The play was zealously read and studied also in mediaeval
Gujarat, and Naracandra and bis Guru Devaprabha^, both of them
contemporaries of Vastupala, have composed commentaries on it. A
third commentary was written by Jinaharsa in the 15th century lo. And
it is no wonder if SomeSvara was influenced by it. Just as act IV of
the Ullagharaghava is entirely taken up by the dialogue of two Gandhar-
vas — Kanakacuda and Kumudamgada, the later part of act VI of the
Anargharaghava is similarly devoted to the talks between Ratnacuda
and Hemaihgada, who are also Gandharvas. These Dialogues in both the
plays serve the same purpose, viz. to inform the audience about the
events that have already occurred. Dialogues of Malyavan, feuka and
Sarana are found almost in identical places in act VI in both plays.
VIII 29-30 of the Ullagharaghava are mere imitation of the VII 97-98
of the Anargharaghava, and the whole of the act VIII in the former
play seems to have been inspired by act VII of the latter, though here
one may be tempted to say that the poet may have also seen the
portions describing Rama's return to Ayodhya in Canto XIII of the
Raghuvamia and act X of the Balaramayana of RajaSekhara (Circa 900
A. D.).
6. Keith, Sanskriit drama, pp. 223 ff.
7. Ibid, p. 226. Unmattaraghava of Bhaskara Kavi of unknown
date, though a one-act play, seems to have been influenced at least in
its nomenclature by the plays like the Anargharaghava.
8. Krisnamachari, Classical Sanskrit literature, pp. 638 f.
9. Catalogue of the Jaina Bhandar at Patan, p, 301 ; Jinaratna-
ko5a, p. 7.
10. Catalogue of Jaina Bhandar at Patan, intro., p. 52.
110
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The Ullagharaghava betrays some influence of the Abhijna-
na§akuntala. The scenes in which Sita goes to Ayodhya and the grief
of Janaka at the separation from his dear daughter is expressed, are
reminiscent of similar scenes in the fourth act of the great drama of
Kalidasa. When SomeSvara wrote :
jfifm i
ii ((!• lO);
he must have in his mind the following half-verse from the Sakun-
tala, put in Kapva’s month—
» f IV. 5).
And Satananda's instruction to Sita —
yw’H SRI5C3 *rfh: ? )
jnnW «r«r: fsr% 11 (I. 2l ).
appears to have been based on the famous verse in the Sakuntala
spoken by Katjva, beginning with the words (IV, 17).
In the second act of the Ullagharaghava, Rama protects Sita from
the bee which was attracted by the fragrance of her mouth and
addresses him a verse ^afr (11.35), whtch is inspired
by a similar scene in the first act of the Sakantala and the verse
’9^’niT'efe* (1-20).
The Sanskrit drama was generally under the influence of the court,
and though the audience was mixed, its worth was judged by the learend
who were intent on discerning poetic beauties or defects. The result
was that the poet attempted to introduce as many ' lyric verses as he
•could, and consequently the action and dialogues suffered. This process
can be seen in full development in Murari, RajaSekhara and other later
dramatists, in whom we find subordination of action to description, and
the degeneration of the description into a mere exercise in style and in
the use of alliterations”. We find here features also in SomeSvara, h
11. Keith, op. cit, p. 244.
the ULLXgHARAGHAVA — AN UNPUBLISHED SANSKRIT PLAY OF GUJRAT 111
being the child of his age. At some places he has made the things
lengthy, e g* whole of the fourth act is devoted to the long and tedious
dialogues between two Gandharvas. The second a t describes the
beauties of the garden, and a part of the last act gives a large number
of verses in epic style about several geographical places from
Lamka to Ayodhya. This was partly due to the fact that the plays for
their reputation depended largely on being read, not witnessed, however
important it may have been for the poet to secure the honour of public
performance.
But the merit of Somesvara's work lies in the fact that though it
exhibits all these characteristics of the later drama, prose as well as
verses in it are written in an elegant and effective style, which has
always marked his compositions. He has tried to dramatize the
whofe of the Ramayana, but has utilized his long and unwiedy
subject-matter in a judicious way, as a result of which his acts generally
do not degenerate into something like separate plays, as has happened
in the case of the Balaramayana of RajaSekhara. In the end, a
number of lyric verses can be cited as poetic achievements of Some^vara.
Rama being abashed at his praise for his valour before Para^urama
expresses exemplary modesty —
grH: ^ wwnjft
5T JTfrlT nflffT II (II- 9).
Jatukarna, a pupil of Vasistha, describes Da^aratha sitting with
Rama, comparing him with a great Banyan tree —
Tnrr g^5TTrs?r^^?%^T i
jrOfni T?iT§[^5T i ' ( II. 44 ) .
And IDasaratha, deeply aggrieved at the idea of Rama’s banishment,
expresses his agony —
wr?r:
I
'*1^^ § II (111.18).
112
16tU ALL'IMDIA oriental conference
Touching tarewcll of KSma to AyodhyS and its people —
^nr-
y f i i< w<wiT»itTnwhan i
jwftnr; frftr«ro 5SHrf!nFT5«?i%
^ n«^rwl^^^ .i (HI- 35 1.
And a charming description of the moon-risC'—
mrrv ^T^p?irf!fr9TiTr«rtf^irm7S^^
%Ttn*in fsw^tra^reihnFrt i
qT'U^tin?n««f, ^rar;
wjFrwtT^TT: f«wf?r Tfa^rwra^^'V^imviftw: li (IV. 531.
RSma’s dejection when he knew that Sita was carried away —
«fe: ersn^roi’T 5^ mMtWwr
NO
Wi's^Tf’Kar «B?t5: i
H g«r?r> ^
II (V. 40).
IV — Islamic Culture Section.
( 13 ) Shah VVali Allah on Predestination
by
Prof. Fazal Mahmud Asiri, m.a.
Predestination, an inteijral part of the faith of a Muslim, has been
debated through the ages, without being decided in favour of anything,
for or again.st it. Actually theologians and scholastics were compellei
to take it up against the charges of the sceptics and the non-believers
and to explain away the apparent contradiction of the “Predestination
and the punishment for human actions*' given in the scriptures. Pre-
destination, argued the sceptics, makes punishment for actions
meaningless, and if it takes place, it would be nothing but sheer injus-
tice. Nearly all eminent scholars and theologians in Islam including Ibn
Hazm, Razi, and Ghazzali, have tried to give an answer to this charge.
Shah Wall Allah too has explained this controversial point in his Huj-
jatullahil Balighah in his own peculiar way. But I must admit here that
his answer to this question is as complicated and confusing as that of
any of his predecessors.
According to Shah Wali Allah, all-things-to be, their nature and
time and mode of appearance, were fixed in a regular chain of cause
and effect long before the process of emanation started. Divine Will is
actually the planner of all these things and the Will of man is just
like ‘a reflection in the mirror' vis a vis the former. As for the
punishment and reward, they are nothing but the natural outcome or
consequences of the actions.
**The deeds of men arc primarily determined by their individual
WtlL But as for the Will itself it is controlled from without, A man's
state in this respect is similar to one who intends to throw a stone. He
does not possess a power to make the stone move without supplying
force to it. Now the question arises, if the deeds are created by God
and also the Will of man, then why should man be punished for them?
“Reward and punishment, as a matter of fact, are nothing but
application of some divine acts on other acts. At first, God creates one
state in a man and then He creates another (of pain or comfort) in him
relevant to the first state. This can be put in another way. At first,
one state is created in man and then another state follows as an indts-
pensible and unavoidable outcome. It is just as the raising of tempe-^
ratnre of water is to make it ready for the process of evaporation.
114
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
reward and punishment man's choice and acquisition are not
conditioned by reality. That is Nafs-i-Natiqa does not receive effects
of the deeds which are not supported by it, and God does not punish or
reward any one for the deeds which do not effect the Nafs-i-Natiqa.
As it is proved so far, it can be easily understood that the choice or
ikhtiar which has no permanent entity, can stand as a condition to re-
ward and punishment, and can create a second state". (Hajjat Vol. I,
334 ).
At another place Shah Wali Allah discusses the same problem in
the following words ;
“Whether anything will materialise or not is decided by the Will
or Intention in the Highest Heaven or in the place lying between
Malawi A*la and TajallV* A*sam (the Sphere between Angels and Divine
Illumination). The means to be adopted for the appearance or other-
wise of a thing is also fixed there without the possibility of any state
of suspense. The Philosophers who believe that doing or not-doing of
a thing lies purely in the ikhtiar or will of man, have not realised the
nature of this Will of the Highest Heaven.
“Our argument against the belief of the philosophers is that when
a man intends to take a pan, to his mind lifting 'or not-lifting of it is
equal. But the superior expediency (Maslihat Faqani) has already
decided what shall actually take place
“It is possible you may think that such a state suggests ignorance
of the superior expediency; that is, what has made appearance
of ,the thing necessary ? If so, how should it be a point out of the
points of Truth? My answer to this is, that there is no such thing as
ignorance in this case ; but, on the other hand, it suggests cognisance or
Knowledge as also the fulfilment of the truth. It would be ignorance
if it were said that, that thing is not necessary. All religions deny this
ignorance as they express their faith in the providence or Fate. That
is, it is believed by all that ‘\^at has befallen you was inevitable, and
what has not befallen you was impossible.'
“When you say doing or not-doing of that thing is right it is a
true knowledge and not ignorance. For instance, if you see a person
doing a thing, you may think it is done out of compulsion as a stone
when thrown may run on and on. But that is not correct. Or if you
say that it is done without any cause or force applied from outside,
your observation would again be wrong. That is, if you believe that a
man's will only carries out the orders of the superior expediency and
personally one does not feel an urge for it, it is wrong. The actual
position lies between the two-personal will and compulsory force from
without. That is to say,. personal will is an effect which does not go
against its cause and that with the cause already there the action cannot
SHAU WALI ALLAH ON PREDESTINATION
115
be avoided. The position and the state of the personal will is that it
gets pleased or displeased by its own state. Otherwise, by itself, it has
no concern with the higher control.
•Tf you believe that doing of a thing or nit-i)ing of it was equal
for you, you preferred doing it ani that Will of yours is the real cause
of it, you will be right in one respect, because the religion has mention-
ed about this zvill in order to make the com na ids reasonable.” ( Vol. 1
50).
“According to the Hadith” says Shah VVali at another place dis-
cussing different grades of predetermination, a muslim’s faith is not
perfect unless he believes in the power of determining good and evil by
Fate”. That is, all what has come upon one whether it is good or evil
is the work of Fate. Providence, in other words, is only fixing of the
causes for the effects, and once the causes are fixed, there is no possi-
bility of avoidance of the effects.
The order of fixation of the causes, says, Shah Wati, lies in five
grades :
1. In eternity God decided to create a universe and give it an
appropriate form, with the complement of all necessary
qualities, aptitudes, and relative attributes. After that
God, by his perfect knowledge, designed a particular
shape for every species and assigned it a place in the
order of things of the universe-to-be, (By universe I
mean entire creation).
2. The second grade is of the fixation of values of everything
about fifty thousand years before the creation of the uni-
verse. God created the ideal forms and then fixed the
time of their material appearance. For instance. He
fixed the time of the appearance of Muhamnad,’ and
everything concerning his life. That is, how Abu Jahal
will oppose him and how, on account of that opp isition,
he will be condemned, all was determined.
3. The third grade is the creation of Adam and the moulds
of all of his progeny in the world of similitude (Alam-i-
Mithal). By assigning light or darkness to each human
form, God also fixed capacity for virtue and sin in all
of them. They were given the power of understanding
their own self and the Divine Existence.
4. The fourth grade is measuring and judging by angels of
children in the womb as the souls , 'enter their forms.
The angels come to know by divine illumination of the
116
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
future actions of the children and they beha\re with then,
according to that.
5, The fifth grade is regulating of the events before they des-
cend upon the earth, from the Haziratul Qudus. At
first, an ideal form of each event comes to the world and
a news concerning it spreads far and wide. Shah Wall
saw himself many times these ideal forms of the events.
The events ^created in the higher heaven descend to the earth
according to the Record prepared in Eternity and preserved in the pro-
tected Tablet (Lauh-i-Mahfuz). But, sometimes, events before they
change from ideal form into a material one, are cancelled. But this
cancellation of events is restricted to the ordinary events, which have
no bearing on the system of the universe. The events or the proposed
causes of the effect by which the life of the universe is maintained
regular are inevitable. They are not at all cancelled. The prayer of a
man or a good deed such as giving alms to the poor prevents any evil
from materialisation. But that too is written in the Great Record that
such an event will be cancelled for such and such reasons.
(14) The Admihistratioh of Mu'Awiyah
by
Mohammad Iqbal Ansari, Fazil (Nadwa), m.a., b. th.
( Alig.)
Few men in the long and chequered history of Islam have been so
grossly misunderstood and misrepresented as Mu^awiyah b. Hbi*Sufyan^
the founder of the Umayyad Dynasty. He lived in a time of inflamed
passions, and so he has been painted either with the pallets of love or
with the scalpet of hatred. Both these extremes are as unilateral and
unjust towards the man as towards truth. In this paper my endeavour has
been to judge Mu’awiyah as an administrator and assign him his proper
niche among the muslim administrators. 1 have intensively and criti-
cally examined all the available arable works on the subject and have,
so far as possible within the limited space and time at my dis"|)osal, done
my best to throw light on the administration of this great historical
personage, who displayed unique genius in this particular sphere. He
divided the country into various provinces, established new officers, or*
ganised police force, built up cantonments, developed agriculture, carried
out great irrigation schemes, sank wells and built dams, gave new life
to the army, founded Arab thalassocrasy and reformed the public
treasury.
Religious Works:
pie orthodoxy has generally depicted Mu’awiyah as a secular ruler
Md he appears to be so when compared to pious Caliphs. But in the
light of his services to the religion we may assert that he was religious
at heat.^ He purchased at the high cost of 700^ dinars or twenty thou-
sand2 dirhams the sacred shawl of the prophet given to Ka'b b. Zuhair
m reward for bis famous panegyric about the Prophet which was in-
herited by all the succeeding Caliphs and they used to wear it on the
occasion of the two 'Ids.
His attitude towards the mothers of the Muslims, the wives of the
Prophet, was praiseworthy. He always paid them his best respect and
regard. Beside the intermitent amounts of Eve or ten thousands he
sometimes presented to 'Aisha, the famous mother of the Muslims, a.
1. Alusi V. 3, p. 133.
2. al-Kamil V. 3, p. lOS.
118
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
sum of one lac outright^ Once she gave to Munkadir b.-*Abdullah a
sum of ten thousand out of the money received from Syria^.
As his last request he enjoined to put in his eyes and mouth the
relics of the Prophet — a little of his hair and a pairing of his nail, which
he had preserved — and leave him alone^ with the most Merciful of the
Mercifuis.
No separate organisation for the propagation of Islam in his reign
is traceable, nevertheless every opportunity was availed of and Islam
made gigantic progress. A large number of Barbars from North Africa
adopted Islam and to check their mutiny and frequent apostacy he foun-
ded the city of Qairawan. A good number of Romans, too, embraced
Islam. The vesture of the Holy Ka*ba used to be of an ordinary cloth
in the days of first two Caliphs, 'Uthman, the third Caliph, was the first
to cover it with a costly one. Mu’awiyah decorated it with embroidered
cloth and permitted the stripping of the vesture, for before that the new
one was thrown over the old^, and appointed servants for its mainten-
ance^. A number of mosques were built during his reign and the old
ones were repaired. Ziyad expanded the great mosque of Basra and
had it constructed anew with bricks and mortar^. After the conquest of
Cyprus a number of mosques were constructed along with the Muslim
colony^, and ^Uqbha b. Nafi’ constructed a grand mosque for Juma’h
Prayers^o. At Basra -Abd al-Rahman b. Samurah got a mosque cons-
tructed in the Kabul Style^i. Maslamah b. Mukhallad introduced the
addition of minarets to the mosques of Egypti-^,
Beside this expansion in the mosques, he also did his best to see
that the commands of Allah and the instructions of the Prophet were
rightly observed, on one occasion he is seen teaching people how to
perform ablutionsi^. On another occasion he is found differentiating
between obligatory (Fard) and the optional (Sunnah) and proclaming
on the pulpit, ‘‘I have heard the Prophet that the fast of 'Ashurah is not
obligatory. I keep fast today, every one amongst you may keep it or
break it as he pleases^^. When he saw the women decorating themselves
3. al-Mustadrak V. 4, p, 13.
4. al-Tabaqat V. 5, p. 18.
5. al-Suyuti p. 135.
6. Isti’ab V. I, p. 262, al-Suyuti p. 135.
7. Ya’kubi V. II, p. 283.
8. al-Baaduri p. 355.
9. Ibid p. 160.
10. Mu’jam V. 7, p. 193-194.
11. al-Baladuri p. 404.
12. Isabab V. 3, p. 855.
13. Abu Daud Ch. on the Ablution of the Prophet.
14. al-Bukhari Ch. or the Fast of ^Ashura.
THE ADMINISTRATION OF MU'AWIYAH
119
with the artificial locks of hair, he ascended to the pulpit; with the
same in his hand and declared, “I have heard the Prophet saying that the
Israelites were ruined when their women used this^s/* When Jabalah
b. Suhaim, saw rope round his neck and a child leading him and asked
what he was doing Mu’awiyah replied have heard the Prophet saying,
*'who has a child let him act towards him as a child/' Such was his
enthusiasm to follow the example and carry out the commands of the
Prophet.
Public Reforms:
Apart from the expansion of the state and the spread of the Islam,
Mu'awiyah did a lot for the interest of the public and welfare of the
people at large. ‘'He continuously interested himself in agricul-
ture. He paid special attention to the development of the province,
least favoured by nature, the Hijaz. His example which was copied by
his relations and most influential contemporaries, brought this region a
century of prosperity under the Umayyads such as it was never to see
again. In the land of Mwsina and Mecca and Taif, Mu'awiyah carried
out great irrigation schemes, wells and built damsi7.
Due to these canals there was a huge increase in the productive
capacity of the land and the danger of famine was completely removed.
Mu'awiyah himself was deeply interested in this project ; some^of the
most important and noteworthy canals built under him are ‘Kizamah,
Azraq, and Shuhada^^. Ziyad got reconstructed the Ma'qaP^ canal which
was formerly dug in the reign of 'Umar and was damaged^o. His son,
Ubaidullah, the governor of Mesopotamia, constructed a canal through
the mountainous region of Bukhara^i. Beside the canals, dams were
built in the valleys to hold back water in the rainy season22. The
increase in the output due to these canals can be apprehended by the
fact that in Medina and its suburbs alone one and a half lac ‘‘wasaq” of
dates and one lac ''Wasaq" of wheat was produced.
Mu'awiyah founded a number of new towns and rehabilitated some
of the deserted ones. Mar'ash, an old deserted town of Syria, was
reconstructed and rehabilitated. The famous town of Qairawan23 which
afterwards became the central place in North Africa, was founded
15. al-Bukhari Ch. on Adab.
17. Enc. of Islam V. 3, p. 618.
18. Sahmudi V. 2, p. 117.
19. al-Mustawfi p. 289.
20. Baladuri p. 366.
21. Tabari V. 7, p. 169.
22. Sahmudi V. 2, p. 321.
23. From persian Karawan, whence Eng. caravan, see Hitti p. 191*
120
16 th all-indza oriental conference
by'Uqbah b. Nafi’ who used it as a base against the Barbar tribes*^, A
b^y of Persians were transplanted in the year 42 A.H. by Mu’awiy^^
from Ba’labak, Hims, and Antioch to the Sea coast of tlie Jordan i.e.
Tyre Acre and other places ; and he transplanted in the same year or
one year before or after certain Asawirah (persian armed CavalryJ from
Basra and Kufa and certain persians from Ba’labak and Hims to
Antioch^5. in the year 49 or 50 A.H. he also made some of the Zutt
and Sayabijah of al-Basraio settle at Antioch2<>. He also settled certain
artisans and carpenters along the sea coast to improve industry27. But
tnore important than this was establishment of new Muslim colonies at
different places, especially on border regions, which ultimately reduced
the danger of foreign invasions and the Muslim population increased
in newly conquered towns. Such new colonies were founded at Antaki*
yi^h (Antioch) 28 Phodes^^ and Arwad^o respectively in 43 A. H., 52
A. H, and 54 A. H.
‘Umar had fixed a sum of ten dirhams as stipend for the infants
of the warriors which varied from time to time. Bu'awiyah retained
.it with the amendment that it was given after weaning.
To ward off the public against wild beasts and venomous reptiles
has always been considered creditable for a ruler in civilised countries.
Even in this respect Mu’awiyah does not lag behind and we find him
taking a wise step against the scorpions which became a source of per-
manent trouble to the inhabitants of Nasibin.^^^
Civil Administration: ,
What distinguishes Mu'awiyah from other Umayyad Caliphs is his
extraordinary administrative capacity and his matchless political
insight. He was the first Caliph and the founder of the Umayyad state ;
naturally his reign should have been incomplete but even if cursorily
glanced it comes out as a model of civilised state ; and none of his
successors have achieved so much in the administration of the state as a
Avhole.
The credit of his successful administration goes to his intuition
in choosing the ablest administrators and the best leaders as his lieute-
nants. He had at his disposal the best services of the most noteworthy
24. Mu'jam V. 7, p. 19 1 Hitti p. 213.
25. ai-Baladuri p 117.
26. Ibid p. 162.
27. Ibidpp. no, 148.
28. Ibid p. 154.
29. Ibid p. 244.
30. Ibid p. 464.
31. Mu'jam V. 8, p. 293, Baladuri p. 178.
THE administration OF MU*A^^IyAH 121
administrators and the counsellors of the time— "Amr b. al-As, Mughirah
b. Shu bah and Ziyad b. Abi Sufyan and took their advices in all
important matters. They are considered to be amongst the foremost
sagacious of Arabs^^^ Xo the names already mentioned we may aid
those of Dhask b. Qais, Abu-al-Aiwar al-Sulami, Muslim, b. -Uqbah,
Busr b. Abi Artat and Habib b. Maslamah^^,
For the administration of a country it has been the practice to
divide it into different provinces. Mu’awiyah also followed it and
retained the distribution elfected by ‘Umar ; the new conquests in the East
were added to Khurasan and those in the West were amalgamated into
Egypt. Each province had a governor and a number of ‘Amils (Admin-
istrators) for different districts and towns. While selecting the candi-
dates, Mu’awiyah gave special attention to their abilities for the posts
assigned to them. Ziyad, also, was a great expert in the matter and the
qualifications prescribed by him for various administrative services are
preserved in the books of history^^ and deserve to be followed.
Police force has always been regarded indispensable to maintain
internal peace of the country, Mu'awiyah paid special attention to it and
deputed adequate police force in Mesopotamia which had been the scene
and centre of internal troubles and Khanjite outbursts. Forty thousand
policemen were deputed in the town of Kufa alone and five hundred of
them to watch the Mosques^s, Sufficient arrangements were made to
have strict watch over history-sheeters. Mu’avviyah ordered Abu Darda
to take down the names of mischief-mongers and scoundrels at Dema-
sous^fi. Ziyad appointed Ja'd b. Qais al-Tamini to keep a vigilent eye
over the riotous and seditious people^^. The result of such measures was
all round peace and safety prevailing everywhere. No body could dare
to pick from the way a lost thing; women passed nights alone with their
doors wide open. Ziyad used to say that even if a piece of rope was
lost between kufa and Khurasan he would certainly know the off ender<
One night he heard the bells ringing in a house and he was told that the
people were watching the house. He asked them not to do so and added
that he himself w ould be resposible for their loss, if any^s.
Mu’awiyah was first to use the post (Barid) for the speedy
transmission of the news and of ever changing affairs. Philologically
"“Barid** means twelve miles and as the distance they could manage
between two post stages was so many miles so they named the system
32. al-Suyuti p. 138,
33. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3, p. 618.
34. Ya*Kubi V. 2, p. 280.
35. Tabari V. 7, pp. 77-89.
36. al-Adab al-Mufrad section on Zann. p. 188.
37. Tabari V. 7, p. 78.
38. Ibid, pp, 77-79.
122
16th all*xndia oriental conference
after it However, the system Was that trained horses were put at a
number of places. When the carrier of the urgent news arrived at one
of these places and his horse was tired, he mounted in its stead a rested
horse and so he would do the same at the next place, and the next till
he arrived speedily^^.
Another invention of Mu'awiyah's in administration was the ‘des-
patching registry^ or the office of the seal (Diwan al-Khatam), ‘Abdullah
b. ‘Aws al-Ghassani was appointed to it and was entrusted with the seal
bearing the inscription.
(Every deed has its meed)^® or
(There is no power but with Allah)^t. This office was considered
one of the most important offices and had a continuous tradition to the
middle of the 'Abbasid dynasty — then it was abolished^^. Its function
was that there could be an office with ‘Civil' servants in it when an
official memorandum came from the Caliph with an instruction, the
memorandum was brought to the office, a true copy of it was made, it
was then pierced by a thread and sealed with wax as is done nowadays
with legal documents. It was finally stamped with the seal of the
officer in-charge of this officc^^. The reason of Mu’awiyah's instituting
this office was that he commanded one lac dirhams to be given to a man
and he opened the document and made it two lacs. When the account was
taken to Mu'awiyah he disowned that and said, “I only credited him
with one lac." Then he made him refund it and created the regis-
try of the seal from that day, so that memoranda should be despatched
under seal, no one knowing their content, and no one being able to alter
them.^^
Mu'awiyah took keen interest in reforming the finances. ‘‘He used
the business experience of the Sarjunids to organise the financial admi-
nistration. This fiscal reform gave him the resources required to main-
tain his armies, carry out desirable public works and pay the subsidies
necessary to secure the success of his plans^5, «He began by revising
and reducing the enormous pensions granted by preceding govern-
ments without regard to the services rendered to the state. Down to
his time the central treasury of the Caliphate had been supplied by inter-
mitent and always unwilling contributions extorted from the provinces^
39. al-Fakhri p. 148. "
4U. al ti p. 136.
41. al-Tanbih p. 262,
42. al-Fakhri pp. 148-149, al-Su asserts that it continued with the
'Abbasid Caliphs to the vide al-Suyuti p. 136.
43. al-Fakhri p. 149.
44. al-Fakhari p. 149. ‘
45. Ibid p. 149, al-Suynti p. 136.
THE administration OF mu’awiyah 123-
Mu’awiyah, endeavoured to settle the amount to be paid by each pro-
vince and to regularise its collection. Under him the treasury ceased
to be a relief fund which the conquerors claimed to use as they pleased*
He turned it into the treasury of State intended to cover general expenses
to secure fGe representation and the defence of the empire^6,»»
The Muslim coinage, also, owes its origin to the creative genius of
Mulawiyah. Down to his reign the Muslims had no special coinage of
their own and chiefly used Byzantine and Persian money, either impor-
ted or struck by themselves. On the request of Ziyad he struck tirst
black dirhams which proved defective^^. He also struck dinars on which
was inscribed the effigy of a man girded with a sword^®.
The reign of Mu’awiyah is also remarkable for justice, impartia-
lity and indiscrimination. A number of responsible and important posts
were assigned to non-muslims. The Caliph's physician, Ibu Uthal, was
a Christian whom he afterwards made financial administrator of the
province of Hims — an unprecedented appointment for a Christian in the
Muslim tinnals^^. Sarjun Ibn Mansi irSt>, another Christian, was the
private secretary to the Caliph. The Umayyad poet laureate, al-Akhtal,
belonged to the Taghlib, Christian Arabs of al-Hirah^^.
Not only were non -Muslims given posts in the state but their reli-
gious and civil rights were also respected. A mosque was constructed
near the cathedral of St. John in the Caliphate of ‘Umar. Mu’awiyah
intended to expand the mosque which would include the church. When
the Christians expressed their unwillingness to the proposal he dropped
the idea completelys®. ^Uqbah b. Nafri'. the governor of Egypt was in
need of a plot for his personal requirements. His servant asked him to
occupy some tract uncultivated but he rejected the proposal and remarked
that it was a condition of the agreement between the clients (Dhimmies)
that no piece of land would be taken out of their possession®^.
An efficient judicature forms an inseparable part of a well-organised
state. Beside appointing Qazis at different places to decide local cases,
46. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3, p. 618.
47. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3, p. 621.
48. Encyclopaedia Britanica V. 5, p. 33.
49. Kitab al-Nuqud p. 32-33.
so. Ya'kubi V, 2, p. 265. Hitti p. 196.
52. Tabari V. 2, p. 283.
53. Hitti p. 196.
54. Baladuri p. 331.
i24 16 t« XL'LVINDIA ORIEKTALrCONF.«KfiNX:E
Mu’awiyah himself provided an opportunity for high aiid Iqw< without
any discrimination, to approach him personally every day, in the mosque
with his grievances and seek their redress. It has already been mentions
cd that it formed the part of his daily routine. But it was not the case
with the Caliph only, his governors too followed suit. ZiyaSTgeneraily
depicted as unjust and tyrannical, was also very particular to maintain
justice. Because of the heavy work and responsibility of the governor-
ship of the two provinces of Kufa and Basra he seldom had an oppor-*
tunity of coming in contact with the people at large ; so he' ordered hia
subordinates and his personal staff to present before him public grie-
vance.55
Military Organisation:
For the maintenance of peace at home and the continuance of con-
quest abroad and defence against any threat from without. Military
force is the most important factor. Umayyadshad enjoyed the privilege
of commanding the armies for generations. The first Umayyad Caliph,
displayed his ingenuity in the successful organisation of land and naval*
forces. He recruited the soldiers, then formed them into a regular army;
wonderful troops always ready to play their double part, the Jihad
abroad, and the maintenance of peace and the unity of empire at
homeSfi.
His great work was the creation of the Syrian army of troops
blindly devoted to their sovereign. It formed the great military reserve
of the empire for his successors, and inexhaustible nursery of soldiers
and leaders. He was able to keep in training by annual invasions of
Byzantine territories, Razzias on a large scale rather than campaigns
with a definite plan of conquest. By thus keeping the enemy engaged
at home, he managed to defend his own frontiers very efficaciouslyS^.
If after his ascension to the Caliphate, he rarely left Demascus —
henceforth the official capital — to lead his armies in person, he neverthe-
less was still the ‘re^il organiser of victory.' He looked to the comfort
and the equipment of the troops, doublied tbeir pay and saw that they
were paid with a regularity hitherto unknown. His rival, 'Ali said that
on the call of Mu'awiyah the Syrian Army 'Would take the field with-
out demanding pay, not two or three times a year only, whereyer it
pleased its leader to take themes. •
For the first lime in the annals of Islam, Mu'awiyah divided the
army into two — Safiyah and Shatiyah-— to the seasons and climates of
different countries. The Shatiyah or the winter army, was to fight in
55. Maqrizi V. 1, p. 208. ^
56. Ya'Kubi V. 2, pp. 279, 280.
• ' I ^
57. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3.
58. Ibid p. 618.
THE, AtOMINISTEAXION O? IIU'AWIYAH
the winter season and in cold regions. The Safiyah or the sammer
army, was to wage war in hot countries. He, also, introduced the' use
of catapult on a large scale. In the seige of Kabul the rampart was
stoned and broken by the catapultsS^.
He constructed military fortresses and cantonments at all impor-
tant and strategic centres. He especially fortified Syria which was in
constant threat of Byzantine incursions and reconstructed there the
ruined Roman fortress named Jabalah^o.
A fort was erected for Jabafah outside the old Greek one whichwas-
inhabited by' monks and others devoted to religious exercises. Antartus
(Tertose) was a fortified town which was captured by ‘Ubaidah and
was evacuated by its holders. Mu'awiyah built Antartos and fortified
it giving the fief to the' holders of the fort. The same thing he did with
Maraqiyah and Bulunyah^i. A new fortress at Rhodes was built which: '
remained a military centre for seven years^2. ^ fortress named Qasr
Khal was built in Madina^^, The cantonments were built at Cyprus and
Arwad and the cities of Qairawan and Mara'sh were founded chiefly
for military purposes^^.
Arab thalasocracy also dates from the glorioUs reign of Mu'awiyah.
He organised the Arab navy while his lieutenants utilised it for the
conquests of Cyprus and Rhodes and on two occasions his son Yazid,.
besieged Constantinople. He was so fond of maritime adventures that
he succeeded at last in obtaining the permission of ‘Uthman and invaded
Cyprus with 500 battleships. On resuming the Caliphate he did his
best to improve the navy which in a few days surpassed the Byzantine
navy. He installed shipyards to manufacture battleships on all impor-
tant coast^s — towns; the first of its kind was built in Egypt in 54 A.H^^.
other shipyards were at Urdun and 'Akkah®^.
In the days of 'Uthman the navy and the land forces were under
one supreme command. But the improvement he made in the navy
necessitated a separate command for it and Mu'awiyah was the first to
introduce the office of the admiral as the supreme commander of the
naval forces. 'Abdullah b. Qais al-Harithi was one of the admirals
59. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3, p. 618.
60. al-Kamil V. 3, p. 174.
61. al-Baladuri p. 140.
62. Ibid p. 140,
63 Ibid p. 344.
64. Ibid p. 160, 6 and 7. Ibid p. 124.
^ 65. HusTi al-MuKazrah V. 2, p. 199.
66. al-Baladuri p. 144.
67. Usudulghabah V. I, p. 297.
126
16 th all*india oriental conference
who led fifty sea invasions wherein not a single muslim was lost. Jana«^
dah b. Abi Umayyah was another famous admiral who continued his
activities even in the reign of Yazid^s.
These tremendous reforms in all the realms of the empire, made
him the first sovereign of Islam, the first ruler to enjoy a dednite and in-
dependent authority. When writers, jurists, encyclopaedists and com-
pilers of anthology have to quote a trait or saying illustrating kingship
or the conduct of the state, they rarely hesitate to credit it to Mu’awi-
yah®®. He was not only the first but also the most perfect type of Arab
King; and not only the father of a dynasty but the second founder of
the Caliphate after 'Ummar^o. To his Umyyad successors he bequeathed
a precedence of clemency, energy, astuteness and statesmenship. He
was a good father and a devoted husband; we find him conscientiously
performing his religious duties and dying a good Muslim^^
68. Encyclopaedia of Islam V. 3, p. 621.
69. Hitti p. 194.
70. Encyclopaedia pi Islam V. 3, p. 679.
(15) A Paper on “Shaykh ‘Iraqi's Stay in India^'
by
Dr. Yog Dhyan Ahuja# m.a. ph.d.,
It is believed that Shaykb Fakbru ‘d-Din Ir5ql left Iran in the
company of Qalandars and came down to India. Finally he was at
Multan in the monastery of Shaykbu' 1 Islalm Shaykb Bahau'd Din
Zakariyyg. The Shaykb recognised Iraqi’s qualities and conferred upon
him his special khirqa^, and specified a cell for his chilia, or the
quadragesimal secluded devotion2.
Closing his ^or upon the visitors, ‘Iraqi spent ten days^ of solitary
retirement in the cell. On the eleventh day he fell into a trance, and in
that state he composed^ the following ghazal* which, with eyes full of
tears, he was heard singing in loud tones :
Now Shaykb BahS-u'd-Din Zakariyya was a follower of Shaykb-
u' sh*Shuyukh Shih&b-u' d-Din Suhrawardi and, according to the insti-
tutes laid down by him, it was incumbent upon the disciples to keep
1. (i) T. H. L. Fol 180b; (ii) T. F. N. p. 405; (iii) K, G. L.
p. 691.
2. (i) D. A.O. p.lO; (ii) M. A. S., p.32; (iii) N. J. N., p.392.
(iv) M, S. B., p. 46; (v) T, H. L., Fol. ISOb; (vi) H. R. K., Fol.
I87a; (vii) L. N. B., Fol. 592a/1188.
3. (i) N. J. N., p.392 gives a month or two for ap-
parently a misprint. (ii) T. H. L., Fol. 1 80b, says ‘in the first chilia'
in place of ten days. The following give ten days: — (iii) D. A. O.,
p.lO; (iv) M. A. S.,p.32; (v) M. S. B.. p. 46 (vi) H. R. K., Fol.
187a; (vii) L. N, B., Fol, 592a/1188.
4. (i) T. S. B , p.2l6, says that on a certain night when Shaykb
Baha-ud-Din Zakariyysl happened to pass by the door of ‘trail’s closet,
he heard that ‘IrSql was humining the tune of this poem This account
is more or less followed by: — (ii) M. S K , p. 121 ; (iii) T. F. N. p.40S*,
(iv) M. S. L., under TrSql (v) Q. A. L., Fol. 126.
5. The full ghazal is given in the following:— (i) K. S. L., FoL
33b; (ii) G. M. K., Fol. 129b 130a; (iii) D. R. J., Fol. 45A-b ; (iv) D.
R. B., Fol. 44b-45a; (v) L. B. C, p.l2S-126.
128 *
16th ALL'INDIA. oriental conference
s trictly occupied in sacred recitations and divine meditation, and not to-
indulge in diversions. When some of ‘Iraqi’s fellow-disciples heard
this poem they disapproved of it and protested® to the Shaykb. The
Shaykb, however, is said to have silenced them with the remark, “For
you these things are forbidden but not for him."
A few days elapsed when, on a certain day, Shaykb ‘ImSd-u’ d-Din,?
while passing through the market place heard that some merry-makers
were singing these verses of ‘Iraqi to the accompaniment of musical
bells and instruments!. Going ahead, when he passed by the side of the
tavern, he heard the same Song being sung there too. On his return to
Shaykb Baha-u'd-Din Zakariyya, he explained the whole situation to
.him, leaving it to the discretion of the Shaykb to look into the matter.
“Would yOu repeat what you have heard” ? said the Shaykb^.
"I heard up to this verse," replied ‘ImSdu’ d-Din* and he read out
the last line of ‘IrSqi's poem
“He has attained his goal !" exclaimed the Shaykb on hearing the
-closing verse.
He stood up and personally went forth to the door of ‘IrSqI’s
closet.
6. (i) M. A. S. p. 32; (ii) D. A. O., p. 10; (iii) L N. B., Fol.
592b/ll89.
7. As given in D. A. O., p. 10 and (ii) M. A. S., p. 32. The fol-
lowing works simply say, ‘one of the companions': — (iii) N. J. N.,
p.393; (iv) L. N. B., Fol. 592a/1188 (v) M. S. B., p.46; (vi) H.R.K.,
Fol 187a.
1. According to D. A. O., p.lO and M. A. S., p.32-33. The follow-
ing works tell of the performance in the tavern but do not mention the
•maifket place' : —
(iii) N. J. N., p.393; (iv) M. S. B.,p.46; (v) H. R. K., Fol.
I87a.
2. According to D. A. O., p.lO and M. A. S., p.33; (iii) L. N.
Fol. 592b/l 189 says that on receipt of the report, the Shaykb got up
and proceeded to the cell of ‘Iraqi. There he heard from him the last
verse and remarked,” You have attained your goal."
3. (i) D. A. 0.,p. 10; (ii) M. A. S., p. 33.
A PAPER ON “SAHYKH IRXqI’S STAY IN INDIA” 129
"Why, these prayers in the tavern, ‘Iraqi ! Now come out.” said
the Shayicfa to him*.
‘Iraqi came out and placing his head on the feet® of Sbaykfa Za-
kariyya, he began sobbing® till the Shaykh, with his own pious hands,
lifted him up from the dust. It is said that thence-forth he did not
allow ‘Iraqi to remain in retirement^. Shaykb ‘Iraqi is stated to have
composed the following ghazal at that occasion®
^ I)
U>Mi| jUj yjje AJ)
The Shaykb forthwith took the cloak off his august person and
clothed' ‘Iraqi in it. It was on the same night2, or immediately after,
that the Shaykb performed the marriage of his daughter, the ‘very
Rabi‘a* in point of virtue and modesty®, with ‘Iraqi and from this
daughter of Shaykb Zakariyya, ‘Iraqi got a son who was named Kabir-
u'd-Din<.
4 (i) D. A. 0.,p. 11; (ii) M. A. S., p. 33; (iii) L. N. B., Fol.
592b/1189.
5. (i) D. A. 0.,p. 11; (ii) M. A. S., p.33; (iii) N. J. N., p. 393;
(iv) M. S. B.,p. 46; (v) H. R. K., Fol. 187a; (vi) L. N. B., Fol.
592b/1189.
6. (i) D. A. O., p. 11 and (ii) M. A. S., p. 33.
7. (i) D. A. O., p. ll (ii) M. A. S., p. 33; (iii) N. J. N., p. 393;
(iv) H. R. K., Fo. 187a (v) L. N. B.. Fol. 592b/1189.
T. S. B., p.2l6, states that ‘Iraqi in a period of four years, com-
pleted the course of fourteen chillas. It is followed by M. S. L.
8. (i) D. A. O. p.ll and (ii) M. A. S.,p. 33.
The full poem is given in the following : —
(i) K. S. L., Fol. p.85a; (ii) G. M. K., Fol. 124b; (iii) K. N. K.
andK. N. L., p.80; (v) K. I. L., p. 74; (vi) D. R. J., Fol. 82a. (vii)
D. R. B., Fol. 72a.
1. (i) D. A. O., p. 11 ; Hi) M. A. S., p. 33; (iii) N. J. N., p. 393:
(iv) M. S. B., p. 46: (v) L. N. B., Fol. 592b/1189.
2. According to; — (i) D. A. O., p. 11 and (ii) M. A. S., p. 33.
‘Later on’ is the version of the following ;~(iii) N. T. N.
p.393; (iv) H. R. K., Fol. 187a: (v) Q. A. L., Fol. 126. (vi) L. N. B.,
Fol. 592Vll89; (vii) R. W. S. under .
3. T. F. N., p. 405.
4. Q. A. L., Fol. 126, gives the name as Kabir ’ud Din Isma‘Il.
130
16Tir ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL' CONFERENCE
In India, the nanie of Shaykb Fakhru’d-Din ‘IrSql seems to have
been confused by some writers with that of_ Salar-i-‘ Iraqi. As dis-
cussed at length by the author of the Qasr-i-'Arifan*, some of the his-
torians and biographers of mystics, while writing about Shah Sharaf of
Panipat, have expressed the erroneous belief that he was the son of
Shaykb ' Fakhru’d-Din ‘Iraqi, the Sufl,_ whereas his father’s name,
actually, was’SSlSr Fakbru’d-Din ‘Ir’aqi, the Qalandar.
Briefly speaking, Salar Fakbru’d-Din ‘Iraqi came from the suburbs
of Kirman and was one of the followers of Shah Mohammad Kirmani,
an ancestor of Shah Ni‘mat-u’llah Wall of Kirman. Bibl Hafiz Jamal,
the sister of ShUh-i-Kirmani, was the wife of Sal5r Fakbru’d-Dln
‘Iraqi She gave birth to two sens* Shah Nizamu’d-Din ‘lr§qi and
Shah Sharaf Panipati. Salar ‘Irfiqi came to India and ultimately
settled down at Panipat. II was here that Shah Sharaf was born and
here too, later on, Salar ‘Iraqi and his wife were buried_ after their
death. The birth of Shah Sharaf, according to Qasr-i-‘Arifan, took
place in 602 A. H., that is, four years before the birth of Shaykb Fakb-
ru 'd-Din ‘Iraqi, the Sufi (in A. H. 606*.)
Our Sufi poet, Shaykb Fakbru’d-Din ‘Iraqi spent a considerably
lone period of his life in India. Prof. E. G. Brownez truly remarks
that there is little or no reference to ‘Iraqi’s personal adventures m
his verses But it is otherwise about the part of hts life in India.
Comparatively speaking, ‘Iraqi’s biographers have given some details
about the rest of his life but as regards his stay at Multan, they do not
eo beyond a few brief allusions. Some of ‘Iraqi’s verses, on the other
hand, throw light on some of the events connected with his stay here.
Evidently, throughout his slay at Multan Shaykb ’Iraqi was occu-
nied with his endeavours at spiritual perfection under the care of
Shavkh-’ush-Shuyukh Shaykh Baha-’ud-Din Zakanyya. Daulat Shah*
would have us believe that ‘Iraqi underwent fourteen quadragesimal
fasts (chillas) in a period of four years’ stay at Multan. This
view is however, refuted by the statement of those authorities_ who
sav that it was only once that Shaykh Zakakiyya commanded ‘Iraqi to
retire to a cell for chilla and it was on the eleventh day of this
Mila that, as already described, ‘Iraqi composed the ghazal ;
1 ^)
5. Q. A. L., Fol. 125.
1. (1) Q- A.. L., Fol. 129. (ii) C. I. H., Vol. II, Column 1069.,
2. L. B. C., Vol. Ill, p. 124.
3; T. S. B., p. 216, This lias been followed by M. S. L. under
A PAPER ON “SHAYKH IRXQI'S STAY IN INQIA"
131
Shaykb Zakariyya seems to have admired and encouraged the
young Sufi in every way. In the mystic path ^Iraqi made great
progress*^. The spiritual training he received under the affectionate
patronage of Shaykb Zakariyya was the guiding star of ‘Iraqi's life.
Jamail, in his Siyar-u*l- ‘Arifin goes to the extent of remarking that
although it was while ‘Iraqi was a disciple of Shaykb Sadru'd-Din at
Iconium, that he wrote the Lama at, but, as a matter of fact, it was
just a ‘drop from the cloud of Shaykb Zakariyya’s bounties.*
We are told that his attainments in the domain of spiritualism were
"beyond description^, and that he had attracted a fairly large number
of devoted followers in India^.
Needless to say that all this he acquired at the feet of the great
saint, Shaykb Baha-u*d-Dm Zakariyay. It was here that the founda-
tions of his Fater spiritual career were laid. ‘Iraqi, like a true and
sincere disciple, is never tired of singing the praises of his teacher.
In his verses he has given expression to the supreme sense of his great
love for and faith in the learned saint. They are the true and sponta*
neous homage of a devoted disciple.
In a qasida, describing his own state of mind and the praises of
. his teacher, he speaks : —
sS ij^^) )]
Here are some lines from one of his famous panegyrics. They are
so full of genuine emotion^.
(**) 5 (**■') ^
U janlf.
4. R. W. S., under letter ^ .
1. S. D. J., Fol. 15b:
2. (i) T. S. B., p. 215; (ii) M. S. L., under 'Iraqi : (iii) T. F. N.,
p.405.
'3. T. S. B., p.215-216.
4. K. S. L., Fol. ‘20, contains a part of this qasida.
The qasida is given in the following;— (ii) D. R. 13., Fol. 23b-25a
(iii) K. N.‘K.,p. 17-19: (iv) K. M. L., p. 17-19: (v) K. I. L., 16-18.
5. (i) K. S. L., Fol. 20a-20b: (ii) D. R. B., Fol. 25a-25b: (iii)
<3. M. K., Fol. 144a: (iv) K. N. K., p. 19-20: (v) K. N. L;, p. 19-20;
<vi) K. I. L., p.18-19.
132
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
At another place he continues his earnest eulogy in the same strain.
When Shaykb Zakariyya’s time drew near he called ‘Iraqi to his
presence and assigning all the affairs to his charge* appointed him as
his successor2. This done, the Shaykb breathed his last in the year
666 A. H.
The death of his godfather was a heavy blow to ‘Iraqi. How
deeply shocked he felt can well be imagined from the pathetic verses in
which he laments the sad loss. He pours out the sorrows of his grief-
stricken heart in a long elegy of about eighty verses. Some opening
verses of the first stanza run as follows*
^ j ^ Siiiii jl? jt U>4Mii y jl
)Ua.) Jo (yj. Jy» ji (-/li
During the course of his stay at Multan ‘Iraqi’s circle of intimac}r
appears to have remained confined to his spiritual guide, Shaykb Baha-
u’d-Din Zakariyya. The particulars of his relations with a few other
persons also are preserved in his verses. His friendship with Shaykb
*Imad-u’d-Din, one of the companions of Shaykb Baha-u’d-Din Zakar-
iyy5 is manifest in one of his poems which seems to have been written
by ‘Iraqi to congratulate the latter on his recovery from a sickness.
The poem begings as follows* : —
),)«I ^y{J| oUc kS.^1)
• '■***"‘* )I W j)r*f )>
6. (i) D. R. P., Fol. 22b-23b; (ii) K. S. L., Fol. 19a-b, the last
lines are dropped: (iii) and (iv) K. N. K. and K. N. L., p. 16-17,
both give the title wrongly as ^jUJU ^ in place
of IjjJj (v) K. I. L., p.15-16, also repeats the
mistake in the above (iii) and (iv).
1. (i) D. A. O., p. 11 : (ii) M. A. S., p. 33.
2. (i) N. J. N., p. 393; (ii) H. R. K., Fol. 187a; (iii) D. A. O.
p. 11; (iv) M. S. K., p. 121; (v) M. A. S., p. 33; (vi) Q. A. L.. Fol.
126; (vii) L. N. B., Fol. 592b/1189; (viii) L. B. C., Vol. Ill, p. 127;
(ix) C. O. B.. p. 126; (x) C. O. S., p. 440; (xi) C. B. A., p. 32.
3. The qasida is given in the following *
(i) K. S. L., Fol. 20b-23a: (ii) D. R. B., Fol. 94b-96b; (iii) K..
N. K., p. 54 to 58: (iv) K. N. L., p. 54 to 58 (v) K. I. L., p. 50 to 54.
4. (i) K. N. K.. p. 31; (ii) K. N. L.. p. 31; (iii) K. I. L., p. 29;.
(iv) K. S. L., Fo. 28a.
A PAPER QN “SHAYKH IRXqi'S STAY IN INDIA'*
13S
There is a long qasida in praise of Shaykb Sadr-u'd-Din, the
eldest son of Shayfah Baha-u'd-Din Zakariyya. In the poem, *Iraql
refers to three verses which had been sent to him by Shakb Sadr-u'd-
Din. It begins with the line^ : —
For long long years ‘IrSqi had been away from his homeland. He
was about 17 (about the year 623 A. H.) that he had left Hamadin.
He stayed on in India until after the death of his spiritual guide Shaykb
Bah§-u'd-Din ZakariyyS in the year 666 A. H. He spent practically
43 years in foreign lands. ‘Iraqi talks of thirty six years of separation
in one of his poems which he wrote in response to a letter written to
him by his brother2 Shamsu'd-Din from Kumjan. ‘Iraqi says^ : —
^jUL, ^ )I v:y4^3l ^
Except for the company of his spiritual guide, Shaykfa Zakari)rya,.
the stay of ‘Iraqi in India does not seem to have been a very happy
part of his life. His verses reminiscent of this period of his life
express the ardent yearning of a home-sick heart. A poem^describing
his state of mind begins with the verse:—
uXb )*** <3^*-
and speaks of his divine experiences at length but in the end the poem
is concluded with the verses^ :
1. The qasida is given in the following : —
(i) K. N. K., p. 21-32; (ii) K. N. L.. p. 21-23; (iii) K. I. L.,
p. 20-21; (iv) K. S. L., Fol. 23b-24b; (v) G. M. K., Fol. 13la-l31b;
(vi) D. R. B., Fol. 26b-27b.
2. K. S. L., Fol, 25b, gives the title of the poem as « 4 a.| ljUJ ^
3. (i) D. R. B., Fol. 29a; (ii) K. S. L., Fol. 26 a; (iii) K. N. K.
and (iv) K. N. L., both at p. 25, give for ,^-J (v) K. I. L.,
p. 23, follows the /eading of (iii) and (iv).
4. The qasida is given in the following ; —
(i) K. S. L., Fol. 26b-27a; (ii) G. M. K.,Fol. 153b-154a; (iii) D.
R. B., Fol. 30a-30b; (iv) K. N. K., p. 26-27; (v) K. N. L. p. 26-27;
(vi) K. I. L., p. 24-25.
1^4
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAl. CONFERENCE
Fancied or real, the poet sets down his conversation with a friend.
He eiids his poem as underi
Ol/j (*I tS ^ u>w«,| j J)j ) uyUlb Aiayjil ftiyi
In a qaslda written in praise of al-WS‘iz Hamid u’d Dih Ahmed
.whom he addresses as his ‘sincere friend’ he thus expresses his longing
to see his native place, Kumj5n* ; —
I) ^ (•>* t/*
() S>iiO
There is another poem beginning with the verse* : —
M-f] ) •>)! ^ It J** 4-
In this poem the poet expresses his earnest desire to see one Karim*
ud'Din and asks him to undertake a journey to Multan.
'Iraqi’s reply to his brother Shams-u’d-Din, referred to above,
expresses his home>sickness in words full of feeling. The verses dis-
play his joy at the sight of his brother’s letter after such a long separa-
tion, and also reveal what painful memories it brought to ‘Iraqi’s mind
1. (i) K. S. L., Fol. 28a: (ii) K. N. K.,p. 31; (iii) K. N. L.,
p.31; (iv) K.I.L., p.29.
2. A. (i) K. S. L., Fol. 24b-25a: (ii) D. R. B., Fol. 27b.28b;
(iii) K. N. K., p. 23-24: (iv) K. N. L., p. 23-24: (v) K. I. L.. '
p. 21-23.
B. (vi) G. M. K., Fol. 122b-123a, gives the verses without those
in reference to HamId-u’d-Din or Kumjan.
3. (i) K. S. L., Fol.26b: (ii) D. R. B., Fol. 29b-30a, gives it
without a title.
(iii) K. N. K., p. 25 and (jv) K. N. L., p. 25, give its title as
and insert his name in place of
(v) K. I. L., follows the reading of K. N. K. and K. N. L.^ at
p. 24.
A PAFEK ON <'SHAYKH IRAQI’S STAY IN INDIA”
and how impatient he grew to see his home-land<
•»iT ry^
jl) r'ji ^ c)i|
^aEUM^tl t_ JH^Jb Iam)
4cl yi ji
^1 Ji^ y ^
'IrSqli occupied a very warm corner in the heart of Shaykb
Zakariyya who looked to all his comforts2. Shaykh Zakariyya appears
to have encouraged his disciple in all respects. He used to enjoy the
spiritual relishjof ‘Iraqi's verses^.
‘Iraqi's nomination as his successor by Shaykfe Zakariyya was an
eye-sore^ to the other disciples of the Shaykfa. Now that ‘Iraqi's
4. The poem is given in: —
(i) K. S. L., Fol. 25b-26a; (ii) D. R. B., Fol. 28b-29a, gives the
poem without its title, (iii) K. N. K., p. 24-25, and (iv) K. N. L.^
' p. 24-25 as also (v) K. I. L., p. 23-24, give the poem without title.
1. There is a Story given in S. D. J., Fol. 16a, and (li) T. F. N.
p. 406. The latter says : —
t^yf ^ y^i*^ ^ y y
•uJ)U ^ Oja- ^ )-
^ SoUm^} <S ^tOjO sUjUa. ^ i— .i? Oj..» uif^yAt*
fj 0^<4-. !,» AlA liyf
(iif) Q. A. L., Fol. 126, simply remarks that Sadr-ud-Din inter-
vened and the marriage did not take place.
2. T. S. B., p. 216.
3. (i) T. F. N., p. 405; (ii) T. S. B., p. 216.
4. , (i.) -N. J. N., p. 393: (ii) L. N. B.. Fol. 5925/1189.
136
16th ALL-IKDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
benefactor had passed away, it was high time for them to give vent to
their avarice* against ‘IrSql. They carried their complaints® to the
ruler of the town saying that ‘Iraqi did not act up to the doctrines of
Shaykh Zakariyya, that his time was mostly occupied with poetry^ and
that he always kept with the fair-faced*. They remarked that he was,
therefore, not a fit person to continue as a successor in the seat of the
Shaykb®.
In this way people attempted to poison the ears of the authorities
against Shaykb ‘IrSqi and thus made the rest of his stay miserable at
Multan. Times grew hard with him. Some biographers will have us
believe that the Sultan had already had some malice towards ‘Iraqi and
his group!®. And now he tried to express his malice in action. He is
said to have sent for Iriql and his party.
‘Iraqi came to know of the trouble that was brewing up. His
patron had expired. His fellow disciples had turned against him.
There was nothing now to keep him in India, except, of course, his son,
Kablr-u.d-Dln, whom probably he bade ^farewell with a heavy heart in
the following verses!
yi^ A) ) )>>
However, ‘Iraqi said good-bye to the place where he had spent a
long period of his youth. Even before the Sultan’s orders could be
carried out and his men could reach ‘Iraqi, he had, along with some of
his friends, left Multan.
5. (i) N. J. N.,p.393: (ii) H. R. K., Fol. 187a: (iii) M. S. K.,'
p. 121; (iv) K. G. L.,p. 701; (v) L. N. B., Fol. 592b/1189; (vi) D.
A. O., p. 11.
6. (i) Q. A. L., Fol. 126: (ii) H. R. K., Fol. 187a; (iii) M. A.
S., p. 33 adds (secretly).
7. (i) N. J. N., p.393; (u) D. A. 0.,fp.li: (iii) M. S. K.,
p. 121 ; (iv) M. A. S., p. 34; (v) L. N. B., Fol. 592b/1189; (vi) K. G.
L., p. 702.
8. (i) N.J.N., p.393; (ii) Q. A. L., Fol. 126: (iii) K. G. L.,
p. 702; (iv) L. N. B., Fol. 592b/1189: (v) M. A. S., p. 34 says
(vi) D. A. O., p. 11 also says (ii) M. S. K. p. 121, says
9. (i) N.J.N., p.393; (ii) M. S. K.. p. 121; (iii) L. N. B..
Fol. 592b/1189.
10. (i) M. A. S., p. 34; (ii) D. A. O., p. 11.
1. (i) K. N. K., p. 31 ; (ii) K. N. L., p. 31 ; (iii) K. I. L., p. 29.
137
A PAPER ON ‘'SHAYKH IRSqI’S STAY IN INDIA"
Abbreviations.
C. B. A. Descriptive Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and Urdu
Manuscripts in the Library of the University of Bombay,
by Shaykb ‘Abdu’l Qadir.
C. I. H. Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Library of the
India Office: by the late Hermann Ethe, m.a., p.h.d.,
Revised and completed by Edward Edwards: 1937.
■C. O. B. Catalogue of the Persian and Arabic Manuscripts in the
Oriental Public Library, BankipSre.
C. O. S. A Catalogue of the Arabic, Persian and Hindustani Manus-
cripts of the Libraries of the Kings of Oudh by A. Sprenger,
Vol. I, Calcutta, 1854.
D. A. O. Deebacheh, in the Song of Lovers, Ushshaq Nameh’ or the
Dah Fasl of ’Iraqi edited and translated by Dr. A. J.
Arberry, published by the Oeford University Pi-ess, for
the Islamic Research Association, Bombay.
D. R. B. Dlwan-i-‘Iraq!, Manuscript Mo. 525, Royal Asiatic Society,
of Bengal, Calcutta, dated 1153 A. H.
D. R. J. Dlw5n-i-‘IraqI, Manuscript Mo. 522, Royal Asiatic Society,
of Bengal, Calcutta,- copied by Jaswant Rai, in 1076 A. H.
G. M. K. Ghazliyat-i-‘IraqI in Manuscript No. 189, Mixed Contents,
a collection of the poems of eight Persian Poets, Kapurthala
State Library, Foil. 178a-242b. Dated 849 A. H., 1445
A. D.
H. R. K. Haft Iqlim by Amin Ahmed Razl, Manuscript Kipurthala
Stale Library, written in 1002 A. H., 1594 A. D.
K. G. L. Khazinat-u’l-Asfiya’ by Ghulam Sarwar, prinetd at the HQt
Press, Lahore. Beginning of Composition in 1230, comp-
letion in 1281.
K. I. B. Kitab-i-Tawdrlkb u’l Auiiya’ (Urdu), Vol. II, by Saiyid
Im&m-u’d-Din, printed at Bombay.
K. I. L. Kulliy5t-i-‘IraqI, printed at Lahore, published by Shaykb
Ilihl Bakbsh Mohd. Jaiai-u’d Din.
K. N. K. Kulliyat-i-'IrSql, printed at the Nawalkishore Press, Kanpur
in 1909 A. D.
K. N. L. Kulliyat-i-‘IraqI, printed at the Nawalkishore Press, Luck-
now, in A. D. 1891, A. H. 1309.
l38 16 th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
K. S. L. Kulliyat-i-‘Iraql, Manuscript Prof. Shairani Collection,
Panjab University, Lahore, written in first half of the VIII
Century A. H.
L. B. C. Literary History of Persia Vol. Ill, the Tartar Dominion,
by Prof. Edward G. Browne, Cambridge University Press,
1928.
L. N. B. Lata’if-i-Ashrafi by Nizam Haji Gbarib YamanI, in 60
Chapters (Latifas), Manuscript, Royal Asiatic Society of
Bengal, Calcutta. Transcribed m the middle of the XII
century A. H.
M. A. S. Maykhaneh by Mulla Abd-u’n-Nabl Fakbr-u’z-Zamani
Qazwin!, edited by Principal Mohd. Shafi published by
Messers Attar Chand Kapur & Sons, Lahore, 1926.
M. S. B. Mir’at-ul-Khayal by Shir Kban L6dhi, printed in Bombay.
M. S. K. Majalis-ul-‘Ushshaq, by Sultan Husayn ibn Sultan Mansur
ibn Bayqara, Nawalkishore Press, Kanpur, 1897.
M. S. L. Makbzan-ul-Gbara’ib by Sandeivi, Manuscript, Panjab Uni-
versity Library, Lahore.
N. J. N. Nafahat-u’l-Uns by Jami, composed in the year 883 A. H.
printed at the Nawalkishore Press, Kanpur, 1874 A. D.
Q. A. L. Qasr i ‘Arifan by Ahmed ‘AH, the 1st Chapter composed in
1176. Copied in 1291 by Hafiz Mohd. Jamal-u’d-Din. First
copy from the original writing of the author ; Manuscript,
Pan jab University, Library, Lahore.
R. W. S. Riyad u’sh Shu'arS by ‘All Quli Kban Waleh Dagbistani,
Manuscript, Shairani Collections, Pan jab University Libra-
ry, Lahore.
S. D. J. Siyar-u’l-'ArifIn by Dervish Jaraali: Manuscript, Panjab
University Library, Lahore.
T. F. N. Tarikb-i-Firishteh by Mohd. Qasim Fiaishteh, published by
the Nawalkishore Press, 1281 A. H., 1865 A. D.
T. H. L. Tazkira-i-Husayni by Mir Husayn Dost Sambhall, Manus-
cript, Pan jab University Library, Lahore.
T. S. B. Tazkirat-u’sh-Shu‘ara by Daulat Sh5h Samarqandi, edited by
Prof. E. G. Browne. Composed in 892 A. H. (A. D. 1487).
edited in 1901.
V — Arabic and Persian Section.
(16) Persian Translations of Yoga-Vasishta and Gita,
by
Dr. Bikrama Jit Hasrat, m.a., ph.d.
Of the vast amount of Indo-Persian literature produced
during the Muhammadan rule in India, the translation of Sanskrit
works on Indian sciences and religions received an unprecedented
official patronage during Akbar's reigni. The spirit of enquiry initiated
by Akbar led to the gradual evolution of Indo-Muslim thought in the
next few centuries. The interest of Muslim scholars in Indian litera-
ture* however, was semi-academic, semi-philosophical, but it created a
comparative outlook, which brought about slowly and imperceptibly a
process of new cultural synthesis.
Tht Yoga^Vasishta is Q.ytTy rare and valuable didactical work in
Sanskrit on Hindu Gnosticism. According to V. M^tra-^ in Sanskrit it
is tlie earliest work on Yoga or speculative and abstruse philosophy
delivered by the venerable sage Vasishta to his royal pupil Rama. It
embodies the loci communes or common-place relating to the sciences
of ontology — the knowledge of sat, real entity; the asat, the unreal
non-entity, the principles of psychology or doctrines of passions and
feelings upon other cognitions, volitions and other faculties of mind
and the tenets of ethics and practical morality all dereived from Platonic
dialogues between the sages and tending to the main enquiry concerning
the true felicity, final beatitude or summum bonum of all true phi-
losophy.
The Yoga philosophy had already been made accessible to the
Muhammadan world, when in the beginning of the eleventh century,
1. For a detailed account of the translations of Sanskrit works
into Persian during Akbar's reign, their origin and history, vide the
A'in4-Akbart, pp. 101 the Journal Asiatique, IS95, Tome VII and
the present writer’s : Muslims and Indian Sciences in the V ^sva-Bharati
Quarterly, Santiniketan, Vol. IX, 2, 1943, pp. 148-158 and Vol. XII,
4, 1947, pp. 298-314.
2. Yoga-Vasishta Maharamayana of Valmtki (Preface), Calcutta,
1891.
3. Indian Literature, p. 239.
140
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Alberiini translated into Arabic Patanjali's and Kapila’s treatises on
the Yoga and iheisiic philosophy-ihe Yoga-Sutra and iht Sankhya-Sutra*
[The copies ofc the above translations are very rare and according to
Weber-^, tbe^comcnts of these works do not harmonize with the
originals^.
Many Persian translations of the Yoga-Vasishta made at different
times are still extant. One is by Pandit Anandan (called Bandhan by
Elhe)5 which has also been noticed in the Bodleian Catalogue.
(No. 1328) and also by Ricu<>. A translation was made by the order of
Akbar in the year A. D. 1598. This manuscript has been noticed by
Dr. Ellic7. Anoihcr translation is probably that of Sufi >harlf Qutbjahani
entitled Tuhfa'i Majlis or Ativar dor hall-i-Asrar based on the
Y ogavasishthasar as {SNthtv : Berlin Camlogite, p. 186), divided into
ten chapters each called a Tur. Both Rieu and W. Pertsch have noticed
at length this manuscript^.
But by far the most original translation of the Yoga-Vasishta is
that made at the instance of Dara Shikuh and under his personal super-
vision in the year A. H. 1066 (A. D. 1656). The copies of this work
are not rare in India. In Europe copies of this translation arc pre-
served in the Bodleian Library^, the India Officeto and the Bibliotheca
Sprengenanait. Pandit Sheo Narain gives a detailed account of this
translation in the Journal of the Panjab Historical Society (Vol. II, I,
pp. 31-32). The work was lithographed at Lucknow in 1887 but copies
of this edition are now very rare.
Dara Shikuh's translations from Sanskrit include that of the
Upanishads, entiiled iht Sirr A- A kbar^^ (wr. 1067 A. H.), the Bliagwat*
4. For details of Alberuni’s translations, vide Sachau's AlherunVs
/ndia (London), 1914, p. 246, and V. Mitra’s preface, Yoga-Vasishta
etc. (Calcutta).
5. Vide Catalogue of Persian MSS, in India Office, Vol, 1,
No. 1971.
6. Vide Catalogue of Persian MSS, in British Museum, Vol, I,
p, 61a.
7. Ibid supra.
8. Vide Rieu: Vol. Ill, p. 1034b, No. x and Berlin Catalogue,
p, 1022, No. 4.
9. Ethe and Schaus Catalogue, No. 1328.
10. Cat, of Persian MSS. in India Office, 1971.
11. Dr, Fober*s Catalogue, No. 16661.
12. The entire work has been edited by the present writer. For
dtXadsvtde my article entitled: Sirr-i-Akbar J.R A.S.B. (Letters),
Vol. XV, No. 1, 1949 where a full summary of contents is given.
141
PERSIAN TRANSLATIONS OF Yoga-Vaiishta A^D Gtta
Gita (wr. between 1065-67 A. H.) and a translation of the Yoga-
Vasishta made at his insiaace. His other works on Hinduism arc the
Majm^-ul-B ihraiii, a comparative study of Hinduism and Islam, the
Mukalama^^ or Seven Dialogues on comparative mythology with a
Hindu saint named Lai Das. The Kisala'i llaq Numa though a treatise
on Sulk practices, shows distinct signs of the influence of Indian Yoga
philosophy. Dara Shikuh claim ' that he had read a Persian translation
of the Yoga-Vasislita by one Shaikh Sufi (probably Sufi Sharif
Qutbjahani, supra,) prior to A. H. 1066, when he ordered a rctransla-
tion of the work. Some of the physical exercises detailed in the liisala
€,g the Ifiabs-i-dani ^ iho, aTviird-burd, the astral healing, the centres of
mediation in the heart and brain, bear a close resemblence to Hindu
Tantric meditaiions. The salik*s journey through the four worlds of
Nasut, Jabarut Malakut and Lahut, for instance, is compared by him
to the Indian Avasthalman or the four world of Jagral^ Swapna^
Sahipati Tind Turtya. The Majma'-ul- Bahrain, written in ]066A. H.
prior to tlie translation of the U panishais, shows clearly that by that
time Dara Shikuh had acquired considerable knowledge of Yogic and
Vedantic philosophy, together with Sanskrit technical vacabulary of
Indian mythology and cos nology etc , which would enable him to make
a comparative study of the same with their equivalents from Islamic
thought.
The translation, as in 'the original Sanskrit, is divided into ,the
following six Prakarnas:
1, ^1)4? {Vairagya-prakarnam) Vanities of Life.
2. (Muntukshuvyauohara-prakarnam) RenunciatioiL
{U tpaiti-prakarnam) Creation.
4. (Sthiti-prakarnam) Preservation.
5. (U pasama-prakarnam) Dissolution.
{Niravna-prakarnam) Beatitude.
The Preface, gives an account of the circumstances which led to
the translation of the Yoga-Vasishta into Persian. The translator
writes: "Gratitude, adoration and submission are offered to the One,
the Sun of whose glory s’iine> in every ato n of th^ 'cosm >s and where
grandeur is manifested in the Universe, although. He is hidden from all
13- For details, vide the present writer’s article: Mi^kalatna Baba
Lai zv% Dara SMkH'i in the Yisva-BJiarati Quarterly, iantiniketan,
Vol. IX, April 1944, pp. 326-339.
142
i6TH ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
eye and is behind the Veil; boundless benedictions in all sincerity and
faith free from error, omission or sanctimoniousness to that choicest
product of His creation, to the personification of all that is best i.e,
Muhammad, the Prophet, and the same to "Ali, the object of his love/
‘‘Let it be known to the noble soul that the scholars, who before this
translated the Yoga-Vasishta into Persian and omitted some of the
Sanskrit terms, have not been able to convey the subtilities and full
sense of the text. It was for this reason that in one of the months of
the year A. H. 1066 (A. D. 1656). the crown of the kings, the refuge
of the world, the descendent of the glorious kings, God's best creature,
the initiate in divine mysteries, the embodiment of what is grand and
noble, the God-knowing king, DSra Shikuh, son of Shah Jahan ordered
as follows : ‘Since the translations of this sacred book which are ex-
tant, have not proved of much use to the seekers of truth, it is my
desire that retranslatioii should be undertaken in conference with
learned men of all sects who are conversant with the text. My chief
reason for this noble command is that although I had profited by
perusing a translation of it ascribed to Shaikh SufP^, yet once two saintly
persons appeared in my dream; one was tall, whose hair was grey, the
other short and without any hair. The former was Vasisht and the
latter Ram Chandra, and as I had read the translation already alluded
to, I was naturally attracted towards them and paid my respects.
Vasisht was very kind to me and patted me on the back and addressing
Ram Chandra told him that I was brother to him because both he and
I were seekers after the Truth. He asked Ram Chandra to embrace
me which he did in exuberance of love. Thereupon Vasisht gave some
sweets to Ram Chandra which I took and ate. After this vision a
desire to cause a retranslation of the book intensified me/'
THE PERSIAN translation of the Bhagwatgtta, in 18 adhyayas
was made by Dara Sljikuh, probably with the help of some pandits,
between the years A. H. Iu65— 67. It is described as an attempt to
present “the highest and the best tenets of Hinduism in the most attrac-
tive garb/' Although a number of other versions of the same work
exist in India, I have not come across any good manuscript of DarSL
Sbikuh's translation, with the exception of one (that, too, of doubtful
character) in the private collection of Syed Ramadan ‘Ali Shah GardezI
of Multan. Other Persian versions of this most important Indian
Scripture, “the Song of the Most High"— comprising the discourses
between Sri Krishna on Divine matter, which was interpolated as an
episode in the sixth Parva of the Mahabharata are as follows:
Gita Sunbodhanl translated from the Sanskrit commentary—
Sunbodhani, date not known^S; a versified Persian translation by
14. This translation, as its title:
indicates is not complete. Vide Ethe, Vol. I, No. 1972.
15. {Catalogue of Persian MSS, in the Bodleian Library, 1391.)
14S
PERSIAN TRANSLATIONS OF Yoga-Vasishta AND Gita
Akbar's poet-laureate Faidi ; another Persian translation from Sanskrit
ascribed by Ethe^^ and Rieu^^ to Abul Fadl; another version entitled as
the Mir*at-ul’H aqa'iq with comparative comments in Islamic terminology
on its philosophical import by ‘Abdiir Rahman Chishti in 1065 A.
Three other Persian translations are mentioned : one by Ethe by an
anonymous author, the other by J. Aurner in the Munich Catalogue
(p. 140) ; and one is said to be in Library of King's College, Cambridge.
According to Ethe {Catalogue of Persian MSS* in the India
Office^ No. 1949), a copy of Dara Shikuh's translation is wrongly
ascribed to Abu'l Fadl, as it indicated by a note on fol. 13 of the manus-
cript copy. In view of this categorical statement, it is essential that
differentiation may clearly be made between the two translations of
Abul Fadl and Dara Shikuh. Apart from an abridged version of the
Gita, included in the Razmnama, a Persian translation of the Maha-^
bhdrta made by four scholars at the instance of Akbar^^, wherein the
whole discourse between Sri Krishna and Arjuna is condensed into a few
pages, it does not seem likely that Abu’l Fadl also made a translation of
the Gita in 18 adhyayas in a separate form. Abu'l Fadl himself does
not mention it among the translations made for Akbar^o, nor does
Badaunl include it among the various Sanskrit works which were trans-
lated during the period^i
16. Catalogue, Vol, I No, 1950.
17. Catalogue, Vol. I, 7676 ; Add 6607 ; Vol. Ill p. 1034b.
18. Ethe: Op. Cit,
19. For details vide. Dr. Bikrama Jit Hasrat : Muslims and Indian
Science (III) in the Visva-Bharati Quarterly, Santiniketan April 1947,
pp. 305-308.
20. See the A*in4-Akbari (Blochmann, p. 104).
21. The Muntakhab-ut-Tawdrfkh Vol. II, pp. 401 ff.
(17) Quatrains of Dawwani.
by
Professor Bhagwat Dayal Verm a, m.a., Munshi, Fazil,
Adib Fazil, Sahitya-Ratna.
Jalal-u*d-Dla Muhatnmid, son of Sa‘d-u’J-Din As'ad aUDawwan!,
IS known to the scholars ot Persian literature through his admirable
work on moral ethics, natiud the **Akhlaj i-JaldiV\ He was born in
828 A. PI. and prosecuted his stu lies in S^iiraz by sitting at the feet
of Mulla Muhy-u’d-Din Ansari and Khwaja Hasan Shah. He learnt
the science of tradition from Shaikh S ifi-u*d-Diii, and in course of
time became proficient in the sciences prevalent in those days*
He was of the opinion that a man must amass wealth also, so
that his learning may be valued by the people. He wrote: —
JU OA \ y *
Accordingly he entered the judicial service and rose to the high
post of the sUiUl in the reign of the kings of the Aq Qiyu^lfi
dynasty. At the end of his life he busied himself in wriiing books,
and produced great work'?. He died on the 9th Rabr-aUThanl, 9D8
A. H.
The memoir writers have not made any mention of the •*Ruba*iydV*
under notice* Some of them have said thit his p.n-name was FSnf,
but in these quatrains, he his written D iwwani in some places. The
writer possesses a manuscript wliich contains the following works of
Dawwani
‘-»r" ftfi ;i> ,^4-^ (I")
QUATRAINS OF DAWWXni 145
All these manuscripts are in the hand-writing of one Writer and
there is a remark: —
^
The manuscript is 9i"x5", with about 15 lines on each page,
and a total number of 95 pages. The style pf writing is ATojta^/Ig.
The subject matter of every rM^^a i is given in Arabic in red ink at the
beginning and then follows full explanation. Only SO quatrains are
given.
In the introduction Dawwanl says : — ‘T had written some quatrains
in my youth, and my friend, asked me to put them together in book^
form. Once upon a time when [ went to .ssJfJll,.
to pay my homage I presented this book to / , ,
him. ^ ®
The language of the commentary is like that of the Akhlaq-i-Jalalt
In the colophan is written: —
SX^ ^ (jJktkS SS
Some of the quatrains are given below, so that the readers may be
able to form some idea of the style and themes of the book.
The beginning of the book is as follows : —
j I) S 5JI| jiiJf y t»ll fcViTh.
alij
In praise of God, he writes : —
(*)W 1*)^ y ^
God is concealed as well as manifest
j| cSi>*w>Viy"^jl* y ^v>
<*^1 1:^-* (jW ) ) )I
146 16X11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Man is nothing without the light of God which permeates his
being : —
yd y y ^5^
lJ'*
^ yi )|
The commentary on this quatrain is as follows : —
)I ^ )ti
iJS<AAAASafe y^ yiaj y * iJ^^cL ^ yi^ ^4kSl
b y (3^ ka^sMt^ yya sytila
u>M<| *^1;^ )f )i> J ui>U-tf su,h
Man’s wisdon cannot perceive the greatness of God : —
^LaJS) ^ li ^Ofb^Aiix
y i*y^*^
i^yMfy^ 1^ 0 yi^
The phenomenal world is the reflection of god : —
^ j*^ )^
^ ) (J^
■^‘l (j) )) )‘^ )y* ‘-^i
,J4« )f)-»f *»))■» )«>
The comprehensiveness of the heart of man ; —
cs^«,( i^» ) y Li'S
sj'*
u > m ] J ^stsf jl J
QUATRAINS OF DAWWXnI
147
The world is a mirage : —
jaSwJ ivijo
lJ^ ^ tJ*"
i:> 4 M ))
/ A .ra/i& should not fix his heart on the hopes and fears of this
transitory world : —
) ‘M-! )l ^f)) li
‘ y(fi Jtia. j ),iCi
‘ J)^”* c?-)! J*^
... jJielgJ Ui *i>clji ^
The attributes of man are the reflection of those of God :—
‘^i*'**
uT* ij ^ ^ )
cjb*)*’ e)^
cT i*
None knows the real Truth : —
' r“ — — 7 j*'
^ I—
&»_U» ^ ‘
jjO j( »iyi
The Jo/iife should busy himself with the knowledge of his soul,
and should not waste his time and energy in dealings with ordinary-
persons : —
lT^ )l vyl
^ O***^ d-^sxU^flkJ
V"^
j| <SfcMi h Ai>
148 16 th all>india oriental conference
Commentary : —
(jW( L^**.k) L-i^l DyU Lg0^ }0 ^
^iaa ^ C^La« sS )‘^ ) i^*i»|
fJ(->^) ^y^fil^ iSJM>-y ivy^ ^ c.J''^ ^ * •**“? ;** ^
0^^ (jjl itMj jU^ «>iLJ i$|f& ji>
Some quatrains are in praise of Hadrat *Al!, a fact which proves
that DawwanI believed in the Shl'a cree'd :—
OAj^ cJJU
sii y iy^igcs-^^o
)0 U>«* Uy>lj ^1
)^ ^ ‘^5) ^r) ^ c)H
^^,y^ JOii /
uSi««4««| 1 *am| j eS
(18) The Gol?Xr-i-Ibrahim and the KhwXn-i-Khalil.
by
Dr. Nazir Ahmad — Lucknow University.
The Sih Natbr (or the three prose pieces) of Zuhurl, which by the
common consent of tlie critics, is the best example of ornate prose and
consequently one of the most celebrated Persian prose books, has a
most disputed historical back-ground. A group of scholars holds that
these pieces are three separate prose treatises bearing their own titles.
The opinions of some of them are given below: —
1. Kban Arzu in the Majma-‘un-Naf§’is remarks^: —
2. Sarkbusb in the Kalimat observes^ .
3. Zubairl in the BasStln^ states : —
t vs^^tai ;*3 f) V^l'— )*>
fcxUi^ j )fytf
4. SahbSL'I in the Sbarh-i-Sih Natbr says^ ; —
^ t»;i fLj\ r^) )l c
90f^f r') ^ ;0 ^ Id,
iSxmi iSkA|,d. ^
1. Fol. 496a.
2. p. 198.
3. Fol. 125.
4. p. 207 ; also rnde pp. 120 and 208 etc.
150
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
5. Shams in the Bahar-i-‘Azim points out^ : —
^v) I ^^K**t*L ikk^ [)
The headings of the 2nd and the 3rd pieces at least in the printed
<opy of the Sih Nathr run as follows : —
.... 1 *)^ ”
In addition to these, a large No. of Mss. of the book suggest that
it is nothing but a collection of three prose treatises.
There are again some^ who contend that the Sih Nathr is a collection
of three prefaces written to the Kitab-i-Nauras of Ibrahim *Adil II
(d. A. H. 1037), Amongst them Professor ‘Abdul Ghani holds a fan-
tastic view in so much as on the one hand he calls the Sih Nathr, three
prefaces to the said Kitab-i-Nauras, and on the other, assigns a
particular title to each of them. Some^ Mss. of the Sih Nathr, likewise,
bear headings like this, which suggest as above : —
^
Yet the last group of biographers though few in number, unequivo-
cally claim that it is a collection of three prefaces, the first to the
Kitab-i-Nauras, the 2nd to the Gulzar-i-Ibrahim and the 3rd to the
Khwan-i-Khalil, the last two being anthologies prepared by Malik and
Zuhuri alone. Ibrahim Khalil’s following® statement is very accurate: —
Ghulam ‘All Azad did not fail to arrive at a correct conclusion^ ; —
^ J4H.
5. Fol. 14a.
6. They are mostly later writers and their views are not to be
taken very seriously, vide Dr. Muhy-ud-Din, Zor’s Urdu Sbih
Vol. 1. p. 35 and History of Urdu Lit. (Trans.) pp. 74-75.
7. R. A. S. B. collections, Majmu’a, No. 359.
8. Suhuf-i-IbrShIm, 581a.
9. Sarw-i-Az5d, p. 33.
THE GULZAR-I-IBRAHIM AND THE KHWXn-I-KHALIL
151
Undoubtedly these prose pieces mentioned by such terms as
^ j 5 ykj etc. were collected and compiled under the
title of the Sih Nathr and are three prefaces to the above mentioned three
books written after long intervals. The controversy has mainly been
caused by the single fact that the three main books were consigned to
oblivion and so the prefaces were, somehow, detached and collected
together under the present^ title whicli does not go beyond the date of
its publication-.
It is thus obvious that a description of the Kitab-i-Nauras, the
Gulzar-i-Ibrahim and the Khwan-i-Khalil would adequately remove the
wrong notions centred round the historical aspect of the Sih Nathr.
Since we have various valuable Mss. of the Kitab-i- Nauras it is deemed
undesirable for the present to enter into its detailed description. But
as the last two books are quite unknown and apparently no copies are
available, it would be very fruitful to introduce them so as to have a
correct notion of the Iiistorical back-ground of the Sih Nathr.
The Gulzar-i-Tbrahim was a kind of anthology in verse containing
nine thousand lines of all verse- forms, and was completed jointly by
Zuhurl and Malik at the instance of Ibrahim 'Adil to whom it was
dedicated. The following clear statement occurring in Malikas preface
to the same book reveals its correct nature : —
)f
jO .... y
y jl •— y
y y v — y
I f**" &> U:L j yiS jj
The title of the book appears in this line : —
1. The following points are significant: —
1. This title is not traceable in any Ms. copy. 2. The chronolo-
gical order of the printed copy is not kept in most of the Mss. 3. A
fairly large No. of Mss. contain only two or even one piece.
2. Dr. Rieu fixes A. D. 1846 as the date of Its first publication,
but the printed copy lodged with( ?) was published in A. FI. 1259 corres-
ponding to A. D. 1843. Hence the ^dale of its publication was earlier
than A. D. 1846 or even 1843.
152 16 X 11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The author of the Ma^atfatr agrees with the above in these words:
^ ^ )f}* (riv ^ r jj)
)I>tf
Exactly the same is founds under Malilc, but in the Bankipur Ms.
some additions are made as follows : —
y )lj^ y^Stj %^[lS
^1)^1 )l)^ ^ ^ &KSO ^ i^laS iXiajU
— 4^/1 si ^
[a 1- 0))3
This remark differs from that of Malik in respect of these: —
1. According to Malik the book was prepared at the instance of
the prince while nothing as such is mentioned in the Ma’atfair.
2. In the Ma’atbir both of them are stated to have composed one
half, but Malik does not state as such.
3. In the Ma’atfair the, anthology is stated to have contained prose
portions also while Malik is silent on this point.
Ibrahim* Kbalil endorses the views expressed in th Ma’atbir; but
Iskander MunshI while agreeing in details wrongly gives its title
‘Kit4b-i-Nauras’ and thoughs earlier the correct number of its lines i. e.,
as nine thousand, yet later on he gives only nine hundred* (in words).
Professor Mohd. Sbafi, however, mentions2 no difference though he
quotes both the pages of the ‘Alam Ara-i- ‘AbbasI and so do Azad* and
'Isbq*. The title of the Kitab-i-Nauras as quoted by Iskander Munsbl
has led Professor Mohd. ShafI to deem it as identical with Malik's
Manba‘-ul- Anhar for the simple reason that in the Maykbalnah* its
title is given as Nauras Nama. Consequently he makes an attempt to
3. Vol. 3 pp. 447-48. "
' 4, Suhuf-i-Ibrahlm Fol. 581, also vide fol. 22.
5. Vol. 1, p. 132 (^4*
1. Vol. 3p. r52.
2. Maykbina p. 268 (foot notes).
3. Kb<zSna-i>*Amira p. 411.
4. Nisbtar p. 1669.
5. p. 268; but on p. 259-60 its title is not given.
THE GULZAR-I-IB RAHIM AND THE KHVVXN-I-KEIALIL
153
find out 4500 lines (». Malik's portions in the joint antholo y/) in the
Manba‘ul-Anhar, but failing that he rcm irks^
^ )»> L^)y^
WS^4«[ ^ ^(^ai )(
Zuhuri's own remarks found in his prefaces to the Gulzar-i-Ibra-
hlm and the Khwan-i-Khalll, explicitly indicate that he was Malik's
partner in preparing the Gulzar and the Khwan ; e, gf./
I
It is strange that some writers have misunderstood )I>^
and for two main books, though it is clear as
crystal that the sa-UiO in which Zuhuri speaks about himself in the first
person and about Malik (who was called in the third person,
can in no case be a work of Malik. The .fylC and the
^Ija. referred to in the above remark, are without slightest
doubt, different from the prefaces of Zuhuri. It was due to this mis-
understanding that scholars of fair renown have assigned proper names
to these prefaces about which we have spoken earlier. Fortunately
Azad of Bilgram gives a correct idea about the prefaces as well as the
anthologies in this® sentence : —
4>j| SiiiAf jifsj l-£JU ;0 IgksiM. uSi ^ 1
According to this remark the )!U? and the were
not identical with their prefaces. The author correctly thinks that the
latter were written by Zuhuri alone, while the former were the joint
productions of Zuhuri and Malik both.
The author of the Futuhat-i-‘Adil Sfeahl gives many original and
•even conflicting things as under : —
“Malik and Zuhuri were the joint writers of two books, vis.,
Jila. jjj'u,!? and which contained 9000 lines,
besides prose writings. It is said that in a gathering of scholars, IbrS-
I him *Adil Sb^h while discussing the anecdote of Firdausi and Sulfan
6. Maykb&na p. 268 (footnotes)
7. KuIlIyyat-i-Zuhurl p, 827.
8. Sarw-i-Az5d, p. 33.
154
16X11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Mahmud, ordered for llic payment of one 'Hun’ for each line to the
joint writers of the above composition. The total payment amounted
to 9000 mohars which were carried away on several camels. But on
re-counting thelines, it was found that they were nine thousand and
five hundred, and accordingly the whole payment was made to them.
Later on five hundred lines were found to be purely repetition and so
a number of courtiers lodged a complaint wishing that the excess money
be returned. But the king remarked that the money once paid was
paid for ever/’ (pp. 372-73).
It differs from other statements in respect of the following; —
1. It assigns different titles to both the anthologies ; apparently
the Bagh-i-Ibrahim is a wrong substitution for the Giilzar-i- Ibrahim
and the Gulistan-i-Khalil for the Khwan-i-Khalil.
2. Contrary to all statements it shows that both of them contained
only nine thousand lines, though only the Gulzar-i-lbrahlm comprised
so money.
3. Tt shows that both contained some prose portions as well, though
in the Ms. copy of the Ma'athir the Gulzar is stated to have contained
some prose; Yet neither of them is supported by any other authority.
However in view of Zuhuri and Malik’s own remarks which are
also confirmed by the eminent scholars, regarding the title of the book
which alone contained nine thousand lines, it would be wholly incorrect
to accept the view expressed in the above remark. However, the
phrase lJ/ occuring in the Ma'athir suggests that both of them
wrote separately and that each of the separate portions, contained
about 4500 lines, besides the prefaces. Possibly the title of the Gulzar-i*
Ibrahim was given when they were contained together and the apparent
copy of which (its contents will be discussed Icter), contains the two
sections separately. The prose portions in the book consisted of the
prefaces which were not to their separate sections, but to the joint
composition. But Dr. Rieu in the following! note on the authority of
the same Ms. copy of the Fuluhat has stated a single book and a
different name: —
‘‘Both stood in high favour with Ibrahim 'Adil Sbah who rewarded
them, according to the Futuhat-i-'Adil Sbahi, for the Gulsban-i-
Kbalil, their joint production, with a present of 9000 gold pieces.”
K Rieu Cat. of Persian Mss. in British Museum (under Diwan-i-
Zuhuri ) ,
THE GULZAR-I-IBRAEIIM AND THE KHVVAN-I-KIIALIL
155
About the anecdote quoted in the Futiihat wc find no reference in
any book except a similar account though differing in its details in the
Manba'-ui-Anhar^, some lines of which are quoted below : —
4.C»^ O
.oU
^jL:x d;.^U
t)
cJiM
c:.«.4a5
lib i^is***
SyiiJ xiw
— Mb
^ I • •
S„) I V ^-Cif O
)l
iJSf^^uiS
sxajo^ 0 - 4^3 d :^ < ft ) I
)t
^ 21b
However, since the Mathiiawl was included in the Gulzar-i-Ibrahim,
this particular incident can neither refer to the reward on the compD-
sition of the former, nor to that of the latter.
The author of the Nata’ij-ul-Afkar^ ascribes the Gulzar-i-Ibrahim
and the Khwan-i-Khalil to Zuhuri alone who was, in reality, Malik’s
partner in preparing them. Saxena^ enumerate’s two books bearing
the same titles among Zuhuri’s works (other than the Sih Mathr).
Similarly, the author of the QamusS-ul-Mashahir mentions the Sih Nathr
and three other works, viz,, )l>t> and Jidliw
among Zuhuri’s compositions. Apparently these have been borrowed
from the Kalimat-usb-Shu*ara and the Basatin-us-Salatin in which the
last three works have been ascribed to Zuhuri. But these three were
identical with the three pieces which are collectively termed as the Sih
Nathr. Though this is too incorrect, yet one cannot measure the depth
of the folly of those authors who claim the three works along with the
Sih Nathr, to have been written by Zuhuri^,
Just contrary to these is the account of Sprenger who attributes
the Gulzar-i-IbrahIm to Malik only. He ffurther commits a mistake
by stating that according to Azad the name of the book is Nauras for
2. Kulli)ryat.i.MaHk (R, A. S. B. Ms.) Fol. 75b.
3. p. 117.
4- History of Urdu Literature (Translation) pp. 74-75.
5. Vol. 2p.49.
6. Oudh Catalogue p. 481.
156
16Til ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
the obvious reason that the latter has^ quoted only Iskander Munshi's
view which has nothing to do with his own.
Fortunately Ms. No. 1500^ in the India Office Collection which is
stated to be the Kulllyyat of Zuhuri’s works, is, in all probability, identi-
cal with the Gulzar-i-Ibrahini. The said Ms. has two separate sections,
one containing Malik’s works and the other, those of Zuhurl. This is
fully m consonance w'ith the statement of the Mahathir which clearly
shows that both the poets wrote their portions separately. The cata-
loguer whs, however, puzzled while dealing with its separate portions
and as the Ms. is claimed to be a Kulliyyat of ZuhurPs works, he has
attempted to ascribe all its contents to the same poet, but wherever he
has failed to find any due he has parsed over it, e.y., with regard to
Malik’s preface to the Gulzar-i-Ibralum he does not mention its author
but passes on with the remark^ that —
It is “of the same character as Zuhuri’s well-known prefaces ...but
different from these three and all other treatises hitherto known as
composed by the same author, inspite of the frequent mention of
.tyi? This treatise in ornate prose seems, like three mentioned
above, written in homage of Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah II”.
With regard to the Manba'-ul-Anhar he mentions that in the Oudh
Catalogue (p. 482), it is included in Malik’s Kulliyyat; but on the
authority of its lines quoted in the Khulasat-ul-Kalam^ under Zuhurl,
he claims that it should be ascribed to him.
As regards the series of tarkib, iarj?bands, qasidas etc, though
he does not mention the name of the author, yet he holds them all to
belong to Zuhiiii.
Since the contents of the India Office Ms. are jnst the same as
stated by Malik himself and since about half of the said copy has
been composed by Zuhuri and it is perfectly in keeping with the state-
ments of *Abdul Baqi and Iskander Mimsbi and lastly since the Ms.
concerned has separate sections of each as has been claimed by ‘Abdul
Baqi etc., it is almost proved that it is nothing but the oft-mentioned
Gulzar-i-Ibrahim. A detailed description of the Ms. would further
prove the same : —
1. A prose treatise of the same character as Zuhuri’s three well
known prefaces but different from these. Though the title is not given
1. p. 411.
2. Ethe’s Catalogue Vol. 1 pp. 820-22.
3. pp. 820-21.
4. A biography of mathnawi- writers by Ibrahim Kbalil,
THE GULZAR-I-IBRAHIM AND THE KHWXN-I-KHALIL 157
in this copy, it is luicloubtedly identical with Malik’s preface to the
Gulzar-i-lbrahlm5 )n view of the following: —
(a) Its beginning^ as quoted by Dr. Ethe is quite-similar to that of
the MSS. of Malik’s Kulliyyat preserved in R. A. S. Bengal and
Rampur collections.
7(fc) Of the examples quoted in the India Office Catalogue all.
except one, are traceable in Malik’s Kulliyyat.
(c) Dr. Ethe has neither given its closing line, nor has quoted the
concluding qit*a, which contains even the poet’s pen-name; but since
the last distich^ is tractable in the above Catalogue, undoubtedly, not
only the whole qit'a therein, but its conclusion is also just the same as
in other copies.
(d) in the closing qit'a the following line contains the pen-name
of the poet
b t-iu lJX*
Similarly the following line, occuring both in Malik’s Kulliyyat as well
as in the India Office Ms., gives his pen-name: —
But despite all this, it is strange that Dr. Ethe did not mention its
author.
2. The Manba‘-ul-Anhar ; Its beginning! as quoted by Dr. Ethe
is just the same as in Malik’s Mathnavvi having the same title and found
in both the Mss. of fiis Kulliyyat. This point has been accepted by the
Cataloguer himself but he rejects it on the ground that its 294 lines
5. The Cataloguer of the Cuzon collections (R. A. S. R.) has very
innocently remarked as follows (p. 194) : —
‘‘It seems to be undoubtedly from Malik’s pen (c.f. 30 his
5 > , at the end of this work) and there
is (on the back) nothing improbable that Malik might have written it
for Zuhuri who was his relative.”
6. yj y jl
1
Its 1st distich is this: —
1 .
158
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
have been quoted in the Khulasat-ul-Kalam under .Zuhun, but no line
contains either the pen-name of Malik or that of Zuhuri. All the lines
quoted there are taken from the above poem in which Malik’s pen-name
appears many times. As for example:—
fol. 69
)'>*>
» 72
73a
<*<)•> 5!
) u)"
73b
C^uaA
„ 76b
3. The tarkth^y /a^'/r-bands and qasidas intermixed with qiVas
ghazals and concluded by various strings of beginning: —
^^0 lu/J ^0 jO S.J y> y> \j>^***\
This initial tarkib-band had the following heading : —
Though Dr. Ethe has not mentioned tlie author, yet he means to
ascribe them to Zuhuri only. The fact, however, is that all the poems
have been composed by Malik in which his pen-name appears many
times and that they are included in the poet’s Kulliyyat as well. The
first tarkib-band in praise of Ibrahim, contains 9 bands and covers
foil. 185a to 187a in the R. A. S. B. Ms. of his Kulliyyat.
The next section belongs to Zuhuri : —
1. Preface to the Gulzar-i-Ibrahim, beginning and end as in the
second preface in the Sih Natbr-i-Zuhuri. (p. 821.)
2. Series of tarkib, tarjibands, and qasidas, beginnings.
(p. 821.) )! ^ is-.^
All the poems are from the pen of Zuhuri. However, the usual
in itial qasida, as found in the Bode. Catalogue, and in the Berlin
C atalogue No. 931 and in the Rampur Ms., beginning —
^113 xs^Ia^ 5^ y W — ,
Is missing here. The long tarji‘bands in imitation of Sa'di and Wabsbl
are also not traceable. The first tarkib in praise of God and the
prince (Ibrahim ‘Adil) pp. 179 to 181 in the Rampur Ms.
2. p.82I
THE GULZAR-'I-IBRAIIIM AND THE KHWAN-I-KHALIL
159
3. The ghazals3 beginning —
The initial ghazal beginning
^4 ^L3<4
4. A large collection of ruba'is divided into 22 sections, beginning —
y L^-W'f
This section does not contain qit'a and niathnawi as against the 1st.
Fortunately the first four chapters of No. 679 of ZuburHs Kulliyyat
in the Bankipur collections, are identical with the second section of the
Gtilzar-i-lbrahim. The following details of the said Ms. would
reveal that it agrees completely with the above.
1. The preface to the Gulzar-i- Ibrahim by Zuhuri, beginning and
ending as usual (foil. 1 — 8).
2. The qasidas, tarkib and tarji'bands intermixed, beginning as
in the India Office Ms. (foil. 8-69). This section contains 21 qasidas,
five tarkib and two tarji‘-bands of which all being properly headed,
are in praise of the prince of Bijapur. Like the India Office Ms. it
does not include the long tarji'bands in imitation of Sa'di and
Wahshi, though Malik had two parallel poems exactly of the same
nature.
3. The ghazals beginning as above (foil. 69-78).
4. The ruba'is divided into 22 sections all of which being properly
headed, deal with various merits of Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah. The 1st
heading quoted here and its 96 ruba'is are missing in all other Mss.
of his Kulliyyat including that of Rampur. Similarly the 14th and the
19th headings are excluded from the Rampur Ms. (foil. 78-121.)
The total number of lines is as follows: —
1 . Qasidas, tarkib and tarji'bands amounting to 2220 lines.
2. Ghazals amounting to 370 lines,
4. Ruba'is amounting to 1952 lines.
That gives a total of 4542 lines.
STln 82 X~^ ^
160
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The above shows that no Mathnawi of Zuhurrs is contained in the
Gulzar-i-lbrahim. Apparently his Mathnawi similar to the Manba‘-ul-
Anhar/ written in imitation of the Makhzan-ul-Asrar was not completed
till then. However, Zuhuri’s one^ Mattnawi, having no particular title,
was composed a short time after the completion of the said anthology.
The Cataloguer of Bodleian Library gives A. 1009 as the date of
its completion on the ground that its closing line contains the following
chronogram : —
^ ^
But the word “jUf” does not give the date of the poem but of the
building^ constructed by Shah Nawaz Khan for the obvious reason that
the line occurs among those which are in praise of the same building
under a separate head. Thus the poem must have been eomposed
some time later than A. H. 1009 and so could have not been included in
the above Gulzar-i-IbrahIm.
The actual date when it was completed is not known. However,
this much is certain that Ibrahim ‘Adil Shah was then running in his
third 'ashrah^ which was to be completed in A. H. 1009. Thus it may
be said with certainty that the anthology was finished before this date.
It contains the Manba‘-ul-Anhar in which we find a reference^ to
Nauraspur, a newly projected city whose construction, according to
contemporary^ sources, was not taken up until A. H. 1008. Similarly,
the Nauras Mahal is also^ mentioned in the poem, but it was finally
finished only In A. H. 1010. Thus it is supposed that the Manba'-ul-
Anhar had been finished before the completion of both the Nawras
1. Beginning:
It is included in the Rampur Ms, of the KuHiyyat (pp. 778-799).
2. Catal, of Per. Mss. in Bodleian Lib. (Sachau and Ethe) p. 673.
3. e. g. vide two lines : —
SI? 80^0
and also Firishtah Vol. 2, pp. 80-81.
4. KulHyyat p. 816
1. Fol. 71a.
2. Fol, 67a.
3. The Tadbkirat-uI-Muluk p, 348 and Futuljat p. 158.
161
THE GULZIR-I-1BRXHIM AND THE KHWiN-I-KHALiL
Mahal as well as Nawraspur. Hence it is quite correct to fix a date
between A. H. 1008 and A. H. 1009 which the Gulzar-i-Ibrahim was
finally completed.
On the presentation of the book the prince of BijapQr rewarded the
poets heavily. According to the Ma’atbir*, Ibrahim ‘Adil honourred
them by awarding ninety thousand “laris” which was equal to forty
thousand rupees. The same amount with its equivalent sum has been
mentioned in the Kbulasat-ul-KalamS and the Suhftf-i-IbrahimS. In the
Futuhat^, the reward paid at the rate of one ‘hun’ or gold mohur per
line, amounted to nine thousand hflns, But this coin was somehow or
other concerned with the ‘lari’ coin as is evident from these words
occuring in the FutuhSt itself.
In the ‘Alam Arai’-'Abbasi® both the amount of reward and the coins
in which they were paid, agree completely with those stated above; but
here the amount to be carried on severa^ camels’ back is not mentioned.
The later biographers like ‘Isbq and Azad have chosen to adopt the
version of the Alam Ara in which it is further stated that each of the
two authors composed its half. This is similar to one found only in the
Ms. copy of the Ma’atbir. But the distribution of the reward equally i.e.
in proportion to their share, seems to have been Iskander Munsbl’s own
creation found nowhere'® else.
The amount of reward in gold, according to Malik’s own statement,
was equal in weight to the load of four camels : —
> )) )W ‘^)
This is fully supported by the Futuljat where the number of camels is
not mentioned. But one need not be alarmed for Malik received
4. pp. 397 and 448.
' 5. Fol. 22.
'6. FoirS'Sl.' "
7. p. 373.
8. pp. 132 and 752
9. Even in the ‘Alam Ari on p. 752 stich distribution is not
mentioned.
10. KulliyySt pp. 12-13. . . .
162
16th ALL-lNDlA. OEIENTAL CONFERENCE
reward in gold equal to one camel load by the same prince on the
occasion of the Manba'«ul*Anhar. Thereupon Dbinl was so annoyed
that he composed a Rub§i attacking Malik^^ : —
It is known that the liberal prince rewarded Dfainl^^ equally. Once^*
again the prince was so much pleased by the poet's repartees that he
ordered for the payment of gold in the manner of abjad system of
reckoning. It is further reported that the same poet got one thousand
gold mohurs for composing a caricature of the Sultin to which Malik
and Zuhtiri rcferi^ as follows
^ ^ ^ JsS ilit
^ ^ If Ij jjMUAO
The Khwan-i-Khaltl; Zuhdri and Malik prepared another work on
the same model as the foregoing one probably at the instance of the
Suljan which bore the title of Kbw§n-i-KbaiIl. But unfortunately, so,
far, no writer has, exclusively, given its true nature. However, AzSd
in his statement to the effect that both these poets composed jointly,
has referred to this anthology for the obvious reason that he has quoted
a sentence from Zuhuri's preface to this work. Similarly the views of
Gulsban and Saxena, though not very significant, prove the existence
of the Kbwan-i-Kballl beyond any doubt. We have also examined
Zuhuri's own views about the same which, read with other statements,
categorically prove that the preface was different from the anthology
i.e. the Khwan-i-Kbs^llU in so much as the former was in prose and was
written by Zuhurl alone, while the Jatler was in verse and was a joint
production of Zuhurl and Malik both. The exact nature of the book
has been given by the latter in the following statement which clearly
proves that it was jointly written by them so as to supplement the
11. F.^., vide Maikb^na pp. 960-61.
12. Ibid.
13. The Futuhat p. 375.
14. KulUySt Malik fol 76a and KuUiyykM-Ztthflri p. 826.
THE GULZXR-I-1BRXHIM AND THE KHWXn-I-KHALIL 163
Culzir-i-lbrahlm and to oflfer their sincere thanks to the prince of
Bijapur who honoured^ them with heavy rewards: —
^ 5^ ^ t) 5 y>
yala. )0 ^i')f ^
CT^
Jdi:^ )f t) ^dM;rd ;l5l? .... *>!,»? kL^ ^
In the following lines2 the poet refers to the same book:—
^i) ^
The first line clearly refers to the presentation of the Gulzar-i-Ibrahlm
on which the prince was highly pleased.
The following line at the end of Zuhurl's preface reveals the title of
the book: —
jia. oli li
His preface begins with a ruba'f the second line of which runs as
under : —
VW)I ^ r J*"
This has been annotated in the margin thus : —
af aflodb V^)! A^yi y* us-jUwI ij ^loJ
— sOvIma? ^ fiTY*
Maul^na^ Sahb§% though he thinks the preface to be identical with the
d' jcL objects to the above annotation: —
iS i>^|0 «*>I)I
Though apparently he is not in favour of assigning a proper name to the
preface, yet, since he claims that Zuhurl's treatises bore their own titles,
1. KullIyyit'i'Malik (R&mpur Ms.) pp 12-13.
2. Ibid.
3. The Sbarl»-i*Sih Natbr p. 209.
164
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
one may reasonably conclude that his object is literary and critical and
not historical.
Whatever the case may be both Sabba'i as well as the footnote writer
are incorrect in assigning a proper name to Zuhuri's preface. The only
flaw in the annotation of the above line lies in the wrong substitution
of the preface for the actual book itself.
The anthology contained five forms of the verse, vis., qasidas^
gbazals, qit'as, matbnawi and ruba'is as is proved by Malik's following^
remark : —
* 8(^cyLu*> cuaJLL
5 y y Jy^ y
But nothing is known about the numbers of lines it contained and
the reward the authors obtained for it. However, Zuhuri has stated
in its preface that he was5 in his 70th year and since he was born
.some time in A. H. 943-44, the preface and the book were written
some time before A. H. 1014. Just as both Zuhuri and Malik wrote
prefaces to the Gulzar-i-lbrahim, so they did to the Khwan-i-Khalll,
the former's being the last in the Sih Natfir, while Malik's single avail-
able copy being included in the Rampur Ms. of his Kulliyyat. It seems
they must have adopted the same course in compiling the anthology as
they had done earlier. But in the absence of historical data nothing
can be said with preciseness.
4. Kulliyyat p. 13.
5. Kulliyyat p. 827 (preface to the Kfawan-i-Khalil. )
( 19 ) “Contribution of Hindu Poets and Writers of
Hyderabad-Deccan to Persian literature.'*
by
Q. S, Kalimullah Husainl
For centuries India and Persia have been neighbours and have had
close cultural relations with each other. Their cultures, though distinct
to-day, bear close relationship to each other. The same is true of their
languages, Sanskrit and Persian, which belong to the Aryan family
and are cognate. Besides, hundreds of Persian families residing in
Khurasan had been forced by the atrocities of the Persian king Afra-
siyab to seek refuge in India. They fled to the Punjab and sought
shelter in the district round about Lahore, Multan and Delhi. This is
the first instance of the direct historical conpection of Persia with
India, which sowed the seeds of Persian culture in Indian soil.
During the reign of Sultan Mahmud and his successors the Persian
language progressed to a great extent and Muslims and non-Muslims
both adopted it as both a court and a literary language. The Hindus
took keen interest in the study of Persian. As a result of this the
Hindu nobility, of the Punjab who were the first recipients of honours
from the Ghaznavid kings were holding important positions m the
State. They also cultivated a poetic and literary taste. This was due to
the continued immigration of cultured Persian families into the Punjab.
Persian language and literature also flourished during the reigns
of the Gbflrl and Slave kings. The Ghuris were from the beginning
devoted to Persian poetry and were subject to Persian influence. The
Hindu literati also developed a taste for Persian and spoke and wrote
in that language.
During the reign of the Moghul Emperors and their nobility,
Persian literature reached its zenith. Especially the courts of Akbar,
Jahangir, Bairam Kb5n and ‘Abdur Rahim Kban Kbanan were cradles
of naming and literature. Poets and writeres flocked to these courts
for fame, honour and reward.
The Qutb Shahl monarchs of Golcunda did not lag behind these
courts. Many of the monarchs were poets themselves and composed
verses both in Persian and Dakhni languages ; and their DlwSns are
still extant. They were great lovers and patrons of arts and learning.
Although it is not within our purview to enter into the details about
this dynasty, yet we cannot pass on further without mentioning the
names of a few noted Hindu poets and writers of this period. They
166
16th ALL'INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
were: — Girdharilal, the author of the Ta’rIkb*i-Zafar-ara-i-Deccan;
Munshi Subhan Kai the author of Kbulasatut Twirlkb- The poets of
this period were Birhaman, Hunar, Gian Rai and others.
During the reign of the Asafjahl Dynasty the land of the Deccan
produced innumerable poets and writers. The Muslims and Hindus
of this State played a prominent part in this held and contributed a
good deal to Persian literature.
It is a vast subject, and I have, therefore, confined myself only to
those poets and writers wlio enjoyed great reputation and popularity
among their compatriots. I have also quoted specimens from their
poetry to show its merits.
The following are a few selected poets and writers with whom I
would like, for the present, to deal briefly : —
Dabir, Mauzoon, Dbahin, Shafiq, Shadan, Shad.
DABIR, Dula Rai was born in Burhanpur. He was a nephew of
Lala Khushhalchand, Farliat. He was a good poet, an excellent prose>
writer and the author of the famous Ta’rlkh-i-Asafl. He died in
Burhanpur in 1225 A. H,
The following are a few verses from his poetry : —
Of'ii £j 0)fi3 1^)0 c! yb a;
4})I<3 Aii Oj(d ytS ^ iS |,i4J
O-I «-5,
ii
JSy fS&S>.
2. Mauzoon, Raja Madan Singh was appointed Accountant*
General in the reign of Asaf Jah. For his meritorious services Nifir
Jung Shaheed awarded him a man^ab of rupees 2,000, colours, drums
and the titk of Raja. Mustafinagar Fort was under his protection.
' Once, it is said that the English attacked the Fort in the year 1199
A. H. and the Raja defended it to his last breath, and, succumbed to
the wounds he received in the battle. He was an able man, highly
competent both in prose and poetry, and left a dlwin. He was also
noted for his wit and humour.
HINDU POETS HYDERABAD-DECCAN PERSIAN LITERATURE 167
GbuISm *AU AzSd trained and patronised him.
A few verses from his poems are quoted below
IS— >4^ )•< )«» ^ .1^ u))}P*
oo/ U^T
Ao/ ^ ‘Jf) V * ^ )f (J**
‘‘i'
v_>wf jsf )) iS* Vr*^' 4. )t
****> r“ )
4;>WA yjb»(0 U>*^
(j cjW cylL* *&>}(> ^
4>jL. ^ ) tJMf )
3. Shafiq, Lachhminarayan. His grandfather Bhawanidas came
from Lahore to the Deccan with the army of 'Alamglr and settled down
in Aurangabad. His father Hansaram wrote a book entitled ‘Darbir-i-
Xsaf jahl, which contains laudatory poems on the reign of Asaf J4h.
Shafiq was born in Aurangabad on the 2nd Safar 1158 A. H.
From his early youth he was educated and patronized by Ghuiam ‘All
Az§d Bilgrami. Samsamud Dawla awarded him a mansab and the
title of Dulichand. ' He had an excellent taste for poetry. Iii the begin*
ing he composed verses under the pen-name of Sahab; but when Azid
came to know about it he changed it to Shafiq.
Shafiq composed verses both in Persian and Urdu, and was consi-
dered one of the best of the pupils of Az2d. He held a high position
among his contemporaries in poetry, historio^aphy and authorship.
His verses are characterised by simplicity of diction, gracefulness and
high pojEtical excellence. His poetical works comprise two voluminous
dtwftns, in Persian and Urdu ; but, unfortunately, they have not been
jrablished as yet. His famous work entitled Gul*i*Ra'nk “Lives of
Poets” is also unpublished. In this excellent work he imitated Ghulftm
‘All Azid, his tutor, in scrutiny of facts, carefulness, accuracy and
research. He has clear ideas about the subject the chooses to write on.
He died in Aurangabad.
168
16th ALL-INDIA. ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Shafiq produced several other works such ast
^IIaaJu^
Here are reproduced a few of his Persian verses which he com-
posed in praise of his venerable teacher Azad Bilgrami : —
ofjf ujK- I
•it)! (*1;=^ '■s^I of
otjf j.L-a.
•iljf Vft^Awj
*>1)1 (J^4*
.spj fXi ^ sS yb
f) C‘S/* (•)> }**>;> ‘S>A ^
|iAc| |_5^***
/•I*^
jU ^ UtJj U f
A few of his other verses are as follows :
S-*^! C>r c^*
I; jl*^
vA«| l-a^ »*— I
^0 )1 Ifti I) *tj^ l»iSA
t£*Al^ *>4 )li yj<* j_J^*** A.1^
4. Shadm, Maharajah Chandulal writes in his autobiography,
^Uf *,its^ that his ancestors belonged to the Khatri sect and werf’
natives of Muhrah near Lahore. They held important posts during the
reign of the Moghul kings of Delhi. When Todermull -became the
Prime Minister df Emperor Akbar, he appointed his relative^ and!
brethren in caste to high posts, athong them being Shiddn'S family.
'They enjoyed rbyal favours till the reign of Mu^^ammad. Shih. .
HINDU POETS HYDERABAD DECCAN PERSIAN LITERATURE 16>
At the time whea Nizamul-Mulk Asaf Jah left for the Deccan,
Shadan's ancestor Moolchand applied to Nizamul Mulk for permission
to accompany him. Thus he arrived in the Deccan.
In course of time Chandulal was appointed as the Collector of the
Customs Department, and rising from one high post to another he was
ultimately raised to the Prime Ministership of Hyderabad, and was
awarded the highest title of Maharajah.
Maharajah Shadan was a great patron of learning. Being
himself a poet and an author of high rank, he held ‘ulamas, poets
and all sorts of learned men in great respect. During the period
of his prime-ministership poets and learned men flocked to his
court from Persia, Hind, Sind, and other places. They were* paid
good salaries, the minimum being one hundred rupees and the
maximum one thousand. He used to hold poetic assemblies and
literary discussions after 12 o’clock at night. He composed verses
in Persian and Urdu, and has divvans in both the languages, which have
been published. His poetry was characterised by sublimity of thought
and simplicity of diction. While he revealed literary taste in the
gathering of learned men he discussed with mystics problems of the
unity of God, path of truth and other doctrines of mysticism. Some-
times he eagerly listened to people recounting the miracles of the saints
and at other times he argued with poets about the beauties of proverbs,
metaphors and similes of the ancient poets. At times he attended
meetings where devotional and mystical poems were sung. In the
company of the historians he listened to anecdotes of chivalry and
generosity of the great men of the past and felt edified, while he
trembled at their cruelties and brutal deeds. With astrologers he talked
oi probabilities, of good fortune and misfortune.
In short he used to have talks with different people on different
topics till 2 or 3 o’clock at night. Inspite of his going to bed so late,
he was an early riser, and soon after that he was occupied with his
daily routine work. His greatest fame and popularity ware derived
•chiefly from his charity and munificence.
A few verses from his Dlwan are reproduced below:—
liiS fbS fiit y,|,ie ^
170 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
43^ y\ ^ L»a!a) ^
I) ^Ui
jjfotw US^^l 3 c«Aia3^
I) laaiM.<4 ^y) ^ U icj Us^
(•;! ^ y^'i f) J jjlC#
j.)Ic3J[ /i3 U^i^t ^ ^Ac j| (jj
6. Shad, Maharajah Kishen Pershad, was Peshkar, Minister and
Prime Minister of Hyderabad, Deccan. His father's name was Raja
Hari Kishen. Maharaja Shad was born in Hyderabad in 1281 A. H. ;
and was brought up and educated here. His maternal grandfather,
Chandulal had no son, therefore, Kishen Pershad was taken care of as
his own son. He learnt Arabic and Persian from six scholars of these
languages. He accuired great skill in calligraphy. From the early
part of his youth lie began composing verses and got them corrected by
Bijjhulal, Tamkin. Day by day his poetry progressed well. It is
interesting to note that he also became a pupil of the late Nizam,
Mahboob *Ali Khan, with the pen-name ''Asaf^' in poetry. Being a
great mystic and pantheist the greater part of his poetry deals with the
topics of mysticism, pantheism and unity of God. This was greatly
appreciated by the mystics. He was a staunch believer in equality in
merit of all religions, therefore, he treated Sufis, Pandits and Christian
missionaries with great respect. High and low were all alike to him.
In politeness he was unrivalled. His bounty knew no bounds. He was
a great scholar of Persian and Urdu. He composed verses in these
languages and his diwans have been published. One printed dlwan,
Khumkada-i-Rahat especially contains eulogies on the Prophet Muham*
mad. In this he has given expression to his deepest feelings of love
and reverence for the Prophet, and the strong desire, which lie cher-
ished, for visiting the Prophet's country and his tomb. He was a
gentleman with all round accomplishments. In short he possessed such
sterling qualities as are not to be found in any man in this age of
materialism.
He passed away in 1359 A. H, in Hyderabad, Deccan.
He was a versatile writer and produced about 40 books on different
subjects; among his books are: —
HINDU POETS HYDERABAD DECCAN PERSIAN LITERATURE 171
The few verses quoted below will hardly do justice to his simpH-
-city of style, sublimity of thought, critical insight and poetic excel-
lence : —
)I I*! y cs-*AM^
1^1
taSx^AMAii ly* r*^
iac\^ U>m4aJ
S,s ^ J)U J)U
4 >A i*^) ^
(j**^*'
ws^l )|^o k^y^ )'^
)y^ ^ W J/ j )I
Besides thqse persons who have been described above, there are
other Hindu poets, authors and learned men whose names at least, must
be mentioned here. For instance : —
Raghuender Rao, Jadbb, the composer of quatrains, Raja Girdhari
Pershad, Baql, Raja Narsingraj ‘Ali, the poets, Raja Rajeshwar Rao
Asghar (the compiler of the modern Persian Farhang, whose great
Dictionary of Modern Persian words is yet to be published), Raja
172
16th ALL'INOIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Makhan Lai. Girdharilal and Bala Pershad (the authors of the Ta’rlkb
Yadgar-i-Makhanlal, Ta’rikh-i-Zafar Ard-i- Deccan and Gulzar-i-
Mu'Ssirln) Basavan Shadan, (the author of Amir Nama.), Azad,.
Saran Bali Gaur, the relative of Raja Shivaraj Bahadur, and the other
poets, Tamkin, Rai Bhijulal; ^Sqir'. Mahasingh, Dagh, Lala Nihal*
karan, Fadil, Rai Jawala Pershad, Raja Madansingh, Mahtab, Mohan-
lal, Nafees, Rai Bhawani Pershad, Hunar, Gian Rat ; Waqar, Mudab-
bir-ud-Dowla, Munshi’ul Mulk, Raja Jawala Pershad, Muhkam Jang and
many others.
VII — Prakrta AMD Jainism
(20) On the Text of the DhurtJkhyana
by
Professor Dr. A. M. Upadhye,
Kolhapur.
The Text of the Dhurtakhyana, a unique satire in Indian literature^
has been edited by Sri Jinavijaya Muni^ from three Mss., two of which,
namely A and B, look quite old and may be assigned to the 1 6th
century A. D. There is not the least doubt that it is the work of
Haribhadra who flourished in the middle of the 8th century A. D,2
Contrasted with the antiquity of the author, it has to be admitted that
the Mss. of the Dhurtakhyana arc of a very late period. To reach an
ideally critical text, it is necessary that older Mss. of the Dhurtakhyana
must be secured and collated. In the meanwhile I am presenting here
a couple of passages quoted in the Sanskrit commentary of Abhayade va^
(of the second half of the 11th century A. D.) on the Pra^navyakar-
anahga. Abhayadeva does not mention his source, but the gathas quo led
have close agreement with the text of the Dhurtakhyana.
The Dhurtakhyana IT. 28-30 run thus:
wftr 3UTfw nfir?: i
3Tt«ir riff vi II
frtsrei i
55 jwTfRim vi ’gr#? II
aw nv i
315 ^ ^ ar wfsr ii
174
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
With these may be compared the following lines quoted by Abhaya-
■dcva^,
/
aidiir W5'<mrnr aft « i «
^vrmsiTir a «5« ii ^ n
aw g?Tg?taT?naaaw?wawa sni ?tw i
awaaf afiiwftwr a«ra'-3<Tar-waft»i ii ^ ii
The first five lines have much in common, if not practically identical.
The last line shows that Abhayadeva is not directly quoting from the
Dhurtakhyana. He specifies the source of Brahmandapura^a. It is
quite reasonable to presume, therefore, that it must be an earlier
passage which, by adding a relevant last line to suit the contextual
argument, Haribhadra has employed in his Dhurtakhyana. By keeping
the first five lines nearly identical, he has presented his facts in an
authentic manner, based on an earlier source.
The Dhurtakhyana II. 32-37 stand thus :
»wafw i g R:« w rs y< ir T w i
wi ftw f ii
qsiw^ wiftw i
wgrftift w g'n »nrT?ijg^ n ftrfttwnr ii
«reH ^«jr «fl[ I
iw> d nrfiimt w i
^ W Hr 11
^Jir «r ?r«r> Hwhiw i
flr«inC HH Hd<tlH(U«l<U(U HW il
ON THE TEXT OF THE DHURTIKHYINA 17?'
With these may be compared the following lines quoted by Abhayadeva :
WT —
r«5sr whifw i
«w:>lur ii ^ ii
«r> ?r?i«ir9T«wrgqT*r?f^Rr»«3rtirfW |
^mral sHtfJwf ^ «
srWTtf«n*T3f «ffTT I
«i 5’if iTfwgf ^ 1| \ ii
tretfT wauf ?rff arT«r«r> »T<iimrr?T> i [ ]
H « II
f?«T> «T?irfTW> ^ Tr?flrr?n!r> a?«r n i
^ fwqnrrg »Tr *rr<f^fw ii Jr ii
^ 5r ?T> ?n!T> ?w« I
5f?r n ^ «
fei, 3 ^: *th’ \
The agreement between these two passages is substantial, and the
apparent differences are merely verbal. Here too Abhayadeva does not
mention either Haribhadra or the Dhurtakhyana. As in the case olf
the above passage, there is no positive clue to the source. It is possib e
to argue both ways: either Abhayadeva has taken this passage from
the Dhurtakhyana, or both Haribhadra and Abhayadeva are using an
earlier source for their respective purposes.
Though the Dhurtakhyana is studied in details^, there is still much
scope to study its antecedents and sources in Indian literature^. The
first passage possibly indicates that Haribhadra had before him some
Pr§krta sources. A story like the one narrated by him is said to be
found in the NiSithacurijis. I request other scholars to shed more light
on the sources of the DhilrtSkhyana.
176
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Foot-notes :
1. Singh! Jain Series, No. 19, Bombay 1944.
2. See the concluding gathas and especially Jthe symbolic term
viraha.
3, ferl-Pra^navyakaranahgam, AgamoJyasamiti Ed., Bombay 1919,
pp. 33 f.
_ 4. I have reproduced these passages almost as they are in the
Agamodayasamiti edition.
5. Better read vitthinnam.
6. See my essay *Dhurtakhyana : A Critical Study* included in the
ed. of this work by Sri Jinavijaya Muni noted above.
7. It is strange, if not audacious, on the part of Mr. H. R.
Kapadia (Anekanta-jaya-patakaa, Vol. ii, Baroda 1947, Intro p. 125)
to say specifically that I have not noted the common verse in the
Prabhavakacarita and its mention of Kitava-kathanaka-pancaka. He
has appropriated not only the contents but also expressions from my
Critical Study, He should have read the whole Essay with open eyes
and balanced mind, especially the foot-note No. 1 on p. 47.
8. My friend Dr. J. C. Jain informs me that the story is found in
the Pilhika, Vol. I, p. 92. This book has not been accessible to me
4is yet
(21) Forgotten Land of Jain Heritage, Pataliputra — the
Ancient Thirupadaripuliyur in Dravid Desh
by
Sri D. G. Mahajan.
Jain Acarya Samantabhadra’s name has been associated with the
Pataliputra and it has been a belief of the scholars till late, that
Acarya Samantabhadra has visited this Pataliputra-named Patna at
present. This belief has a basis in the following rhyme in Sanskrit in
the inscription : —
3?f wr i
11 ^
It is an inscription found at Sravanabelgola, a most famous Tirtha-
ksetra-holy place of the Jain religion, since before the Christian Era,
in Mysore State, South India. This being the only one of its kind,
naturally much importance is given to it. My learned friend Pandit
Jugalkishor Muktiyar^ and others, on the strength of this inscription are
led^to believe that Acarya Samantabhadra visited Pataliputra-Patna
during the travel he made in the country of the then B Varatavarsa, as
referred to in the above inscription.
2. While on tour of South India, on the occasion of the Indian
History Congress sessions held at Madras and Annamalai Universities in
the years 1945 and 1946 respectively, for the research of the Jain culture
in the ages before, I came across a town called Cuddalore, which was
then known as Pataliputra and hence a doubt arose m ray mind as to
whether the reference to PS^aliputra in the above inscription as the
1. Sravanabelgola inscription No. 54 old and 67 new. It is alsQ
called "MallisenapraiSasti'’ which was written in ^aka Samvat 1050 i.e
A. D. 1100.
2. “Atmamlmanis4” p. 4 referred to in ‘Swami Samantbhadra’ by
Pt. Jugalkishor Muktiyar. ^
178
16tII ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
place which Acarya Samantabhadra visited is to this Pataliputra, a
new find or to the other, which is now known as Pariia in Bihar-North
India.
3. For this one has to test the question from the following points
of view : —
(a) Why should Acarya Samantabhadra have gone to Pataliputra
in North India and whether it was a seat of learning and centre of
religious activities Ihen-in his times ? Whether at all the town was in
a flourishing condition as it was a capital of the Magadha — in that
period ? No doubt that Pataliputra was a flourishing city in the times of
Chandragupta Maurya, as the capital of Magadha. It lost its impor-
tance after the overthrow of the in^perial throne of the Mauryan
Dynasty, sometime in 184 B. C., when Pusyamitra and his son
Xgnimitra — the founder of the Suhga Dynasty, occupied it, invading
Magadha and tremendous destruction has been suffered by the capital-
Pataliputra, and Agnimitra took his capital to Vidisa in Malva the
modern Besanagar near Bhilsa in Gwalior State. The other capital was
Avanti-Ujjain being at the other end of the Magadha Empire^.
Again Pataliputra was invaded by king Kharavela of Kalinga Desha,
and of Hatigumpha fame and complete destruction was made in the 1st
century B. C of the city of Pataliputra, due to the severe blow at the
hands of King Kharvela when he invaded Magadha and made y\gnimitra
his vassaH. Thus evidently it will be proved that Pataliputra was
under complete destruction and never regained its lost importance and
magnificence, glory and grandeur for ever. All these events took place
before the Christian Era and since then there is nothing to the credit
of Pataliputra to show that it had regained the same past days, upto
the times of Acarya Samantabhadra, which means a very long
and most considerable gap of time of nearly five hundred years or so.
(b) Whether it was a seat of learning at the time of the visit of
Acarya Samantabhadra? Samantabhadra's time is so far fixed or
supposed as feaka Samvat 60, i.e. 138 A. D From the above discus-
sion it is clear that as Pataliputra was under complete destruction, it
cannot be a seat of learning and of importance m religious activities.
Secondly why should Acarya Samantabhadra go to Pataliputra at such
ength from a place in Tamilnadu, when there were other most important
3. Ancient India* Vol. No. 4, page 113 and 114, by Dr. T. L. Shah.
4. (a) Ancient India' Vol. No. 4, page 113 and 114, by Dr, T. L.
Shah.
(6) Mr. Lewis Rice in his ‘‘Inscriptions at Sravanabelgola**
and preface to *‘Karnatakshabdanusasan" “Pattavali** published in
Bhandarkar Oriental Report 1883-84, page 320 and “Swami Samanbt-
badra" page 196 a Hindi book by Pandit Jugalkishor Muktiyar.
FORGOTTEN LAND OF JAIN HERITAGE
179
places of learning, namely Kanchipuram, Madura, etc., so near from
the place from which Acarya came in Tamil land the ancient
Thondaimandalam. In the time of Acarya. Urayur, Kanchi Madura
and others were big centres of learning and all were in South India,
full of Jain Mathas-monasteries, temples-Bastis and Pallis, schools etc.
of the Jain religion^. It is also presumed that Acarya might have
taken Diksa and become Muni at Kanchipuram or near about it as
it appears from the later part of the said inscription^ (c) Was Acarya
in a position to undertake such a long and hazardous travel, when he
was suffering from a deadly disease “Bhasmakavyadhi'' and hence can
not be said to have undertaken such a risky travel at the cost of life, a
good for nothing. From the sequence of the text of the inscription it
appears probable that Acarya might have visited Pataliputra of
Southern India- Tamilnadu, which was very near to his birth place and
dlksasthanain etc.^ This will be clear from the following posibilities.
4. Pataliputra in Tamilnadu is made out as follows : —
(o) In South India Kanchipuram or Kanchanapuram-the present
Canjeeveram, Madura, Urayur, Bhaddalpur, Patalipur, Uragapur, etc.,
were the great centres of learning, and religion, activities and debates used
to take place amongst Jains, Buddhists, Sivaites and Vaishnavsites on
religious subjects. ^‘Bhaddalpur*' referred to in other inscriptions and
manuscripts was no other than Pataliputra or Patalipur, the ancient
name in Tamil was ‘THIRUPADARIYUR*, the corrupt form of which
is ‘Thiruppapuliyur'-the present CUDDALORE TOWM, the head-
quarter of the South Arcot District of the Madras Presidency^.
5. “Swami Samantabhadra" page No. 12 a Hindi book by Pandit
Jugalkishore Muktiyar.
6. Sravanabelgola inscription No. 54 old and 67 new, as thus
« % ii
7. Studies in South Indian Jainism page No. 30.
Prof. A. F.. Rudolf Hoernle-Indian Antiquity Vol. XXI.
There father Pattavalies of the Digambars pages 60 and 61.
8. prof. A. F. Rudolf Hoernle-Reports on the Archaeological
Survey of India Vol. No. 1906-0-7.
180
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
III my tour in January 46, I visited the town of Cuddalore
and made survey of the most ancient sites of the old city of Pataliputra.
The ‘PETTAP is the very ancient suburb of the town, nearly 2 miles
away. There is a very old Jain Idol nearly 4^ ft. high in Padmasana
posture placed in the premises of a private person of Mandam village
who celebrate the function supposing it the idol of Visiniu. The idol is
placed on a raised platform under a big tree. It is coated with dark
coating, due to applying oil by the villagers at the time of worship. No
animal sacrifice is made before the said idol, the identity of the idol
being not known to them. From here a straight road goes to
‘THRIAHINDRAPURAM' a very ancient site, at the foot of a hill
100 ft. in height, on the bank of the river ‘Gadilam*. There are several
ruins and relies of the ancient times, spread all over the area of 12- IS
miles, of the old city of ‘Pataliputra. There are ancient caves, palaces
and temples, shrines, Matbas-monasteries, etc., in ruins fully buried
under earth and debris, showing their existence in the past by old pillars
and stones out of the said ruins. The main temple of Visnu is also
ancient and main shrine dates to the Pallava Period and fine specimen
of ancient architecture is seen. The river Gadilam that flows on the
North of Thiruppapuliyur at present, used to run by the south of it
in olden days, along the Eastern Ghat Valley and even today we can
notice the old bed of the river, which is very fertile land under cultiva-
tion at present. Visit to this place will quite convince a person that
river was flowing on the south of the town in olden days. Some years
before there was one Jain idol in the premises of the temple, but it is
not found now. This idol was brought from the ruins in the part of
the place®.
The environment of Thiruvendipuram, the most ancient spot
of Pataliputra, can be verified fully and satisfactorily on the strength
of the Tamil works^o, which deal with information regarding the exis-
tance of ancient Pataliputra, in the heart of the Tamilnadu, from the
very beginning of the Christian Era to the period of King Mahendra-
varman 1, who was converted from Jainism to Saiva sect at the instance
of Saint Appar, who was himself a convert from Jain religion. The
Visnu temple in Thiruvendipuram has a very lofty Gopuram and large
Sabiiamandapam, Garbhagjham etc., about which it is said that Muni
Vyaghrapada worshiped ^iva under the tree of Padari or Patali or
Padali and since then it got this name.
From Cuddalore Panruti town is nearly 15 miles away, which
can be conveniently visited by railway train. A straight road goes to
Tiruvadikai nearly I ^ miles from the town of Panruti. This is a small
village nowadays having a most ancient temple which originally
9. l^j^raphica Indica Vol. No. 6 and Vol. 331.
KJ. Tamil "‘P|6riy^pur*pam"% ‘'SthalpurS^am'’, and
Rhimes etc.
FORGOTTEN LAND OF JAIN HERITAGE
m
belonged to Jain religion. The temple is famous by the name
“Gu^adhareccharam* ' which might have been worshiped by a great
Jain Acharya Gunadhara or Guiiabhadra ; or the idol in the temple
might have been installed by him. Besides it can not give a sound
interpretation by calling so. The temple is in utter ruins. In the
Mulagrham there is Siva Lingam of a very large size, made of black
granite with shining polish and Shaluaka-the Yonipitham below it is
very beautifully and artistically carved. There is also a Visnu image in
Sabhamandapam. The original Jain Tirthankar idol which was in the
temple on the main Vedisthanam, has been thrown away and placed
just outside the temple, under a Neem Tree by the side of the main
street. The image is nearly ft. in height in Padmasana posture. Its
original pedestal and upper portion of the head and face has been
damaged badly. There is no inscription and Lanchanam on the pedestal
of the image, but from the architecture it can be assigned to the Pallava
time^h
At a distance of few furlongs there is a big temple named
“Viratesvaram*’. It has a very lofty Gopuram in the rampart walls,
inside there is a little tank and further there is Main Temple of Sri
VirateSvara. In the compound premises there is one Jain Image
in Padmasana posture, without any Lanchanam and inscription on the
pedestal, nearly as large as the Jain image of the “Gunadhar
Viccharam'' temple and of the same type, but not mutilated or damaged or
obliterated, but in good condition, from all points of view. This is the
same temple where famous saint Appar was converted from his original
religion to Saiva Sect. *2 fn fact this Appar who was Jain by birth
became Jain Muni and was named ‘‘Dharmasen*', but he was very badly
displeased due to difference of opinion amongst the Jain Sangha,
whom he was leading as a head of it while he was on the way to visit
Jam Tlrthaksetra-holy place named *'T/iiriinarunkiinram** or
**Thirunarangondai” on the banks of the river Gadilam, only 40 miles
from Pataliputra from where he was started. He returned to this
Virateivaram temple and got converted himself and accepted the new
sect t^aivism. Afterwards he converted the said Viratesvaram temple,
which was originally Sri Mahavira Temple. This Jain Mahavir Temple
was in the western part of the city of Pataliputra the then
•*Thirupadaripuliyur** or Thiruppapuliyur, which is nowadays 15 miles
-away from the present town of Cuddalore in the above mentioned
small old village Tiruvadikai or Thirivadi, on the Gadilam.
In support of the above investigation of the old sites of ancient
Pataliputra, let us examine some of the ancient Tamil and other works.
11. South Arcot District Gazetteer of the Madras Presidency.
12. Tamil “Periyapurauam.”
Tainil ‘^Tevaram Rhimes*' sung by Tamil Saints from time to
time.
182
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
They throw light on the existence of Pataliputra in Tamilnadu in the
days of Acarya Samantabhadra. It is well known fact that the city
of Kanchipuram was the capital of Pallava Kings who rulled over the
country of Thondaimandalam and the Telugu country upto the river
Krishna. The country between two Pinaras was called Thondayamandal
or Thondainadu. The present North Arcot Disi. of the Madras
Presidency was called the Southern Pinar and the parts of the Nellore
District and the Eastern Ghats were called the Southern Pinar. This
country was divided into so many Nadus and each Nadu into many
Kottams. This was the land which produced many great men and
personalities, such as Pandits, Scholars, Munis, Yatis, Logicians,
Philosophers, administrators, Naiyayiks, Vedantis various religions and
sects that existed in the countryi^. Almost the whole Tamil literature
is full of work of merit in literary field and civic life of the country
Thondaimandalam and thus Kanchipuram was one of the big centres
of learning in north of the country, with Pataliputra in the centre
and Madura in the southern part of the Tamilnadui^.
It is quite clear from the Tamil works^s that Pataliputra was a
very large and flourishing city, equally famous as the *Pataliputra-the
capital of Magadha, in the time of Chandragupta Maurya. The city
was spread far and wide, nearly 15 miles. This ancient Pataliputra is
mostly described in almost all the Tamil works and literature as the
city of ''Thirupadaripuliyur’’-Thiruppapuliyuri<5, Now let us see how
far Thiruppapuliyur means a city of Pataliputra. The city was called
after a tree Padari in Tamil, while Puliyur means a tiger village (i,e.
Puli-a tiger and Ur or Oor-a place) Puliyur is the suffix given co those
places-villages, towns, cities, etc. where Muni Vyaghrapad (Muni having
a tiger like legs with lower body and above a human body) worshiped
Siva Lingam under the tree Padari. The peculiarity of this tree Padari
is said to be that it bears only flowers and no fruits, the leaves and
flowers have got the value of disinfecting and hence it is used in
Homas of the Saivaits, as combination of Vibhuties i,e, sacred ashes.
The tree Padari is also called Padali or Patali in Sanskrit and the
place Patalipur or Padalipur or Pataliputra, and the forest round
about the place is called ^'Patalivana'' or as given in Sanskrit. Such
type of description has been found in almost*all the Tamil works and
literature
13. Rao Bahadur Pro. A. Chakravarti M.A, Madras-his Historical
Preface to ‘^Kural*' translated in English.
14. South Arcot Dist. Gazetteer of Madras Presidency.
15. Tamil ''Patalipur Purinam'' manuscript No, 1136/5.
16. Tamil ^‘Puliyur Puranam’' in Sanskritg
17. A Tamil ^"Parijatakachal Mahatma'' Mass. No. 11303.
FORGOTTEN LAND OF JAIN HERITAGE 185
Also we learn from Pura^ai^b and other works very fine description
of this Pataliputra, written at different times by different writers.
While giving account of Patalivanani which was round about the city
of Pataliputra in those days through which the river Gadilam was
flowing near the city it is said Patalivanam was abode of Munis and
Rishis for centuries. We get even today a great number of Samadhis-
thanams or Nishadis of the ancient times with the prehistorical burial
grounds spread throughout the Patalivana area^®.
The existence of the city of Pataliputra is also supported by the
Archaeological finds such as inscriptions and other material found in
excavations made by Governinent-amongst which inscriptions are
found from the ruined ancient temples at Pataliputra. Out of which
one was in the Garbhagrham of the said temple. This inscription
gives two stanzas about the description of the temple, which begin with
“Talaitya Thirupadaripuliyur ** and states that the temple in the
town of Patali of thick foliage has been founded for the deity named
‘‘Kadainyalom Mahadev'' etc.^^. Thus it is quite clear that “Thiru"' in
Tamil means “Sri'* in Sanskrit, “Puli'" in Tamil means a form of tiger
and Ur in Tamil means a “Pura" in Sanskrit. In short it gives
complete reference to the existence of the ancient Pataliputra.
Even the Government records give us the information that
throw sufficient light over the existance of the ancient Pataliputra in
South India, as described up till now in the above paras. It says thus
'Tn Cuddalore which is the old Thirupadaripuliyur, there is the big
temple honoured by the songs of Saiva Saints. There is the Chola
inscription in the temple. It appears that during the times of Appar,
the Jain Temple in this place was demolished and a Temple of Siva
called *'Gunapatisvvaram" was built by Mahendravarman^o at
Thiruvadihai on the river Gadilam." Further we get reference in the
publication that Pataliputra was being called also as “Palibotra"2i
17. b Tamil “Kanchi Puranam" all manuscripts from the Maharaj
Sarfoji Saraswati Mahal Library at Tanjore city, South India.
18. Tamil “Periyapuranam part II page 52 under the heading
“Tirupuliyur and Titupuriyuratam" or ‘Tiruviuttam' (Both Mass in
the Tanjore Library.)
19. Tamil work '‘Thirupadaripuliyur-Kalambakam" a work
veried structive directory by Mr. Tvkapiat Tewar.
20. “District History of South Aicot" by Mr. P. V. Jagadisha
Ayya of the Archeaological Survey of India, page 35.
21. Mr* Apte's Dictionary page 1046 and “Classical Account of
India" and
(&) The Geographical Dictionary of Ancient and Medaeval India
by Mr. Nundalal Day, m.a,, b.l.
164
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
which was destroyed by the river that was flowing by the town in the
middle of the Sih century A. D. Besides the destruction made by
nature-rivers etc. of the old city of Pataliputra^ it was more and more
the scene of dreadful and tremendous destruction made by Mahendra-
varman 1 of Madura and Saint Appar the new convert to Saiva Sect,
and they jointly began to give such a crushing blow to Jam religion that it
was absolutely rooted out from the land of Tamil, by converting the
Jains and their possessions and associations and ultimately destroying
Jain ternples-Basiis and Pallis, Mathas-monasteries, Chaityas, caves,
caverns, holy places. Jam idols and images carved on the Jain pillars,
Mahamandapams, etc. It is said that thousands of Jains had to sacrifice
to save their most valuable religion with possessions and associations,
from the hands of these converts.
In the vicinity of this ancient PStaliputra there are good many
ancient Jain places still in existence, such as Thirunarankundram,
Thirukkoilur, Devanur, Tondur, Perumdur etc. In s me of the
villages round about them, there are many ancient Jain Samadhis-
thanams-Nishadhis and as such the tradition is that nearly 6030 Munis
Samadhisthanams are at Thiruvannamalai and Thirukkoilur, in South
Arcot Dist, No doubt there are prehistorical burial grounds spread all
over the part in great number as compared to any other place in
Tamilnadu. There are also ancient natural caverns and cars still in
dilapidated condition at Kalarayan Hills. This district specially was
a great centre of the Jains and their religion was quite at its zenith
from the very beginning of the Christian Era, upto the times of
Mahendravarman 1. (6th century A. D.)22.
From the above discussion the following facts are clear: — fl)
PS^aliputra — the present Patna was not at its zenith and important
place in the 2nd century A. D. when Acarya Samantabhadra is said to
have lived. (2) AcSrya Samantabhadra might have visited the PS^li-
putra in Tamil land the ancient Thondaimandalam-South India, which is
associated with other cities when Jain religion and culture had attained
the hightest degree of importance.
Thus I have made an attempt to show this in my humble way. I
have nothing to say about other scholars who also must have based
their ideas about Pataliputra-Patna, on some records or other. I have
given this only with a view that the scholars may again try to find the
truth in the light of observations made by me on the subject matter.
22 (a) Gazetteer of the South Arcot Dist. and archaeological reports
of the sourthern circle, Survey office Madras.
(&) Rao Bahadur Prof. A. Chakravarti m.a. — preface to "KuraP*
English translation.
(22) Puspadanta’s RamXyana and its Comparison with
Valmiki’s Ramayana.
by
Sri V. M. Kulkarni m.a.
Pujpadanta gives the Ramayana version in Sandhis (or Paricc-
hedas) 69-79 (both inclusive) of his Mahapuraria, composed in the
Apabhramia language. These 11 Sandhis are of varied length, each
Sandhi being divided into Kadavakas, unequal in number ; thus Sandhi
69 has the largest number of Kadavakas, vis, 35 while Sandhi 76 has
the fewest number of them, viz, 10. The titles of the various Sandhis
are eloquent of the subject matter dealt with. These titles give an idea
of the contents of the poem and serve as a table of contents.
70 ?#hrTftrmfwi5rriii
72 whnfTO
74
75 9Tf3rfhrf*in!ffTJT5rf«»irf9srrHTf?ii
77
79 TTJwrwwn^
With these preliminary remarks, we turn to R§ma’s story as found
in this ornate poem. Divested of all rhetorical embellishments, poetical
descriptions of nature etc, and digressions that are not essential to the
understanding of the story. We get the following outline of the R5ma-
yapa as presented by Puspadanta ; —
King ^re^ika Bimbisira of Magadha requests Indrabhuti Gautama,
the principal pupil of MahSvIra, to instruct him correctly regarding
186
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
the life of Rama, in accordance with Mahavira's own instructions, as
the Rama story told by Valmiki contains many absurdities and lies
regarding Rama, Rava^ia, etc. Indrabhuti, thereupon, narrates the
life history of Rama as follows: —
In the city of Ratanapura in the Malaya country there was a King
Prajapati. His wife Kanta gave birth to a son called Candracula (the
soul of Laksmana). Vijaya (the soul of Rama), the son of the King’s
minister, was a friend of Candracula. In their youth they carried off
by force Kuberdatta, the wife of a merchant called ^rldatta. The
King, when informed of this incident, ordered his minister to take them
to the forest and kill them. The minister took them to the forest and
showed them to a Jain monk, Mahabala, by name. He told the minister
that the two youths were destined to be Baladeva and Vasudeva in
their third birth. They then turned monks, practised austerities.
Candracula once saw Suprabha Baladeva and Purusotlama Vasudeva
on their way, and entertained a Nidana that he should enjoy a similar
fortune in his future birth. The two monks, after their death, were
born as Gods Manicula and Suvarnacula. In their subsequent birth
they were born as sons to King DaSaratha by his wives Subala and
Kaikeyi ; Suv^arnaciila was born of Subala (birthday: Phalguna Krsna
Trayodasi, Magha Naksatra) and named Rama; while Manicula of
Kaikeyi (birth day Magha ^ukla Pratipad Vn>akha Naksatra) and
named Laksmana. Rama was of fair complexion while Laksmana of a
dark one. Besides these two, Da^aratha had two more sons called
Bharata and ^atrughna. He was ruling over Varanasi but subse-
quently, after the end of the Sagara family, he migrated to Ayodhya.
Now there was a King Janaka, by name, who ruled over Mithila.
He was a follower of the sacrifice cult. He expressed his willingness
to offer his (adopted) daughter, Sita in marriage to him, who would
protect the sacrifice. On his minister’s advice, Janaka sent an envoy
to Da^aratha to seek Rama’s aid. DaSaratha consulted his Purohita,
who told him that the two boys should be sent to Mithila for they were
destined to be the 8th Baladeva and Vasudeva and that they would
destroy Ravana, the tormentor of the whole world. Daiaratha asked
him about the rise and prosperity of Ravana. He narrated the history
of the past life of Ravana : — •
There was, in the city of Nagapura, a King called Naradeva. He
renounced the world and practised penance. On seeing a Vidyadhara,
he entertained a Nidana that he should have a similar fortune in a
future birth. He was, after his * death, born as a God. Now there was
a King called Sahasragriva of the Vidy5dharas, who ruled over Megha-
iikhara on the Vaitadhya mountain. He quarrelled with his kinsmen
and shifted to Trikutagiri. There he built the city called LafikS. In
that family of the Vidyadharas, the soul of Naradeva was born as son
to Pulasti and his wife Meghalaksra!, and named Da’sagrlva (Ravaijia).
Maya gave his daughter, Mandodarl, by name, in marriage to him.
PUSPADANTA'S RXmXyANA AND VXlMIKI'S RXmXYANA 187
Once Havana was moving in his car called Pu5paka. He came across
Manivati, the daughter of the King of Alaka. Manmati was absorbed
in her meditation. But the presence of Havana disturbed her and she
entertained a Nidana that he should be her father in her next birth,
carry her off in the forest and die on her account. She, after her
death, was born as daughter to Havana and Mandodari and named as
Sita. As it was predicted that she would bring disaster on her father,
she was put into a box and left buried in a field near Mithila. She was
discovered by a farmer while ploughing his field, brought to Janaka, who
adopted her as his daughter. The Purohita advised DaSaratha to send
Hama to Janaka so that Rama and Sita would be married. Da^aratha
did accordingly. Janaka gave his daughter in marriage to Rama.
Later Dasaratha got Rama married to seven other girls and Laksmana
to sixteen girls. On Rama’s suggestion he and Laksmana, with their
families were sent to Varanasi.
Narada, notorious for his nature of provoking quarrels between
others, went to Ravana and told him of Sita’s ravishing beauty. He
suggested to Rava^ia to abduct Sita, who was really fit for him.
Havana’s mind was filled with a longing for Sita. On the advice of
Marica, Ravana sent Candra-nakha (better known as Surpai^akha) to
Varatiasi to know the mind of Sita. She went to the park where Rama
and Sita and other couples were enjoying various sports. She assumed
the form of an old lady (Kancukini) and approached Sita. She found
that Sita was a chaste lady and would never surrender her honour to
Ravana or any other person. She returned home and reported to
Ravana the outcome of her mission. Ravana then thought of abduct-
ing Sita. Disregarding the opposition of Candra-nakha, Havana
accompanied by Marica, set out for Varanasi in his Puspaka car, Tney
arrived at Varanasi and found Rama and Sita in the park. Ravana
forced Marica to assume the form of a golden deer and tempt Sita.
Rama pursued the deer and got exhausted. The deer came back to
Ravana, leaving Rama at a far off distance. Ravana then assumed the
form of Rama and carried off Sita to Lanka. She was kept in the
Nandana-Vana park. Sita then realized her misfortune. As he was
afraid of losing his supernatural power by dallying with an unwilling
woman, Ravana did not rape Sita. He asked the Vidyadharls to
persuade Sita to making love to him. The Vidyadharis recommended
Sita to respond to Ravaria’s love but she paid no attention to their talk.
She resolved that she would take food only on getting the news of her
Rama. If she failed to get any news of him, she would meet her death
by resorting to Sallekhana fast. About that time Ravana obtained the
Cakra indicating his status of an Ardhacakrin.
In the park Rama did not find Sita. He made anxious enquiries
about her but he could not get any information about her. lie was
overpowered with grief. Servants were sent in all directions in search
of her. They found only the upper garment worn by Sita, Rama
inferred that Sita must have been carried off by some Vidyaiiharas.
At that time, DaSaratha’s messenger arrived. His letter read that it
188
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
was Rava^a, the Lord of Lahka, that had abducted Sita. Bharata,
Satrughna, and tributory princes arrived there on hearing of Site's
rape.
There arrived then two Vidyadharas; Sugriva and Hanuman.
Sugriva narrated his story. His elder brother, Valin, by name, had
driven him away from the city called Kilakila. His companion was
Hanuman, son of the Vidyadhara Pavana and his wife Anjana. They
had gone there to seek Rama’s aid in winning the kingdom of Valin,
on the good advice of Narada. Now Hanuman volunteered to bring
news about Sita. Rama offered him his ring and letter as tokens to
convince Sita that he was really Rama’s envoy. Hanuman crossed the
ocean and arrived in Lahka. Assuming the form of a bee he entered
Ravana’s palace and made a close search for Sita. At last he found
her in the park. At night Ravana went to Sita and tried to seduce her
by requests, flattering words and even threats. Sita made no reply.
It was Mandodari, who rebuked him. He, feeling ashamed of himself,
went away. Mandodari approached Sita, closely observed her and
found her to be her own daughter. She was grieved to find that the
father should have fallen in love with his own daughter. Mandodari
told Sita of her parentage, and asked her to take courage. Hanuman
was glad to witness the whole scene. He sent all the Vidyadhara ladies
to sleep, assumed the form of a Vanara and appeared before Sita; he
explained to her who he was and told her some secrets between her and
Rama thus convincing her of his being a true envoy of Rama. She
received with joy the ring and the letter. He asked her to take food
with a view to keeping body and soul together. Next morning he
returned to where Rama was; and conveyed the news of Sita to Rama.
Rama, greatly pleased, embraced Hanuman. On Sugriva’s advice
he sent Hanuman as an amOassador to Ravana. He went first to
Vibhisana, who expressed profound sympathy with Rama’s just cause
and took Hanuman to Ravapa. Ravana however insulted him ; and
he returned with the angry reply to the proposals of Rama and
Laksmana. Hanuman told Rama that Ravana was not willing to make
peace. At that time Vali’s envoy approached Rama. Valin was will-
ing to form alliance with Rama and help him in regaining Sita, on
condition that he drove away Sugriva and Hanuman. Rama sent a
counter-proposal that Valin should march with Rama to Lahka and
offer him his elephant-jewel Maha-Megha so as to persuade lum to
drive the two allies away from him. Valin did not agree to this. On
the contrary, he gave a challenge to fight. They marched at Kilakila
and Laksmana killed Valin and the kingdom was bestowed on Sugriva.
Later on they went to Kiskindha, spent the rainy season there ; the
heroes secured supernatural powers by propitiating the Jina images.
They traversed the huge distance and reached the ocean. The
spies reported to Ravana of the encamping of the enemies on the sea
shore. At the news of the approaching army of Rdma, Vibhisana
advised Ravapa to return Sita. RSvatja was enraged at this. He-
PUSPADANTA*S RXmXYANA AND vIlMIKI'S RXma^ANA 189*
accused him of envy, and ill-will and cowardice. Vibhisana, greatly
offended, with a view to retaining the independence of Lahk§, allied
himself with Rama, who solemnly promised to install him as King in
Lahka after Ravana's death.
Hanuman and other Vidyadharas assuming the form of monkeys
invaded Lafika, destroyed the Nandana-Vana park and set the city on
fire. Rama, on Vibhisana's information sent Vidyadharas to Lahka ta
disturb Ravana in his religious fast which he had undertaken to win
supernatural powers. They went there and did the job.
Then Rama and the whole army crossed the ocean in a celestial
car built by Prajnapti lore. The two armies met. A fierce battle took
place. Also some cases of single combat between the chief heroes of
the two fighting armies. First Rama and Indrajit fought. With Sakti
Rama sent his opponent into swoon. Rama and Ravana then fought ;
Ravana killed counterfeit Sita to dishearten Rama. Vibhisana told
Rama that it was all Maya. Later Laksmana appeared on the scene,
requested Rama to allow him to fight with and kill Ravana. He ulti-
mately killed Ravana. Surgriva and other heroes met Sita, told her
of the war and victory and then they brought about reunion between
Rama and Sita. And Vibhisana was installed by Rama on the throne
of Lahka.
Afterwards they wandered over the earth, Laksmana lifted the
Purva-koti^ila to the great amazement of all, and brought the whole
earth under their control. They met Sivagupta Jinesvara, who
explained to them the nature of Samsara and the true Dharma. Rama
accepted the duties of a Jain householder. Laksmana because of his
Nidana in the past life remained indifferent to the true Dharma. After
Da^aratha's death the two brothers migrated to Varapasi, leaving
JBharata and ^i^atrughna in charge of Ayodhya. Rama had a son,
Vijayarama, born of Sita and seven other sons. Laksmai^a had a son
Prthvicandra, born of Prthvi, and several others. After Laksrna^a's
death, Rama put his son Prthvicandra on the throne and himself became
an ascetic. With Rama, other heroes such as Sugriva and Hanuman
accepted asceticism. Sita and other queens became nuns. In due
course Rama and Hanuman attained liberation. Sugriva and Vibhisaria,
and Sita and Prthvi became, after their death, gods ; Laksmana went
to Hell. In due course he would come up, practise penance and
achieve liberation.
This summary of the contents of the poem reveals that this version
is vastly different from Valmiki's Ramaya^. Puspadanta has intro-
duced remarkable changes and has transformed the story to suit his
own purpose. These changes may be considered under three suitable
headings: omissions, additions and modifications.
Omissions^In Book I, Balaka^da, we learn that when the sons
had grown to manhood, the great Rsi Vi^vamitra wen to the Court of
190
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Da^aratha. Rama and Laksma^a went forth with him to slay demons,
for which they were rewarded by the Rsi with magic weapons. Vi5va-
mitra also accompanied the princes to’ the Court of King Janaka of
Videha to attend Sita-Svayamvara. Our version leaves out this
portion.
In Book II, AyodhyakSoda, we are told of the events at the Royal
Court, the Court-intrigue, the doings of Kaikeyi, the origin of the
entire trouble, the death of DaSaratha owing to the grief for JRama,
Bharata's arrival, his reproach of Kaikeyi, his visit to Citrakuta to
bring back Rama, Rama’s firm resolve, Bharata’s return with Padiikas
and so on. Our poet entirely omits all these occurrences.
In Book III, Ara^yakanda, we are informed of the forest life
of the exiles, their stay in the Oa^daka, the killing of Vtradha, the
man-eating giant, their fateful meeting with feurpanakha, the killing
of Khara and fourteen thousand Raksasas, ^urpanakha’s flight to
Lahka, her incitement to Rava^^a to gain possession of Sita, Jatayu
the vulture and his attempt to save Sita, the deliverance of Kabandha
from a heavy curse by the two brothers. This whole section has no
place in our version.
In Book IV, Kiskindhaki^da, we come across Sampati a brother
of Jatayus, who told the Vanaras, led by Ahgada that he had seen
how Rava^ia had stolen Sita away and taken to Lahka. He described
to them the position of LahkS and the monkeys descended to the ocean.
But when they saw the immeasurable sea befuic tliem they simply
despaired of getting across it. This episode is not to be found in our
version.
In Book VI, Yuddhakanda, we are told of the construction of the
bridge over the sea by Nala and others, of the repudiation of Sita by
Rama, and of the Fire-Ordeal through which Sita came out safe and
thus proved her purity and innocence. Our poet entirely omits these
famous scenes.
In Book VII, Uttarakapda, we hear of the desertion of Sita by
the model King, the refuge ’given her by Valmlki, the birth of the
twins. Lava and Ku§a, the horse-sacrifice organized by Rama, Rama’s
discovery of his sons, Sita’s oath to prove her innocence, her vanishing
with Mother Earth into the depths, Rama's renunciation of the throne,
in favour of his sons and his entering heaven, where he again becomes
Vi§t]iu. There is absolutely nothing to correspond with this portion of
the Rama's story in the present version.
/Jdditionjp— The most important additions by Puspadanta are the
description of the past lives of the most prominent personalities of the
PUSPADANTA’S kXmSYANA AND VXLMIKI’S rXmXYANA
191
RSmSya^a. The poet describes, with a wealth of detail, the previous
lives of Rama, Laksmapa, Ravapa and Sita. The following table would
help remembering the main points ; —
Birth 1
Birth 1 1
B.rth III
Remarks.
Vijaya born of
Prajapati's
Minister at
Ratnapura.
Suvarnacula
born as a God
in Sanat-
kumara
heaven.
Rama born of
Da^aratha and
Subala at
1 Varanasi.
1
1
1
Rama is born of
Subala and not
Kausalya ; birth
day Phalguna
Krspa Trayoda^I,
Magha Naksatra.
Fair Complex-
tion.
■
Candracula,
born of King
Prajapati and
Kanta at
Ratnapura.
Mapicula born ■ Laksmana born
as a God in i of Da^aratha
Kamalaprabha • andKaikeyiat
heaven. i Varanasi.
!
i
!
Laksmana is born
of Kaikeyi and
not Sumitra;
birth day Magha
feukla Pratipad^
ViSakha Nak-
satra dark comp-
lexion.
Naradeva King
of Nagapura.
Born as a God
in Saudharma
heaven.
Born of Pulasti
and Megha-
laksmi at
Lahka.
Ravana is a Vidya-
dhara and not
Raksasa.
He is an adherent
of Jainism
Mapivatl, daughter of King of
Alaka.
Sita born of
Rava^a and
Mandodari,
adopted by
Janaka.
Maipivati's own
N id ana respon-
sible for her
birth as Rava^a's
daughter and his
falling in love
with her and her
abduction by him
&c.
192
16 tu alwndia oriental conference
Further, Rama is shown to have seven wives in addition to Slta and
one son, Vijayarama, from Sita and seven others. Laksma^a too is
shown to have 16 wives and several sons. Again, the introduction of
Sivagupta JineSvara and his sermon on Saipslra and the true nature
of Dharma, Rama’s adoption of Jainism, are some other notable
additions.
Modifications — According to Puspadanta’s version Daiaratha first
ruled over Varanasi and after the end of Sagara family he migrated
to Ayodhya. He did not perform any sacrifice to obtain the four sons.
DaSaratha is shown to be alive even after Rama returned from Lahka.
The name of Bharata’s or Satrughna’s mother is not even mentioned.
Laksmajja is shown to be Kaikeyi’s son. And the name of Rama’s
mother is Subala, not Kausalya. Janaka gives his daughter Sita in
marriage to Rama for guarding the sacrifice and there is no reference
to the bending of Siva’s bow. The golden-deerepisode and Sita’s rape
are differently told. Surpariakha is portrayed in a much better way. It
is DaSaratha who informs Rama that Ravana has abducted Sita to
Lahka. The episode of Valin’s slaying is told in a different way. He
is killed by Laksma^a in straight fight. Sita is shown to be Rava^a’s
daughter. (No" adequate cause is given by the poet why Ravana does
not return Sita even after learning that she was his daughter.)
Hanumat enters Rava^ia’s palace assuming the form of a bee and not
that of a cat, (or a horse-fly). It is Hanumat who is sent as an
ambassador and not Ahgada. It is in his third visit that Hanumat
destroys the park and sets the town on fire and not in his first visit as
is shown by Valmiki’s Ramayana. Because Hanumat appeared before*.
Sita in the form of Vanara, he is popularly called a Monkey-God!
an envoy of Rama, he first meets Vibhisa^a and then R^vat^a. The
heroes secure supernatural powers by worshipping the Jinas. The
army of Rama crosses the ocean in a celestial car built by supernatural-
power. In the battle Indrajit is only defeated by Rama by putting him
to swoon by feakti and not killed. There is no mention of bringing
medicinal herbs from the Himalayas by Hanumat. It is Laksmana who
kills Rava^ia and plays more active role in the whole story. Rama
first adopts the duties of a Jain householder and later^after Laksma^a’s
death, turns a monk. Some other heroes too become monks, ’ queens
like Sita turn nuns, Laksmana goes to Hell and in due course, the poet
promises, he would achieve liberation. After death, Rama and
Hanumat attain liberation while Sita is born as a God. Raksasas and
Vanaras are shown to be Vidyidharas by Puspadanta.
After noting these various changes in the story we turn to some
other aspects of the story. The atmosphere of the Rimaya^ja is purely
Brahmanical while that of Puspadadta’s version is surcharged with
Jainism. As regards the characterisation, we find that with Valmiki,
Rama is an embodiment of Dharma, an ideal son, brother and King.
Sita is an ideal Hindu lady, an incarnation of fidelity and chastity.
T ^Vamana and Bharata stand for ideal brothers. Hanumat is an ideal
4evotee-Bhakta. Ravana is, in spite of his greatness, wicked, cruel*
PUSPiiDANTA’S KAMAYANA AND VALMIKl'S RXmSYANA
193
cunaing and lustful. Puspadanta by modifying certain episodes has
removed the inconsistencies apparent in Rama's character, (e, g. the
slaying of Valin and entirely dropping the Repudiation scene). Rama
is an ideal husband in spite of his rejection of Sita as he loved her
dearly and thought of no other woman. It is extraordinary that here
we have been told that Rama had eight wives. It is also shocking to a
Hindu mind that Laksmana should sink down in Hell, J3ut sentiment
apart, it is in accordance with the Jain law of Karmnn. Hharata and
Kaikeyl who play such an important role in Valmiki's story are almost
ignored by our poet. Rava^a is shown in more favourable light.
The purpose behind these changes — Puspadanta has deliberately
made these changes. His mam purpose is to illustrate the inexorable
law of Karman and a special phase of it called Nidana. This is why
the previous lives of the heroes are added to the poem by our poet.
There is also another object in introducing these changes and that is
to remove some absurdities and inconsistencies found in the Ramayana
of Valmiki. (Thus Sita is naturally born of Mandodari. Hanuman
is called a Vanara as he appeared before Sita in the form of a monkey
&c). Lastly, the Jain poet is interested in giving his version laden
with the spirit of Jainism so that it may serve the followers of Jainism
as a complete substitute for the great popular Hindu Epic the
Ramayaria.
A comparison of Puspadanta’s poem with those of his predecessors-
Jain and Non-Jain-and the task of finding out his own contribution to
the Rama Story would be undertaken in a separate paper.
VIII-^Historv Section.
(23) The Date of Nahapana
by
- Prof. Dr. A. S. Altekar.
The date Nahapana is one of the knotty points of ancient Indian
history and widely divergent views have been expressed on the subject.
Messrs DubreuiP and Bakhle refer the years of his inscriptions to the
Vikrama era and would place him in the last half of the first century
B. C.2 Marshall also held the same view, mainly because of the imitation
of the motifs of the Sanchi stupas in the caves of Nahapana^ R. D.
Banerjee placed him slightly later; he thought that NahapSna and
Rudradaman must be separated by at least a century'^. Jayaswal
placed Nahapana’s overthrow in 58 B. C. ; he thought that the Vikrama
era was founded by Gautamiputra ^atakarni to commemorate his
destruction of the power of the Saka ruler Nahapana^. R. G.
Bhandarkar^ and Rapson^ refer the years of his inscriptions^ to the
feaka era and place his overthrow by Gautamiputra soon after Saka 46
or 124 A. D. This latter view is at present generally subscribed^.
There are, however, serious difficulties in accepting this view.
Gautamiputra ruled at least six years after the overthrow of Nahapana
in or before his 18th regnal year. He, therefore, continued to rule clown
to 130 A. D., if we assume that Nahapana was overthrown by him in
his 18th regnal year coinciding with the (Saka) year 46 of Nahapana's
latest record. Gautamiputra was succeeded by his son VftBisthiputra
Pulumavi, who ruled at least for 25 years. The Nasik inscription No. 2
issued by his grand-mother Balasiri in his 19th regnal ye<tr gives a
1. Early History of the Dekkan, pp. 19-25.
2. J. B. B. R. A. S\, N. S, Vol. I, p. 69.
3. C. //. /., Vol. I, p. 537.
4. /. R. A. S,, 1925, p. 19.
5. /. B. 0* R. 5., Vol. XVI, p. 249.
6. B. G., Vol. I, II, p. 166.
7. B. Af. C. A. K., p. cx.
8. Raichoudhary P. H. A. p. 405.
THE DAtE of NAttAPXi^A
195
f loripus picture of the might of the Satavahana empire. According to
tapson and Bhandarkar its date cannot be earlier than 149 or 150 A. D.
But Rudradaman 1 claims in his Girnar inscription, dated in 150 A. D.,
that he had twice defeated ^atakar^ii, the lord of Dekkan, and wrested
away from him Aparanta (Kohkona), Suratha (Kathiawar) and many
other provinces. It is difficult to imagine that Balasiri would have
thought of giving a glorious account of her son's conquests in 149 or
150 A. D., if they had all evaporated into air by that time. There are
no indications whatsoever to suggest that Vasisthiputra Pulumavi had
suffered any defeat in his reign. It is further noteworthy that
Rndradaman gives the name of the Deccan rufer overthrown by him
as Satakarini and not as Pulumavi. This ^atakarni was spared by him
because he was not a distant relative. There is no evidence to show
that Pulumavi had any relationship with Rudradaman. If we place the
overthrow of Nahapana in 124 A. D., it is difficult to understand how
Rudradaman could have defeated a Satakar^i before 150 A. D. Surely
that Satakarni could not have been the great Gautamiputra Satakarni^.
In order to overcome this serious difficulty R. G. Bhandarkar and
D, R. Bhandarkar advocated the ingenious theory that Gautamiputra
and Vasisthiputra were ruling together^. They maintained that the
years in all the Nasik records are to be referred to the reign of
Pulumavi. So the 19th year of Pulumavi was only one year later than
the* 18th year of Gautamiputra. Gautamiputra was alive in the 18th
year of Pulumavi's reign, as also in his 19th year, when Nasik cave
No. 2 was cledicated.
All this is difficult to understand and believe. Several arguments
can be adv^anced against the view of Bhandarkars. If Gautamiputra
was ruling at Paithana simultaneously with his son Pulumavi at Nasik,
how is it that no single coin in the Jogalfhembi hoard has been restruck
by Pulumavi, who was the de facto ruler over the Nasik area? It can-
not be argued that Vasisthiputra struck no coins, because his father
was living; for we have actually found several types of his coins. The
argument that Balasiri's description in Nasik incription No. 5 that she
was a Mahadevi and MaharajmatS shows that she was both at the same
time showing that her son was ruling along with her husband, is weak.
In Nasik inscription No. 2, Balasiri is called Mahadevt maharajamata
*and maharajapitamaht ; are we to assume that her husband, son and
grandson were ruling at one and the same time? In this inscription,
Vasisthiputra Pulumavi makes a grant, the merit of which he assigns
only to his father. ’ This would suggest that Gautamiputra was dead
at the time when Balasiri got his eulogy engraved in the cave.
1 , R. G. Bhandarkar has suggested this possibility in R. C.
Vol. I, ii. but it is hardly believable. No other scholar has stibs-*
cribed to this view.
2. B. G., Vol. I, ii, p. 165. I. A., 1948.
196 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Nor can it be argued that Nasik inscription No. 5 dated in the 24th
year of Gaulamiputra's reign refers to the monks staying in the cave
dedicated in the 19th year of Pulumavi's reign. The cave dedicated
in the 24th year of Gautamlputra^s reign was a joint gift of that king
and his mother ; the cave dedicated in the 19th year of PuIumSvi was
a gift donated by the donor's grand-mother. A careful examination
of the plan of the cave shows that what Gautamiputra and his mother
excavated in the year 24 of the former's reign was merely the
Verandah of the cave No. 3, having one room at its either end. What
Gautami donated in the 19th year of her grandson's reign was the big
cave behind the present verandah, having 18 cells around a big court
yard, 43x37 feet in dimension. It cannot be, therefore, maintained the
record engraved in the 24th year of Gautamiputra presupposes the
cave donated in the 19th 3 ^ear of Pulumavi. The earliest epigraph in
this cave dated in the l8th year of Gautamiputra merely records the
grant of a field to the monks; this field was till recently in the posses-
sion of Ushabhadata, the son-in-law of Nahapana. The next record
issued 6 years later refers to monks residing in the cave (at Trirashmi
mountain), which was a joint gift of Gautamiputra and his mother.
So during the interval of six years, a small cave was constructed. The
third record engraved in the 19th year of Pulumavi's reign refers to the
cave vimanavaraniviscsa-mahadhikalena as magnificient, and in no way
inferior to a first class vimana or divine temple.
The spacious cave obviously took about 20 years to excavate, and
by the time of its dedication, Gautamiputra was no longer living. This
made his aged mother sad and induced her to engrave the eulogy of one
who was associated with her in the first dedication.
It is thus clear that we have no evidence to show that (laiitam iputra
Satakarni and Vasisthiputra Pulumavi were ruling conjointly, render-
ing the defeat of a ?^alakarni possible before the year 150 A. D. It is
thus clear that the overthrow of Nahapana cannot be placed in c, 124
A. D.
Can we then accept the view of Messrs Dubreuil, Banerji and
Bakhle and place the overthrow of Nahapana at the beginning of the
first century A. D. ? Arguments advanced in favour of this view are
hardly convincing. Banerji relies much upon the palaeographical
differences between the Nasik inscriptions of Nahapana and the Girnar
inscription of Rudradaman and concludes that at least one century must
be presumed to separate the two records^ But BUhler has admitted
the script of Ushabhadata's records at Nasik is similar to that of
Pulumavi's record there, thus showing that the two were more or less
contemporary. In ancient India communications were difficult and it is,
therefore, fallacious to compare the palaeography of the records of
places separated by hundreds of miles. We can compare the script of
Nahapa^a's records at Nasik with that of the records of Gautamiputra
1. J.R. A,S. 1925 pp. \9 ft.
THE DATE OF NAHAPXnA 197
^Sitakarni and Vasisthiputra Pulumavi at the same place, and these
are similar and contemporaneous.
The theory that the years of Nahapana’s records are those of the
era of Ages founded in c, 60 B. C. has yet to be proved. It is a mere
hypothesis. The argument that Nahapana was a Parthian and his son-
in-law Ushabhadata a feaka, and. therefore, the former should be
presumed to be a viceroy of one of the great Parthian or $aka rulers
like Azes, Vonones or Gondopharnes is a weak one. Did not the great
^aka ruler Rudradaman flourish in the Deccan a hundred years later
than the latest of the feaka-Parthian emperors of the north? There is
one important numismatic fact going against this view. In Nasik
inscription No. 12 reference is made both to the silver Karshapanas and
to golden suvarnas; 35 of the former are equated to one of the latter^
It IS clear that gold coins were in circulation in the days of Nahapana.
Azes, Azileses, Vonones and Gondopharnes are known to have issued
no gold coins. They became common only with Wima Kadphises and
we c;in hardly place Nahapana before his date. The argument that the
intelligible Greek legend on the coins of Nahapana points to an early
date like c. 50 B. C. is not of much force, because we find that Wima,
Kanishka and Huvishka were issuing coins in correct Greek language
down to 150 A. D. It was further to be remembered that intelligible
(jreek legend appears only on a few coins of Nahapana. On the
majority of them it is altogether corrupt.
The architecture argument of Marshall is also not very strong. He
argues that the form of the entrance door way, the lotus design on the
face of its jambs, the miniature Persipolitan pilasters, the rails of the
balustrade flanking the steps and the treatment of the dvarapala figure
beside the entrance at the cave of Nahapana all bespeak a date appro-
ximately contemporaneous with the Sanchi toranas of about 50 B. C.
In the first century A. D. or B. we had no daily newspapers
publishing the photographs of new buildings on the morrow of their
completion or dedication. The fashion at Sanchi may have taken some
decades to become popular, and there is nothing improbable in the
sculptures at Nasik imitating motifs that were in vogue at Sanchi a
century earlier.
It is argued that the coins of the Jogalthembi hoard show that not
all the pieces that bear the name and bust of Nahapana were really
issued by him. Scott, who analysed this hoard, points out how there
are different types of busts to be seen on them; on some Nahapana is
short-necked, on others long-necked, on some he is straight-nosed on
others hook-nosed ; on some his face is pleasant, on others stern, on
some he is lean and on others fat. While admitting the possibility of
one and the same person being thus diversely represented by the artists
of unequal capacity, he felt it more probable that the busts on the coins
1. Cf. Panchatriniiaka suvarnakxta,
1. C. H. /.. I, p. 637.
198
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
of Nahapana were not of a single king, but of a series of kings, sons
and grandsons of Nahapapa, who retained on their coins the name of
their great ancestor as a title of honour and for some strange reasons
caused their features to be portrayed on their coins, while refraining to
record their personal names^.
This argument is ingenious but there are insuperable difficulties in
accepting it. Contemporary history shows that even rulers like
Jayadaman, who were quite insignificant, used to issue coins in their
own names and not in those of their more famous predecessors like
Chashtana. It is, therefore, difficult to understand how the successors
of Nahapapa should have obliterated their own names, if they were
ruling over a prosperous kingdom. It appears that Nahapana could get
artists of only very inadequate capacity and qualifications. In the far
off Dekkan, it was not easy to secure artists who would be well grounded
in Brahmi, Kharosh and Greek scripts and should also be good portrait
engravers. Otherwise we cannot understand the undisputed fact of
Greek script being corrupt on those coins where the bust is old. It is
also significant in this connection that coins which have correct Greek
script have corrupt Kharoshthi script and vice versa. It cannot be,
therefore, maintainedjthat the great Nahapana flourished at the beginn-
ing of the 1st century A. D. and that he was succeeded by several
successors, whose coins were counter-struck by Gautamiputra about a
century later.
In my opinion Nahapana ruled from c. 55 A. D. to 105 A. D. ; this
theory explains all known facts of contemporary history. (1) The
years in his records need not be referred either to the feaka or the
Vikrama era. They are 41, 42 .and 46 and can be his regnal years. On
some of his coins his bust is like that of a youili of 25, on others like
that of an elderly person of 45; while some coins show his face with
sunken cheeks and teethless jaw, showing that he ruled right up to the
advanced age of 70 or 75. A reign of 46 years was thus perfectly
possible in his case. The years 41, 42 and 46 of his records can well be
his regnal years.
(2) Gold currency, as show above, had come into vogue in the
reign of Nahapana. Its issue was started by Wima Kadphisis, who
unaer no theory can be placed after 100 A. D. ; he was probably ruling as
early as 50 A. D. We can, therefore, very well understand the reference
to the suvarnas or gold coins in the records of Nahapana’s son-in-law,
if we place his reign between c. 55 and 105 A. D.
(3) The states that Ariake belonged to the kingdom of
Nambanus, whose capital was Miunagar. Fleet has shown how a
copyist's mistake would convert Nahapipa into Nambanus. The
Feriplus was written in the latter half of the 1st century A. D. and
we can well understand its reference to Nahapana as a contemporary
ruler, if we place him between 55 and 105 A. D.
1. J. B. B. R. A. S., XXI^ p. 236.
THE DATE O? NAHAPXNA
199
(4) Nufoismatic facts can also be well explained by this theory.
If NahapSoa ruled from c. 55 A. D., the time of his predecessor
Bhumaka would be from c. 30 to 55 A. D. He is thus separated only
by about 25 years from Spalyrises and Azes IL We can, therefore^
well understand how he should be adopting on the reverse of his coins
the motif of Arrow, Thunderbolt and Pellet, which is strongly remini-
scent of the motif of Arrow, Discus and Bow, which occurs on the
joint coinage of Spalyrises and Azes II. Nahapana who ruled from c.
55 A. D. naturally continues this motif.
(5) It is generally agreed that the Mathura Kshatrapa Raj uvula
and Sodasa were ruling in the first quarter of the first century A, D.
We can then well understand how the motif of the Lion capital, which
was dedicated by these rulers should appear on the obverse of the coins
of Bhumaka who was separated from them only by a decade or two.
(6) All known facts of Satavahana history can be explained only
by the hypothesis of Nahapana's rule during 55-105 A. D. and by no
other, (a) It is now generally accepted that the king Polemaios of
the Deccan and Tistanes of Ujjayini, whom Ptolemy mentions as
contemporaries, were Pulumavi and Chashtana, the grand-father of
Rudradaman. Chashtana came on the scene after the overthrow of
Nahapana in c. no A. D. Soon after that date Pulumavi succeeded
his father. Wo can, therefore, well understand how Ptolemy writing-
in c, 140 A. D. should mention these two as recent contemporary
rulers.
(b) The huge Jogallhembi hoard does not contain any coins of
Chashtana, Jayadaman or Rudradaman. Obviously the power of these
rulers had not yet penetrated to northern Maharashtra, nor had com-
merce introduced them at Nasik. It was probaly buried in panic on
the eve of the threatened invasion of Rudradaman in c, 140 or 145 A. D.
The counterstruck coins of the hoard were thus current for about 40
years and we can therefore well understand how they were considerably
worn out by that time.
It is clear that Gautamlputra defeated Nahapana himself and not
any of his successors. In his earliest inscription at Nasik dated in his
18th regnal year, he donates a field in the village Kakhadi, which is
expressly described as enjoyed by Ushabhadata. This Ushabhadata
can hardly be any other than the son-in-law of Nahapar^a. There are
scores of land grants recorded in the inscriptions in the caves in
Wes^rn India. None of them, except the present record, gives the
nan>^ of the former owners of the fields granted. If it is mentioned
in th^ case, the reason must have been the well-known position of the
earlier^owner. ^The monks wanted some lands and Gautamlputra in
the flush of his victory gave them a field owneed by the son-in-law
of his great enemy. It would however appear that at the disappear-
ance of Ushabhadata, his retinue was withdrawn from the village^
which resulted in its practical desolation. It soon became a deserted
200
16th ALL-iM>IA ORIENTAJL GON^PERENCE
village and therefore the monks approached Gautamlpu'tra six years
later with a request for the exchange of the above field., We-can
hardly explain the total desertion of the village of Kakhadi within a
’Short period of less than six years, unless we assume that Ushabhadata,
who is mentioned as the owner of the field was the son-in-law 'of
‘Nahapana.
(d) According to our theory Nahapapa was overthrown in c. 105
A. D. Gautamiputra ruled at least six years more and his death and the
accession of his successor Pulumavi may be placed in c. 112 A. D.
The latter ruled for at least 24 years as proved by the inscriptions, if
not for 28 as stated in the Puranas, He thus becomes a contemporary
of Chashtana, who Was ruling at about 130 A. D.
The long eulogy of the conquests of Gautamiputra issued in the
19th year of his son's reign suggests that down to the time of its issue
in 131 A. D., the conquests remained intact. There is nothing to
suggest that Pulumavi was defeated by Rudradaman before 131 A. D.
The Amdhao inscriptions of the latter only show that in 130 A. D,
Rudradaman was trying to lay down the foundation of a small principa-
lity in the desert of far off Kachha. There is nothing to show that
he had by that time inflicted any defeat on Pulumavi and wrested away
from him Gujarat, Kathiawar or Aparanta (Kokan).
It is further noteworthy that the king of the Deccan defeated by
Rudradaman is expressly named by him in his Girnar record and his
name is ^atakarni. He could obviously not have been the great
Gautamiputra Satakarni ; nor could he have been Pulumavi, for the
simple reason of his name not being ^atakarni. To argue that the
Girnar record loosely refers to Pulumavi as a Satakarni as the latter
name was common in the Satavahana dynasty is hardly convincing.
We are entitled to presume that an official eulogy cannot vaguely refer
to a king who was defeated twice by the hero praised in It. The name
given must be a personal one especially since the king defeated was also
a not distant relative of Rudradaman.
Who then was this Satakarni and how was he related to Rudra-
xlaman? Kanheri inscription No* 11 records the gift of a minister of
a queen of Vasisthiputra §ri Satakarni who is described as a daughter
of Mahakshatrapa Ru - Unfortunately the name of this
queen's father is not fully preserved, but it is obvious that he can be
none other than Rudradaman I. The next Saka ruler, whose name
begins with Ru is Rudrasimha ; but he ruled as Mahakshatra from c. 181
A. D., his daughter could hardly have been married to VSLsisthfputra
^§takarni, who from his name appears to have been a brother of
Visisthlputra PulumSvi, who was ruling from c. 112 to 136 A, D.
The fact that JayadSman did not assume the higher title of
Mahakshatrapa, which was claimed by his father is also significant
The proud claim of his son Rudradaman that he had won that higher
THE DATE OF NAHAPXNA
201
title for himself would show that Jayadaman was defeated, most
probably by Pulumavi in c. 130 A. D. The victor may have demanded
Remarriage of his younger brother Vasisthiputra Satakarni with a
Saka princess and a daughter of Rudradaman, the son of the defeated
king, may have been married to him in c. 130. It is also not impossible
that while struggling for existence, Jayadaman and Rudradaman may
have themselves made a proposal for this matrimonial alliance hoping
to improve the status of their family by it. That Vasisthiputra
biatakarni of the Kanheri record did actually rule as an emperor is
shown by a unique coin of his in the Prince of Wales Museum which
closely imitates the Kshatrapa prototype.^ The presence of a Saka
princess in the capital as the queen of the issuer will sufficiently explain
the adoption of the Kshatrapa type for a few of his silver coins by
the husband.
According to Puranas Vasisthiputra Pulumavi was succeeded by
SivaSri, who is expressly described as Satakarni by the Visnupurana^
He ruled for seven years and according to our chronology his reign
would be between c. 135 and 142 A. D. His successor is described
simply as Sivaskandha by V^nu Purana and Bhagavata, but as Sivas-
kandha featakarni by the Matsya and the Brahmanda. The exact
period of his rule is not recorded in any Purana. but it may well have
been from r. 142 to r, 157 A. D. Both these kings were imdoutedly
Satakarnis as shown by the Pauranic evidence and they were also
the contemporaries of Rudradaman, Probably the latter was defeated
by Rudradaman.
Could Rudradaman have defeated and humiliated his grandson
through his daughter two times? Kings in ancient times had many
wives and feivaskanda ^atakar^i may have been a son of Vasisthiputra
through a queen other than the Saka princess. As he was a step-son
of his daughter, Rudradaman naturally described him as related not
very distantly sambandhavidurataya.
All the known facts of history can thus be satisfactorily explained
by assuming that Nahapana was overthrown by Gautamiputra in c. 105
A. D. Rudradaman avenged this defeat by twice defeating Sivaskandha
Satakarni, who was most probably a grandson of Gautamiputra but
probably not born of his Saka daughter-in-law and earlier wife.
And now we can well understand why Rudradaman describes his
relationship with the Satakarni he overthrew as not distant. He was
the step son of his daughter and so his relationship with Rudradaman
was neither close nor distant ; the record therefore naturally describes it
as avidura or not distant. It is not impossible that by the time of the
outbreak of the war Rudradaman's widowed daughter had repaired
to her father's capital after her husband’s death in c. 142 A. D. ; her
relations with her step son Sivaskanda Satakarni, the ruling Satavahana
emperor, might have been far from cordial, and she might not have
- -
202
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
been inclined to oppose her father’s invasion of her late husband’s king-
dom tooth and nail. Out of regard for her feeling, however, Rudrada-
man may have refrained from pressing his victories home when he
defeated ^ivaskanda in two successive battles between 148 and 150 A. D.
and was in a position to annex Gujarat, Malva and Konkan.
It is interesting to note that if we assume that the first Satavahana
ruler §imuka rose to power in c. 225 B. C. and add together the reign
periods of the 22 predecessors of Gautamlputra Satakarpi, the period
of the latter’s rule, is found to be c. 90 to 114 A. D. Four successive
Satavahana kings Mandalaka, Purindra-sena, Sundara Svatikarpa and
Chakora had short reigns of five, five, one and half a year respectively
during c. 52 to 63 A. D. It was just at this time that Bhumaka and
Nahapana were trying to snatch away several provinces of the
Satavahana empire. Some of these kings may have fallen in the long
war thus ruling for short periods only.
It will be thus seen that all the known facts of history can be best
explained only on the assumption that Nahapana was overthrown by
Gautamlputra in c. 105 A. D. The theories that he ruled at the end
of the first century B. C. or that his inscriptions are dated in the Saka
era have to be given up.
(24) '‘Modoura, the (.••) of the Gods^' of Ptolemaios
by
Prof. Schrader-Kiel. '
In the chapter ‘‘Menander and his kingdom^' of his monumental
work “The Greeks in J3actria and India*' Cambridge, 1938) Dr. W. W.
Tarn has discussed the names of the towns in what must have been
Menander's kingdom as given by the geographer Ptolemy in a valuable
list plotted out by him from a mass of material (itineraries, etc.) now
mostly lost but which must have then been at his disposal. Among
them is also Mathura, which is mentioned as MbSov^a ^ t^v
i. e,, in literal translation into Sanskrit, Madhura ya devanam (transla-
tion ours). This (the Greek name), says T. (p. 251), “is generally
rendered either as ‘MathurS of the gods', which does not translate the
Greek, or ‘Mathura, the city of the gods'”, which “cannot be the
correct translation”. Mathura, .no doubt, was a famous centre of
religious thought, full of religious buildings, Vaisnava, Buddhist and
Jain ones, and in this respect could well have been called a “city of
the gods”. But why then the Greek should not have called it so, vijs.
Thco-polis? Because says T., there is no instance in Greek “where
with a definite article followed by the genitive of the person the omitted
word is ‘city'; it is always ‘son’ or ‘daughter'-that is the regular
Greek usage-and there is no reason for translating Ptolemy’s phrase
differently because the genitive of the person is plural and not singular;
* daughter of the gods* is good English and good Latin, and I think good
Greek also” (three foot-notes referring to Tennyson's Dream of Fair
Women, Virgil, and Hephaestion of Thebes), especially when you are
not too sure just which god it might be” (p. 3sS2). “Ptolemy must*
witness to some lost story about a nymph Modoura who personified
Mathura and was really an Indian Yaksi” (p. 253).
It is hard to subscribe to this view. It suffers from the inaccuracy
which was found in other places of Tarn’s book by U. N. Ghosbal in
his excellent review in the Indian Historical Quarterly of December
1938 (pp. 857 ff.). There is, of course, that Pauranic story of
featrughna's founding Mathura on or near the place where he had
conquered the stronghold Madhu (vana) of Lavana, son of the demon
Madhu. But there is nothing in it about a Yaksa or Yaksinl. And no
YaksinT would be called “daughter of the gods''. Mathura, which is
called 'M^Ioga, with the th preserved, by Megasthenes (3rd century B. C.),
is not known in Indian literature as a personal name. The if “the'*
204
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followingjt in the phrase can therefore only refer to the city, not to a
person. Satrughna, however, who founded it, and the two brothers
Krspa and Balarama, both of whom were born there, were all of them
Avataras, full or partial ones, of Vispu. Could not these have made
the city appear to be one “of the gods” ? This much is certain that the
plural cannot possibly here refer to a single person. But the phrase
does not sound Indian. Could it then be an incorrect translation of
an Indian epithet (such as deva-prastha) used to <listingui£;h this
Mathura from other towns with the same or a similar name? Perhaps
this can be sustantiated from Indian literature.
(25) On the date of the Ellora Plates of Dantidurga
by
Sri G. S. Gat, Dharwar.
These plates have been published in the Epigraphia Indica, Vol.
XXV, pp. 25-31. The date-portion has been read as Sam 600 60 3 A
h/ayuja iuddha trayoda^yam Somavare and this year has been
referred to the feaka era. Recently Professor Mirashi has questioned
both the reading of this date and the era to which it is referred*. His
arguments are :
(i) The details of the date do not work out satisfactorily and,
therefore, it is doubtful if the date really refers to the §aka era.
(ii) Since there is no reference to the $akas or $aka kings, the
date is plainly not in the ^aka era.
(iii) The reading of the date is incorrect. The sign for 100 is
followed by the sign which denotes 4 and not 6 so that the symbol
has to be read as 400 instead of 600. Thus the date is 400 60 3 r. e, 463.
(iv) This revised date must be referred to the Kalachuri era and
since the usual epoch of A. D. 248-49 of this era does not yield satis-
tactory results here, the date has to be referred to the newly suggested
epoch of A. D. 250-51 which would then make the date regular2.
After going through these arguments of Professor Mirashi, one
gets the impression that just with a view to finding out a second ins-
tanc of the use of the epoch of A. D. 250-51 of the Kalachuri era, he
has hit on the date of the Ellora plates and has tried to adjust it to
suit his case. Let us consider his views point by point in the order
given above.
1. Ind, Hist. QuorL, vol. XX V, pp. 84-5. The Professor seems to
have discussed this question in further details in his article on Danti-
durga which still awaits publication.
2. According to Professor Mirashi, this revised date of the
Ellora plates supplies a second instance of the epoch of A. D. 250-51
of th^Kalachuri era, the only other instance being furnished by the
date^V^ the newly discovered Nagardhan plates of Svamiraja {Epigra*
phia Indica, Vol. XXVIIl, pp. 1 fF.)
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16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(i) It is not convincing to say that because the details of the date
do not work out satisfactorily, the date does not refer to the Saka era.
There are several records which specifically mention the ^aka and
other eras but the details of the dates do not yield satisfactory results.
In such cases, we have only to say that these dates are not regular. It
is also possible that we do not know what almanacs were followed
while recording the dates in those days and that our present method
of verifying them from the tables like those given in the Indian
Ephemeris may not be too perfect.
(ii) The second point relates to the absence of specific reference
to the Sakas or 5aka kings. It may be noted that in many Rasfrakula
records the date is expressed in words as well as in figures in*6ne and
the same record and a word like ankatah or ahkato-pi is used in con-
nection with the latter expression. Reference to the era is made while
giving the date in words and the date in figures is preceded by the
expression Samvat, without the specification of the era^. Since the
Ellora plates record the date only in numerical symbols and not in
words as well, it is possible that the writer has omitted the reference
to the Sakas or ^aka kings. The date of the Kanheri inscription of
the Rastrakuta king Amoghavarsha is recorded, without specifying
the era, as samva [765] and there is no doubt that this date refers to
the §aka era. Therefore, there can be no objection to the date of the
Ellora plates being referred to the ^aka era.
(iii) The third point refers to the reading of the date. It is not
possible to agree with Professor Mirashi in taking the sign which
follows that for lOO as denoting 4 instead of 6 The Profe^s-x*
attaches more Importance to a cross line in the lower portion of this
symbol than to its entire shape which is like ^ A reference to
plate LXXl-lower section (figures for 6) and plate LXXIV-lower
section (figure for 600) in Ojha’s Indian Palaeography would clearly
show that the symbol under consideration is 6 only and not at all 4.
So the reading of the year as 600 is quite justified. In this connection
attention may be drawn to the symbol for 600 found in the Antroli-
Chharoli grant of the Rastrakuta king Karka TI of date &aka 679^
expressed both in words and in numerals.
Let us now examine what is called the cross bar at the lower end
of the sign for 6 (in 600) on which the Professor takes his stand.
3. See Kielhorn’s List of Southern Inscriptions^ Nos, 4, 73, 77,
92 and 105.
4. Ihid.. No. 72.
5. Journal of the Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Soeutty,
vol. XVI, plate between pp. 108-09. A similar symbol for 600 is used
in the Manor plates of Mangalarasa, dated Saka 613. Epigraphia
Indica, Vol. XXVIII, pp. 17 ff.)
ON THE DATE OF THE ELLORA PLATES OF OANTIOURGA
207
A clue to the method of writing and engraving of copper-plate grants
is obtained by a close study of some of these records. It seems that
the writer first wrote down the inscription on the plates with some
paint or ink and then the engraver was engaged to carve out the letters
accordingly. In order to ensure the proper size and shape of each
individual letter-curves, lines, loops, circles, etc.-the writer seems to
have made use of dots or points at various places®. Afterwards these
dots were removed and only the letters were inscribed. But sometime
through oversight or mistake, these dots remained there and the
engraver did not omit to carve them also, along with the letters. A
fine specimen of such a record is supplied by the Nagardhan plates of
Swamiraja, printed facsimiles of portions of which accompany the
article of Professor MirashP. In these facsimiles we notice for
example, the dots found along with the individual letters of the word
utsarppanarttham in line 14. In the Ellora plates of Dantidurga also
we notice’ that some of these dots have been retained and engraved along
with the letters proper. For example, in the letter a of asmad- fline
21) two dots can be seen on the two sides of the horizontal line.^ In
the same line of the record such dots are also seen with the letters nu
ma and nta. It is, therefore, likely that the so-called cross at the
lower portion of the sign for 6 in the date of Ellora plates stands for
two such dots, rather elongated, on either side of the line which were
intended to secure the proper place and shape of that line. So it may
not be a cross at all*. ^
(iv) Whereas the year of the date has been shown to read as 600
only, the question of referring it to the Kalachuri era does not arise
and has, therefore, to be left out of consideration®.
6. Somthing like what' modern ladies do while drawing artistic
designs with colour-powder (RaAgavalli) . It is also not unlikely that
the cross bar may have been intended to connect the sign for 6 with
that for 100. In the numeral 600 occurring in the Antroli Charoli
grant cited above a cross-bar connects both the signs for 100 and 6.
7. Ind. Hist. Quart., Vol. XXV, plate facing p. 86.
8. Cf. the actual cross of the line in the case of the subscript ka in
iushka in line 25 of this record.
9. It may, however, be remarked that though the eras are prevalent
region-wise, not a single record of this Rastrakula dynasty has been
discovered so far which is dated according to the Kalachuri era. It
may also be observed, in passing, that with all the adjustments
suggested by Professor Mirashi in regard to the date of the Ellora
plates to make it regular, the verification shows that the thirteeth tithi
was current only for 07 of that day (i. e. Monday) and was followed
by the Fourteenth tithi which was current for the re^t of that day
j$08 16 th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Thus Professor Mirashi’s view that the date of the Ellora plates
of Dantidurga should be read as 463 and should be referred to the
Xalachuri era are not tenable.
Having confirmed the reading of the first symbol in this date as
denoting 600, let us proceed to consider the second symbol which has been
read as 60 by S. K. Dikshit, the editor of these plates. This symbol is
like 4 and resembles the shape of the Devanagari letter pa which also
forms the basis of the figure for 40 in early records. A comparison of
the symbols for 40 given in plate LXXII — lower section (figures for 40)
and plate LXXV — upper section (figure for 45) in Ojha's book would
show that the sign in the Ellora plates under discussion resembles the
symbol for 40 with the exception of a small stroke at the lower end. 1,
therefore, propose to read this symbol in the Ellora plates as denoting
the figure 40 instead 60, so that the date would be (5.) 643 and not (§.)
663 as read by the editor of the record. This revised reading of the
date viz, §aka 643, A^vayuja hi 13, Somavara, would regularly corres-
pond to Monday, 8th September, A. D. 721 when the thirteenth tit hi
was current, till 69 of that day^o.
10. It is proposed to discuss separately the implications of this
early date for the Rastrakuta king Dantidurga.
I take this opportunity to express my indebtedness to Professor
Mirashi who was kind enough to send me reprints of some of his
learned articles, the reading of which stimulated my interest in the topic
discussed above.
(26) Samudragupta’s Asvamedha
by
Sri Jagan Nath, Jullundur.
The performance of the Asvamedha sacrifice by Samudragupta is
ail outstanding event of his reign and the Gupta Kings themselves
looked upon it as an exceptionally great achievement. Samudgragupta
struck a special class of coins to commemorate the performance. In
the records of his successors, Samudragupta is invariably given the
epithet of cir-otsann-a^vamedh’aharita. This epithet has been transla-
ted by Dr. Fleet as '"the restorer of the Asvamedha sacrifice that had
been long in abeyance'' i. This rendering gives the impression that the
performance of this time-honoured Vedic rite had not been witnessed
for a long time past, so that Samudragupta was virtually to be credited
for reviving an extinct practice. White it is easy to rectify one of the
mistakes in this translation — namely, to translate ahartta as ‘performer
of a sacrifice' for a+ means ‘to offer a sacrifice' — it is more difficult
to explain the word cir^otsanna. Several explanations have been
attempted by eminent writers.
As early as 1923, Dr. Hemchandra Roychaudhury observed as
follows : —
“But it should be noted that the Asvamedha was celebrated by
several Kings during the interval which elapsed from the time of
Pusyaniitra to that of Samudragupta, c.g, batakarni, the husband of
Nayanika, Pravarasena I VakStaka, and the Pallava Sivaskandavarman.
It is probable, however, that the court poets of the Guptas knew little
about these southern nionarchs“2. However this explanation does not
seem to be adequate, for the conquest of the eastern coast of the Deccan,
nfiust have established closer contact between the North and the South,
and the Gupta officers could not have been unaware of important hap-
penings at the Southern courts.
About the same time Shri D. B. Diskalkar also raised this point.
Writing in the Indian Antiquary he said : —
“Kings like Pravarasena and Bhavanaga may not have as good a
reason to celebrate the horse-sacrifice as Samudragupta undoubtedly
1, Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum III, 44, 54.
2, Political History of Ancient India, First edition, p. 281.
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16t1I ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
had, yet the rite as such was in practice not very long before Samudra-
giipta and how can it be said that he revived it''^.
The point has also been diciissed at some length by Dr. Krishna-
swami Aiyyangar in his admirable monograph — Studies in Gupta
History. He remarks “Gupta inscriptions generally describe the
asvamedha 2 iS ono, that had long fallen into desuetude (cirotsanna),
Cirotsanna would literally mean, long decayed or given up for as a
matter of history we do know that after the days of Asoka, who, in his
Buddhist fervour, put an end to it, there were several celebrations and
several celebrants. Pusyaniitra is said to have celebrated it; his con-
temporary Kharavela of Kalihga seems to have celebrated something
akin, and a Satavahana ruler of the Dakhan, the great Satakarni lays
claim to having done it equally. It would, therefore, be difficult to
understand cirotsanna in the sensd' that it was given up for long. The
term cirotsanna, however, is found used in the same connection, of the
aivamedha in the Satapatha Brahniana itself where it was explained in
the sense that it had lost some of the elements constituting the sacrifice
and therefore a sort of expiatory ceremony had te be performed. That
means it is an old time ceremony, which had lost some of ^the details
of its performance even so long ago as the time of the Satapatha-
Brahmana. The ceremony is brought to a close by the performance of
a special atiratrasoma as it is called, which is a ceremonial apology for
the shortcomings in the performance of the elaborate sacrifice. It is
just possible that in the (iupta inscriptions it has that meaning ; but
there is perhaps a little more in it than is implied in this explanation''*^.
After pointing out that Pusyaniitra and Pravarasena were not as great
conquerors as Samudragupta, and their claim to suzerainty was not
quite uncontested, Dr. Aiyyangar concluded : —
“Hence the cirotsanna here might mean tliat the asvamedha sacrifice
Avas not celebrated for long as a full detailed imperial sacrifice, and
Samudragupta might lay claim to having done it, it may be since the
days of the famous celebration of the Rajasuya by Yudhisthira"5.
However, Dr Aiyyanger was not right in his interpretation of the
reference in the ^atapatha-Brahmana, as referring to a sacrifice which
had lost some of its constitute elements. The expiatory rite had to be
performed for quite a different purpose.
The latest writer to throw light on this point was Dr. D. R.
Bhanciarkar. Writing in the Indian Culture, he observed as follows:
3. lA, 1923, 17.
4. Studies in Gupta History, pp. 44-45.
5. Mbidi 45.
SAMUDRAGUPTA'S a^vamedha 211
^ -*‘All things considered, Samudragupta can alone very well claim
to have celebrated an A^vamedha .of tlie Epic style which was in abey-
ance for long. Certainly it was not performed with such aclat by
anybody except perhaps Pusyamitra who, however, came into collision
with one enemy on only one confine of his dominions and does not
seein to have wielded sway over the whole of India as the Gupta
sovereign did”^*.
This is more or less a repetition of the view of Dr. Aiyyangar, and
it leaves out altogether the hints given in the Vedic literature regarding
the nature of an utsanna sacrifice. A study of the relevant Vedic litera-
ture indicates that the word cirotsanna has a purely technical sense
which has not been taken note of by any of the scholars whose views
have been quoted above ; and which might offer a better and perhaps the
true explanation of the word.
The following are some of the important passages where the word
utsanna occurs as an adjective with sacrifice in Vedic Literature.
1. Ir ^ grr
\
*‘The horse sacrifice is an extensive sacrifice, who knows, they say,
if all of it is done or not.’' Taittiriya Samhita, V, 4, 12, 3 translated by
A. B. Keith.
2. «iT tl’l m ST I
ibid. V, 3,1,7.
3. ^ i
Salapatha Brahmana, II, 5, 2, 4, 8, and II, 6, 2, 19.
4. l[W ^ m i
ibid. XII, 3, 3, 6.
It is of great significance that the adjective utsanna is applied to
important Vedic rites like the Aivamedha and Caturmasya> which
cannot be described as the ceremonies that were in abeyance when the
Taittiriya Sanihita and the ti^atapatha Brahmana were written. It is
unimaginable that either the Asvamedha or the Catunnasya were
regarded as 'obsolete’ in the heyday of Vedic ritualism.
6. Indian Culture, 1, llS.
Hi 16tii ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The meaning of ntsanna is suggested by the concluding portion of
the quotation from the Taitliriya Samhita. It says that it is difficult to
be sure whether all the details of the ritual have been properly gone
through. The reason of this uncertainty evidently was that these
performances were very extensive, and one could never be sure that
there were no omissions. In the contexts of these passages, the meaning
*‘ex tensive^’ or 'elaborate’ suits excellently well and we should attribute
this sense to ntsanna^.
In the light of ilie Vedic passages, the expression cirotsannaiva-
medhahartta may, therefore, be translated as, 'the performer of the
long protracted horse-sacrifice.’
7. e.f, A. B. Keith, ZIMG, 1912, 729-31.
( 27 ) The Indian Philosophy of History
by
Dr. Radhakamal Mukerjee.
History is the flowing cumulative stream of myths and traditions.
The chanting or recital of myths, tales and ballads during festivals,,
marking the cycles of seasons, is the beginning of history, spurring a
people to epoch-making adventures. All history is in a sense myth
making. Myths are by no means futile or fictitious as presumed by the
nineteenth century historians who in their turn formulated or tacitly
supported the myths of the Individual, State, Nationality, Race, Power
and Progress in the background of European development. Myths
poetically and pregnantly embody the tradition, values and aspirations
of a people These are conserved and transmitted by social memory
and bind their present to the past in belief, thought and action. The
"'units of history'" are simply myths and traditions in action, what
Rickert called “value structures" through which universal values are
evidenced in historical actuality — the broad and enduring historical
constants that pervade the stable social arrangement and culture of a
people, and underline the recurrent patterns in their social life and
development. Human history is a total cumulative ensemble or gestalt
in which the broadening and lengthening warp of facts and events on
one hand, and woof of myths and traditions on the other are inextricably
inter-woven in the web of time. The gestalt approach to history as a
cumulative, moving, forward-looking whole, with the attention focussed
on the dynamism of myths, traditions and values into which the whole
can be resolved or split up, makes possible the right understanding and
interpretation of human affairs, of “things said and done in the past."
Not all myths and traditions are dealt with by history but only those
that have functional significance in the emergent cultural pattern. Such
are the “units of history" that have to be chosen or discovered and
understood in their context with the present and the future. The reality
of myths and traditions consists in their fashioning the cumulative
sequence with its order, consistency and laws, which is history. The
truth of history is the meaning of this inherent order and continuity of
the march of Man in which mutable man participates. Man in Indian
historiography is three fold : Man the Mutable, Man the Eternal, and
Man the Deity. Man is Eternal and Universal, the inhabitant not of
one country and age but of all countries and ages, the maker of enduring
myths and traditions and the bearer of the ultimate values, ever pro-
jected towards the future. This is the human image which is ever-
present in the vicissitudes and fluctuating situations of history. In the
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ephemeral and confused pageant of history this Eternal and (Jniv'ersal
Man is indeed the abiding presence, embodied in but transcending t\ie
limited, fleeting images of mortal man belonging to a race, country,
class or historical and cultural epoch. Finally, there is Man the Deity
which is the cosmic urge to advance, manifest in the glory and triumph
^s well as in the fall and anguish of man, the goal towards which the
whole creation moves. This is the Narayana of the Purapas. The
Mahabharata begins with the homage to the triple images of Man.
Nara or Finite Man, Narotlama or Eternal Man and Narayana or Deity,
moving and being moved in the procession of history.
History in Indian tradition is not the biography of heroes or
representative men, but an age-less process in which not men but the
human species, not particular lives but Life cyclically grow, mature and
decay. In India the circle symbolises completion and perfection. The
wheel with the movable centre is the symbol of continuing progress in
the procession of time (the Chakra of Vedic and Buddhist culture).
Thus history, cosmic, human and personal, is envisioned as the cyclic
movement of the wheel. An unending series of Great Men, Creators
and Kings of the earth, Brahmas and Indras reign, thrive and then pass
away in their innumerable universes that come and go through countless
cycles of creation, maturation, dissolution and reincarnation. Into this
ageless cyclical process of the world organism India imports a moral
and cultural purpose through the conception of the procession of Krta,
Treta, Dvapara and Kali ages of history (yugas), the moral order of
•dharma gradually lapsing from purity and perfection into disorganisa-
tion and conflict and then beginning another cycle.
Indian historiography accepts the reality of the triumphs and
disasters of history alike and insists that we learn from both the glory
and the defeat of dharma and culture, viewed as a dynamic process
rather than as a stationary state. This cyclical view of man's earthly
destiny and dharma has protected the Indian people against the
extremes of optimism and pessimism. And indeed few people have
such a long and remarkably continuous history of five millenia, have
seen such ups and downs of the social order and learnt so much in a
yet living civilization from past glories and tragedies as foils for some
larger good of the world organism. It is remarkable that both the
Hindu and Christian Apocalyptic conception of the end of the social
order was not an idea of damnation and catastrophe but of continuity
and consummation of the divine will and law — the irresistable perpetual
rise of the Dharma-rajya. Such is the tragic maliorism leavened with
social expectancy of the Indian philosophy of history, born of the
assimilation of several millenia of experience into the balance of human
progression. Scant centuries cannot obviously provide the stuff out of
which a true philosophy of history can emerge. This was stressed by
Lord Acton who once remarked : '‘We can found no philosophy on the
observation of four hundred years, excluding three thousand. It would
be imperfect and fallacious induction."
THE INDIAN PHILOSOPHY OF HISTORY 21 S
In a sub-continent, broken up into many regions with wide variations
In climate and natural resotwrces, inhabited by diverse races and pedplfeS
and carved out into congeries of kingdoms, empires and republics,
unity and solidarity are the most constant political aspirations in history
as these are the ancient essential aims of religion, morals and the social
order. No country in the world has ever through its metaphysics,
religion, art and scheme of social gradation, woven such a rich and
enduring fabric of unity amidst such diversity which embraces not only
mankind but all sentient life. Out of the welding together of the mass
of Indian peoples with their various types, indigenous and , exotic, in
the Maurya, Gupta and Pala Empires arose the fundamental political
principles of the loose union of semi-autonomous states under the king
of kings and of the composite and secular culture state or dharma-rajya.
These represent the most constant elements in Indian history dovetailed
into Indian empire building and into socio-cultural integration of deve-
lopment.
No doubt the moral and metaphysical conceptions of the Real or
Cosmic Man the Commonalty of Mankind were the spiritual counter-
parts of the ever-continued, ever-reinforced processes of building up a
United India, politically and socially. Empires recurrently fail, as
force has its peculiar limitations for national unification in a country
with such natural barriers, huge population and infinite social complexity
and heterogeneity as India. Thus her civilization draws through the
epoclis more surely upon myths — the political myths of the Kingdom
of Universal Moral Law (Dharma-rajya) and the Universal Empire,
the social myths of the Caturvarna, Varna Sankara and Kaliyuga; the
religious myths of the Avatara, the Bodhisattva and the Compassionate
Bhagvan and §akti, the moral myths of Obligations and Sacrifices and
the intellectual myth of the Triple Way of Living, of Wisdom, action
without involvement and worship (jnana, karma, bhakti). These have
engendered common patterns of morality and ways of living among the
principal regions of India from the great snow-clad mountains in the
north to the Southern Ocean, and efiected that solidarity of Indian
.society which blood and iron can achieve with but limited and temporary
success. It is myth, metaphysics and religion and the fojms and
symbols of art in which these arc the significantly and powerfully
revealed from epoch to epoch that have indeed governed the unity,,
integrity and vitality of Indian civilization.
Every history builds up event by event, age by age, *‘the unity of
the whole*’, comprising the myths, traditions and norms of mankind, the
entity in human history. “The earth is our home”. Mankind, is our
kin” are basic Indian postulates. Through the divergent and even con-
tradictory lines of development of different human cultures in different
regions we find an increasing commonness of patterns of thought,
values and faith in the structural order of mankind. We find also
individual cultures rising to their highest when plasticity, freedom and
universality are at their summit. Both trends contribute not towards
“tribe” nationalism but towards a unified world society, Brahmanicat
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16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Vedantism» Mahayana Buddhism> Stoicism, Christianity and Enlighten*
ment have contributed in great measure in different epochs of history
to reinforce the spirit of universality. There is a sense of imperative-
ness of direction in history, corresponding to the development from the
seed to the flower, about the maturation from specific culture to world
culture as the destiny of the human species. Yet at no epoch in human
history has mankind been so mightly challenged by what Paul Tillich
calls the Demonic in history due to the lusts and fears of irrational
humanity.
Mankind's historic continuity is governed as much by man belong-
ing to a country, race or class shedding his mutable aspects, his narrow
images of himself in his opinions, beliefs and faiths as by the world
consciously striving towards a moral and spiritual unity through the
synthesis of various cultural traditions and values and their fruitful
application in global methods of co-operation. The philosophy of
history finds mankind's milestones of advance across the dark sanguinary
roads of the past, marked not by dogmatism and absolutism, fanaticism
and utopianism that come to possess peoples drive them to violence and
fade away in history, but by cultural syncretism, moral and religious
humanism and the rising stature of the free human personality. This
truth of history is nowhere expressed more than eloquently than in the
Indian Epic, the Mahabharata, written for the clarification of India’s
cultural values and norms in a period of unprecedented social turmoil
and acute rivalry of opinions and faiths like the one we are facing in
the present juncture :
'^Logical argument is inconclusive; the Vedas are dissimilar;
There is no sage whose doctrines can be taken as authoritative.
The verities of Dharma lie hidden in the inaccessible recesses of
the soul ;
The traditions followed by the many show the true way,"
(28) Some Aspects of the Divinity of the King
IN Ancient India and Ceylon.
by
S. Paranavitana
Yada tvadharmikan sarvdms ttk^nair dandair niyacchati, Dhar-
tnikdmi c’dnugxhndti bhavaty atha Yatnas tadd. Mahdbhdrata XII,
68, 45.
In my paper, “Sigiri, the Abode of a God-King”, I have developed
the thesis that it was to set himself up as a god-king that Kassapa
(circa 466-484 A. C.) had a remarkable palace built on the summit
of the well-nigh inaccessible rock of Sigiri. He identified himself with
Kuvera, and his palace on the Sigiri rock was meant to be a represen-
tation of Alaka, the Himalayan abode of the God of Wealth. I have
therein summarised the evidence for the prevalence of the doctrine of
the Divinity of the King in those lands which derived their culture
from India, and dwelt on the influence which this doctrine has had
on the development of their art and architecture. References have
been quoted from Sanskrit authorities, like the Manusmtti and the
Mahdbhdrata, in support of the divine status of the king. It has also
been pointed out that, while certain Mahayana schools accepted this
■doctrine, Buddhism in general discouraged it. There appear, however,
to have been occasions on which this doctriqe influenced the course of
political events in the Island in ancient times ; it is the purpose of the
present paper to collect such evidence bearing on the topic, and to
interpret them in the light of ancient Indian political theories and
similar beliefs which seem to have been current in India. As the
ancient culture and the political institutions of this Island were, derived
from India, such a study, I presume, will not be without interest to
those who are engaged in the task of elucidating the past of that sub-
continent.
The political doctrine of the Mahabharata2 makes the king iden-
tical with a particular god, in accordance with the emphasis which
1. R. A. S., Ceylon Branch, Centenary Volume, pp. 129-183. '
2. Mbh. XII, 68, 41ff. The references are to the critical edition
•of the epic published by the Bhandarkar Oriental Research Institute,
Poona. Mbh. (N) indicates the northern recension with the com-
mentary of Nllakaptha published by CitraSalS Press.
218
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
one may place on this or that function of royalty. The god with whom
a king is considered as identical may, therefore, vary according to time,
place and circumstances. Kassapa considered it politic to represent
himself as Kuvera on earth. A ruler of Ceylon before or after him
may have endeavoured to be honoured by his subjects as another god.
And, in fact, if we interpret certain data in a number of ancient
Brahmi inscriptions, and references in chronicles, in the light of the
political doctrines which we have referred to, a good case can be made
for the view that Vatta-gamani Abhaya (Circa 104-77 B. C.), who
ruled Ceylon some four centuries before Kassapa, wished to be taken
by his subjects as Yama, a colleague of Kuvera in the office of loka-
pala (world-protector).
An inscription in an early type of the Brahmi script, found at
Koravakgala near Situlpavuva in South Ceylon, records that the cave
in which it is indited was fashioned and dedicated to the sangha, in
the reign of a king named Ti&a. (Skt. Tisya, P. tissa) by a dignitary
named Cema (Skt. Ksema), the treasurer of Pita-maha-raja (Skt.
Pitr-maha-rajai. The long inscription, or rather the series of inscrip-
tions, on the pavement of the Dhakkhiria Thupa at Anuradhapura^, to
be ascribed to the third century on palaeographical grounds, refers
in a number of places, to that monument, as founded in the reign of
Pita-maha-raja. We know from the Mahavamsa^ that the DakWii^a
Vihara was founded in the reign of Vattagamai^i Abhaya. Pita-mahk-
raja, therefore, is no other than Vattagama^ii Abhaya. This conclu-
sion is supported by the Koravakgala inscription when it states that a
person who dedicated a cave in the reign of a king named Tissa was
the son of a dignitary who held the office of treasurer in the reign of
Pita-maha-raja, for Vattagamani was closely followed on the throne
by his nephew Tissa, called Mahaculi Maha Tissa in the chronicle.
The identification is clinched by the Pali commentaries which, in their
not infrequent references to the events of the reign of Vattagamani
Abhaya^, often call him Pituraja.
The fact that an inscription set up a few years after the death of
Vatfagamani Abhaya refers to him by the epithet of Pitamaharaja and
that the traditions recorded by the Pali commentators as well as by the
Dakkhina Vihara inscription knew him by that name, go to prove that
1. The text of this inscription runs thus: Pita-maharajhaha
badakarika parumaka Sumana-puta prutnakB, Cemaha lene rajha Ti^aha
rajhiyaSi niyate agata anagata catu-dUa iagaia.
2. See A. S, C. Annual Report for 1948, p. 9.
3. Chap. XXXIII, V. 88.
4. See, for example, Sammohavinodani (P. T. S. Edition),,
p. 448 and Samanta-pasadika (P. T, S. Edition), pp. 440 and 473. .
SOME ASPECTS OF DIVINITV OF KING IN 4 NCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 219
m his life-time, many of his subjects referred to him in that manner.
The reason why such an unusual name was attached to him arouses
our curiosity and the old chronicler, too, seems to have realised that an
^explanation was necessary. For, he refers to the title of Piti-raja
(the element moAa appears to have been optional) borne by Vaftaga-
maitji Abhaya and, moreover, he tells us how the king came to be
known by it. Vattagamani Abhaya, we are told by the chronicler,
adctpted as his own son Mahaculi Mahatissa, the son of his elder brother
Khallata Naga. As he stood* in the position of father to Mahaculi
Mahatissa, Vattagamani Abhaya was called Piti-raja, 'the father king’.*
This explanation, though charming in its naivete, hardly carries
conviction. The adoption of another’s son as one’s own is not so
extra-ordinary an occurrence as to justify a sobriquet on that account
to one who does so. Even less is the justification when the adoption
is of a son of one’s own brother. If Vattagamapi Abhaya had to be
given an epithet based on paternity, it was not necessary to seek the
reason for it in the fact that he adopted his brother’s son as his own,
for he had sons of his own, one of whom, Coranaga, succeeded to the
sovereignty. Even without any formal adoption, the son of one’s own
brother is, according to the Sinhalese system of kinship, modern as
well as ancient, entitled to be called 'son’. Vattagamani was Mahaculi’s
^father* even without adoption. The explanation of the epithet Piti-raja’
given in the Mahavamsa appears, therefore, to have been invented,
not necessarily by the author of that chronicle, at a time when the real
significance of the word had been forgotten. It is also not impossible
that the explanation is due to a desire, for reasons which would become
clear in the sequel, to prevent its real purport gaining currency among
the people.
If the title 'Piti-raja’ was not due to its bearer standing in the
relation of ' father ’ to another person, it is necessary, in order to
e.Kplain its significance, to ascertain the other meanings that could
have been attached to it. The equivalent in Sanskrit of P. ' Piti-raja'
is * Pitr-raja *, and this, we know, is not uncommon in the epics as a
name of Yama-— a name appropriate to that god for the reason that he is
the king of the Pitrrs i. e, the Manes or the spirits of the departed. In
Book I, Canto 48, v. 23 of the Mahabharata, for instance, we read
Vyaktam maya *pi gantavyam Pitx-raja-nive^auan (There is no doubt
that I, too, should one day go to the abode of Pitr-raja, i. Yama),
'Pitr-raja' occurs as the name of Yama in several other passages of
the same epic, for example, II, 8, 30, and III, 181, 14. If P. 'Piti-raja'
and the old Sinhalese ' Piti-maha-raja' be understood in this sense,
the epithet borne by Vattagamani Abhaya, which was preferred by some,
in ancient times, to his personal name, would indicate that he desired
his subjects to take him as Yama, the Divine Judge.
Such a conclusion would also make intelligible an episode in the
Story of Vattagamai^i Abhaya as it is narrated in the Mahavamsa^, A
L Mahavafhsa, Chap. XXX, vv. 35-36.
220 ‘ IfeTII ALL-INDIA ORI'ENTAL ' CONFERENCii , , / ■ •
few months after his accession ^to the throne, VaJfagsAia^jii Abha^a
was defeated in battle by invaders from South India, and Was forced
/to flee for life. When the king, with a few followers and those dearest
to him. was fleeing before hi$ enemies through the northern gate of
Anur^hapura, a Jaina ascetic is said to have cried out that the ' Mah§*
*kala ^ihala ’ was running away. This phrase ' Mahakala-Sihala ' has
been translated as * the great black Sinhalese* and is taken by the
•translators of the chronicle as well as by writers on and students of
Ceylone history as a personal insult which the Jaina ascetic, meanly
taking advantage of the occasion, hurled at the king in his adversity.
The epithet can, of course, be interpreted in that sense if the scene
were shifted from ancient Anuradhapura to modern Europe. We have
also accepted the inter-pretation without questioning because we have
unconsciously imbibed the sense of values of the Europeans based on
colour. But in ancient Ceylon, or in India, no one would have been
offended by being reminded of his complexion. Some of the great heroes
in Indian literature are described as dark, for instance Rama and
Krsna. Draupadi, the heroine of the Mahabharata and Damayanti,
immortalised in one of the most beautiful poems in Sanskrit, were dark
of complexion. This did not make them the less desirable. Even today,
Sinhalese villagers who have not been educated ** and thus trained to
judge by values foreign to them will not feel ashamed by such names as
Kalu Banda, Kalu Manike or Kalu Mahattaya, in which Kaiu ' black *
is a component ’ part. Moreover, the Jaina ascetic could not have
damaged the king's reputation by referring to his bodily complexion,
for which he was not responsible. The Nigantha, if he wanted to pay
back for any real or imagined injury, might have made use of words
impeaching the king's character or conduct.
The expression put in the mouth of the Jaina ascetic gains signifi-
cance if Vattagamani Abhaya had set himself up as Yama on earth.
‘ Kala' is one of the best known of the names of Yama and maha can
be added, according to one's whim, to the name of any important
personage, human or divine, ‘ Mahakala ’ would thus be synonymous
with ‘ Piti-raja' or * Pitimaharaja.' The spectacle of a king who had
to flee before his earthly enemies only a few months after he had
proclaimed himself to be Yama would have indeed aroused any one's
sense of irony. If the Jaina ascetic did not subscribe to these political
doctrines which ascribed such divinity to kings, as was very likely,
there was no better propaganda than to bring the irony of this situation
forcibly home to the people by shouting that the Mahakala (Yama) of
the Sinhalese was taking to his heels.
Yama is generally conceived as a god of fearful aspect, and a king
who identified himself with Yama must have cultivated this bearing.
There appear to have been current, in ancient Ceylon, folk-tales^ in
which Vattagamani Abhaya figured in such -a xapa^y. For Buddha-
ghosa, in the Samantapasadika, refers to an incident in which the-
SOME ASPECTS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 221
gnashing of teeth by Vattagama^ii Abhaya was sufficient to cause the
death of an unfortunate individual named Culasumana^.
If the significance of Vattagamani's title, Piti-raja, is as given
above, it will enable us to understand, in their proper perspective, the
events of his reign, as given in the Mahavamsa and the commentaries^,
Dutthagamani Abhaya {circa 161-137 B. C.) who re-established the
first dynasty of Sinhalese kings after an interval of Tamil domination,
so guided his policy that the interest of the royal house became identical
with those of the Buddhist sahglia. The icing extended his liberal
patronage to the sangha and the bhikkhus exerted their great influence
with the people to the aim of making the latter attached to the royal
house. This happy union between the state and the church continued
with little interruption up to the accession of Vattagamani. The
majority of the people had accepted the Buddhist creed, and they would
have been gratified by the religious policy of Dutthagamani and his
successors. But there were Jainas as well as Brahmanas, who would
naturally have been antagonised by the royal family identifying itself
so closely with the interest of the sangha. They, however, had no
chance to express their dissatisfaction by hostility towards the royal
family, for the latter had popular support so long as the sangha was on
the side of the king. If Vattagamani, as we have inferred, proclaimed
himself to be Yama, acting on political doctrines not consistent with the
tenets of thcjTheravada, while remaining an adherent of the Buddhist
creed, he would certainly have offended the Sinhalese sangha which, up
to that time, was not divided into sects, and was not prepared to endorse
any doctrines opposed to those preached by Mahinda. The displeasure
of the sangha would have resulted in the unpopularity of the king, and
those sections of the population who had already been antagonised by
the pro-Buddhist policies of the royal family, would have found an
opportunity of translating their discontent into action. And this was
precisely what happened. A Brahmin named Tiya^, who was hostile
towards Buddhism, raised the standard of revolt, and the invasion by
South Indian hordes, which drove the king into hiding, was probably
not unconnected with domestic discontent.
Vattagamani, in hiding, was gathering forces to regain his throne.
In the meantime, those who had wrested power from him did not
extend patronage to the sangha, some members of which must have
realised that, in spite of his heretical theories in politics, Vattagamani
1. Pitu^ranno ca Sihala-narindassa datha-kotanena Cula-sumana
kutumbiya-marane rajiddhi datthabha, Samantapasadika, (P. T. S.
Edition), p. 440.
2. Mahavamsa, Chap. XXXIII, No. 34-104 and Vamsatthabpa^
kasinl, (P. T. S. Edition), pp. 612-623.
3. For an account of Tiya’s revolt, see Sammoha-vinodanl (P. T. S.
Edition), p. 448.
222 16th all-xndu oriental conference
in power would be more advantageous to the Buddhist Church than the
rulers of South Indian origin. Thus we tind that an influential thera
helped Vaitagamai^i during his years of misfortune. An incident
relating to this period of tne king’s eclipse gives us an indication that,
even when he was reduced to extreme straits, he was not prepared to
forego any fraction of the divinity which he claimed for his person.
While still rallying the people to his cause, he had the support of eight
powerful chiefs, one of whom he very impolitically slew for not having
prostrated on the ground before him. This alienated the other chiefs
who deserted the king. At this critical juncture, too, it was that same
ihera who persuaded the chiefs not to desert Vattagamani Abhaya, by
the powerful argument that it was only by supporting him, in spite of
his impolitic conduct, that the Buddhist Church could be firmly esta-
blished.
Vattagamani at last regained his throne, but adversity did not force
him to renounce is claim to be Pitr-raja (Yama). He founded the
Abhayaji;iri Vihara and granted it to that thera who helped him in his
adversity. But the older establishment of the Mahavihara excommuni-
cated this thera, thus leading to a schism in the Buddhist Church. If
Vattagamani, as we have inferred, claimed to be a god-king (Yama),
the* establishment of the Abhayagiri Vihara in opposition to the
Mahavihara was perhaps dictated by the necessity of having a commu-
nity of monks who were not opposed to his political doctrines. With
the support of the king, the Abhyagiri fraternity increased in numbers.
The king’s lukewarm attitude to the Mahavihara, in spite of the
traditions of his family, was very likely due to the reason that the
members of the fraternity were uncompromising in their hostility
towards the doctrine of the divinity of the king. Those who realised
that such an uncompromising hostility towards the only leader who
could defend the Island against invaders from abroad and anti-
Buddhist elements at home, would ultimately undermine the position of
the sahgha, probably enrolled themselves as members of the Abhayagiri
fraternity.
If Vattagamani Abhaya, as we have suggested, identified himself
with Yama. he must have done so because the worship of that god was
prevailing among the people of Ceylon in his time. If we can, therefore,
establish that the cult in fact was known, our hypothesis will receive
support therefrom. Yama is frequently mentioned in Singhalese litera-
ture. but not as the centre of a cult. Images of Yama have been
discovered at ancient sites in Ceylon, sometimes in association with
those of other lokapalas. The ancient Indian belief that he is the
Divine Judge who rewards the virtuous and punishes the evil-doers,
was made use of by Buddhist preachers for moral ends. Even today,
under the name of Yama-raJ juruvo (King Yama) , he is known to every
Buddhist peasant. He, however, under the familiar name of Yama,
<loes not receive worship as the principal or subsidiary deity installed in
a temple.
SOME ASPECTS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON ^
'There is, however, evidence to prove that the deity called Sfip^An in
Sinhalese and Sumana in Pali, who is still regarded as one of tl^e four
protectors of Ceylon, who figures^ in the chronicles m connection with
the repiited visits of the Buddha to Ceylon, who is the presiding, deity
of Mount Sainanola (better known as Adam's Peak) arid whose shrines
at Sabaragainuva and Alutnuvara are visited by thousands of Sinhalese
Buddhist votaries on the occasion of the Annual Festival in his honour,
is no other than Yama Ceylonised. The transformation of Yama which
has taken place in Ceylon, and the traits of Saman which betray his
origin, form an interesting and fascinating study, the pursuance of
which, however, is beyond the scope of our present purpose. I intend
to deal with that subject in a separate paper. Here, I confine myself
to two links in the chain of evidence which establishes the identification.
A Sinhalese Buddhist of the present day will be taken aback if he is
told that the mild and good-natured Saman, to whom, by force of habit,
he pays courteous respect, is the same as the dreaded Yama, the inevi-
table interview with whom he rarely contemplates with equanimity.
But the Sinhalese Jataka, written in the fourteenth century, contains
conclusive proof that the identity of Saman or Sumana with Yama was
well-known at that time. Compare the following metrical Pali passage
from the Bhuridatta Jataka with the corresponding Sinhalese: —
Dhata Vidhata Vartino Kuvero Somo Yamo Candima cdpi
Suriyo^ Dliftarasjra nam divya-rajjuruvd da Varum nam divya-rajjuruvd
da, kuvera nam divya-rajjuruvd da. Soma nam divya-rajjuruvo da,
Sumana nam divya-raj juruvd da, Candra divya-putrayo da, Surya
divya-putrayo da^. Sumana nam divya-rajjuruvd (the divine king
name Sumana) in the Sinhalese text stands for Yamo in the Pali. To
the author of the Sinhalese Jataka, therefore, Sumana was the same
as Yama.
The name Sumana, as it occurs in the Mahavamsa of the fifth
century, is based on the Sinhalese name of the god as it was then
pronounced. The genuine Sinhalese form of the name, as it occurs in
literary works and is actually pronounced by the average Sinhalese, is
iamana- In the fifth century, this must have been iamana* We can
easily equate the last with Skt. iamana (the Tranquilizer or Extin-
guisher) one of the names of Yama.
There is a tradition which attributes to Vaftagamapi Abhaya the
discovery of the Buddha's foot-print on Mount Samanola (Adam's
1. Mahavamsa, Chap. I, vv 33 ff., and vv 77 flF.
2. Jataka, Fausboll's Edition, Vol. VI, p. 201.
3. Pansiya-panas- jataka, Jinalafikara Press, Colombo, 1929,1
p. 1499.
224r 16 th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Peak). The story narrated in the Mahavamsa (1,77 S.) is that the
Buddha impressed the foot-print on the summit of this mountain at the
request of god Sumana who, as we have seen above, is no other than
Yama. If Vattagamat^i Abhaya identified himself with Yama, the
tradition referred to gains significance^.
In this connection, the name Dhama-raja (Skt. Dharma-raja)
occurring in a number of early Buddhist inscriptions from various parts
of the Island, merits consideration. In two cave inscriptions at
BCvattegala in South-eastern Ceylon^, a prince named Bamaraja figures
4 is the father of the donor. In a number of cave inscriptions at
Kottadamuhela, also in the same area, the genealogy of the donor is
traced to Damaraja^. This Damaraja, it has been surmised, belonged
to a family of local rulers who held authority about the third or second
century B. C. In a cave inscription at Mihintale, a Dhamarajha is
mentioned as the father of a prince named Asaliya, the donorl The
name also occurs in an inscription from a place named Nattukanda in
the Anuradhapura District, but it is not clear in what connection, for
the text is not quite clear. It is also not certain whether all the records
refer to the same prince. If a ruler of Anuradhapura who had this
title is the Dhamaraja of the Mihintale and ^Jattukanda inscriptions,
there is no means of identifying him with a name forthcoming in the
chronicles. ‘Dharmaraja' is one of the best known names of Yama.
It is, therefore synonymous with *Piti-raja' and may have indicated
divine kingship in the person who bore it. Whether Vattagamani used
this title in addition to Piti-raja, and possibly Mahakala, deserves consi-
deration.
It has been surmised that the king named Dhamaraja, figuring in
an inscription at Mihintale, is the same as DuHhagamani Abhaya who
is noted for his piety and liberality towards the Buddhist Church. In
his attachment to the religion of the Buddha (Dhamma), he emulated
ASoka and the title Dharmaraja might have been used by him in
imitation of the Indian emperor^. Against this, it may be stated that
the reign of Dutthagamani Abhaya has been dealt with in great detail
in the Mahavamsa^. It was, in fact, the aim of Mahanama, the author
1. William Skeen, Adam's Peak, Colombo 1870, p, 16.
2. Ceylon Journal of Science, Section G., Vol. II, pp. 99-100 and
pp. 114-115.
3. A. S. C. Annual Report for 1934, p. 21.
4. A, 5*. C. Aunual Report for 1911-12, p. 95.
5. For ASoka being styled Dharmaraja, see Divyavadana, p. 379,
6. Chapters XXII to XXXII.
SOME ASPECTS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 22S
of that chronicle, to glorify Dutthagam^^i and uphold him as a model
Buddhist king. If therefore, this monarch had the title of Dharma-raja
with a Buddhist significance, it is difficult to believe that the
chronicler would have omitted to mention a fact so significant for his
purpose.
In the case of A§oka, the title ‘Dhanna-raja, that he bore has but
one significance to a Buddhist. He earned it by his devotion to the
Dharma as taught by the Buddha. The character of Asoka and his
actions before he embraced Buddhism, which entitled him to an epithet
meaning the reverse of dliamma, are often painted in lurid colours, so
as to emphasise the transformation made in him by Buddhism^
According to these, A^oka was Dharmraja or Dharmasoka only after
he became a Buddhist. If a BuddhisV king of Ceylon, which derived
its religion through the missionary endeavours of Aioka, is found lo
have borne a name of Yama, it may not be fantastic to inquire into the
possibility that Asoka himself first adopted the title of Dharmraja, not
in his character as a patron of Buddhism, but in accordance with the
politico-religious beliefs which ascribed divinity lo kings.
Buddha himself is often referred to as Dharmaraja; but, in the
early period of Buddhism, no lay adherent would have assumed a title
which was considered appropriate to the Buddha. One can rule out
the possibility that ASoka was called Dharmaraja in order to identify
him with the Buddha, or for the same reason that the Buddha was
considered to deserve that epithet. If Aioka was Dharmaraja even
before he embraced Buddhism, the Buddhists could continue to use
that epithet in referring to him, but with a new significance. The early
Buddhist teachers often poured new wine into old bottles. Great
psychologists as they were, they understood the passionate attachment
which people have for words, and rarely tried to dethrone a word
which had established itself. Instead, they adopted it themselves and
gave it a new meaning. If ASoka was known as Dharmaraja before he
embraced Buddhism, the Buddhist propagandists could easily explain
it as due to his devotion to their own dhama. Asoka himself could
have adopted a line of action In conformity with such an interpretation
of the title if he had used it before he became a follower of
^akyamuni.
If Asoka's title of Dharmaraja denoted divine kingship, it follows
that-he^vas regarded as the counterpart of Yama on earth. In Further
India and Indonesia, when a king identified himself with a god, it was
indicated by a visible symbol of that god, a model ot the divine abode,
Mahameru or Kailasa, for instance. Yama, in popular belief, was
regarded as the deity superintending the punishment of evil-doers in
Hell; and, Jf a king wished to be taken as the counterpart of that deity
on Earth, it can best be driven home to his subjects by the exhibition
1. Mahavfimsa, Chap, V, v. 189.
226
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
of a miniature model of Hell. And we are told by Hieun Tsang that
ASoka* before he embraced Buddhism, did in fact possess a very
realistic representation of that place of punishment and torture.
Says Hiuen Tsiang: *‘At first, when Asoka ( Wu-yan)-raja as-
cended the throne, he exercised a most cruel tyranny ; he constituted a
hell for the purpose of torturing living creatures.’ He surrounded it
with high walls and with lofty towers. He placed there specially vast
furnaces of molten metal, shary scythes, and every kind of instrument
of torture like those in the infernal regions. He selected an impious
man whom he appointed lord of the hell. At first every criminal in
the empire, whatever his fault, was consigned to this place of calamity
and outrage; afterwards all those who passed by the place were seized
and destroyed. All who came to the place were killed without any
chance of self-defence^.’’
We need not follow the edifying story of the pious pilgrim in all
its details : how a mere novice of the Buddhist order escaped unhurt
from the fires of this hell, how the emperor came to the scene to
witness this miracle, how the keeper wished to make the emperor
himself taste the fires of his hell, how the emperor turned the tables
on the keeper and how, after this incident, the institution itself was
abolished. Rut the story can be interpreted as having taken its origin
from the memories of a model of Hell exhibited by Asoka to justify
his claim to be the counterpart of Yama, if he did in fact, make that
claim. The Buddhists wouid naturally have taken these stories to
Illustrate the unregenerale character of A^oka in those days before the
dhamma had influenced him.
If the purpose of Asoka’s Hell is such as we have conjectured,
that institution appears to have been honoured by being referred to in
his Edicts. In Rock Edict No. IV, we read: '‘But now, in consequence
of the practice of morality on the part of king Devanampriya Priya-
dariin, the sound of drums has become the sound of morality, showing
the people representations of aerial chariots, representations of
elephants, masses of fire and other divine figures2.’' The exact signi-
ficance of the ‘‘masses of fire’’ (agi-khatiidhani) has been the subject
of much discussion among scholars^. The general purport of the edict
is to recount the measures by which Asoka promoted the practice of
rf/mmwa among his subjects. A very effective method of doing this
1. Samuel Beal, Buddhist Records of the Western World, VoU II,
p. 86.
2. Hultzsch, Inscriptions of A^oka, p. 7.
3. References to the views of various scholars on this point are
given by HuUzsch, op, cit, p. 7. f, n. 7.
SOMB ASPECTS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 227
would be by vividly bringing home to the people, the sufferings in hell
to which, according to every religion, evil-doers are consigned after
death. The word agi-khamdhani may very well be a reference to what
Hieun Tsiang calls ‘vast furnaces of molten metal’. Even today,
painted representations of Hell, with flames of fire as their chief
characteristic, are found in old Buddhist temples in Ceylon, and are
designed to serve the purpose which was dear to Anoka’s heart: co
make people desist from sin. In popular belief, Yama is the overlord
of Hell, and the purpose for which that god maintains this very
necessary institution is the same as that of A5oka. If A§oka at first
was considered to be the counterpart of Yama on Earth, the Ctiinese
pilgrim’s account of his Hell is probably a popular parody of an insti-
tution based on certain politico-religious conceptions, while Anoka’s
reference to the “masses of fire” in his own edicts is that monarch’s
interpretation of it in conformity with the doctrines of the faith that
he had embraced later in life.
In the extract from Asoka’s fourth Rock Edict we have given
above, the word translated by Hultzsch as ‘aerial chariots’ is vhnana
(SkUvimana), This may also mean celestial mansions, for the gods
move about in their own mansions. The divine mansion is also the
divine chariot. Yama, while consigning evil-doers to the tortures of
hell, rewards virtuous men by admitting them to heavenly abodes. He
is a righteous judge and, if he has to condemn some people to a state
of suffering, the fault is theirs and not his Asoka’s claim that he
had representations made of celestial mansions in addition* to masses
of fire would thus be in keeping with the conjecture that he was taken
to be the counterpart of Yama. In discussing the significance of the
representations of elephants referred to in the above extract, Hultzsch
has pointed out that celestial elephants are the usual vehicles of the
Lokapalas. Yama was a Lokapala and, if A5oka was Yama on Earth,
the representation of elephants must be as the vehicle of that god.
The occurrence of a figure of an elephant below some of the Asokan
edicts assumes a new significance in this light. Che edicts engraved
on the rock above the figure of the elephant have the sanenon of
Dharmaraja (Yama) in heaven as well as Dharmaraja on Earth.
If A^oka used the title Dharmaraja with such a significance as
explained above, he had ancient tradition to support him. In every age
and clime, it was customary for kings to model themselves on the
heroes of anquity ; this was particularly so in India. And, in adopting
the title ‘Dharma-raja*, ASoka seems to have followed Yudhisthira,
the eldest of the Papdavas, the heroes of the Mahabharata^. * Dharmi-
1. This epic may not have existed in its present form in the
time of Aioka; but it is not impossible that the kernel of the epic
is as old as, or older than 3rd century B. C. At any rate, the story of
the Pandavas and Kauravas must have been current in India in Asoka’s
age or even earlier.
228
16tK ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
raja ' is one of the commonest epithets by which Yudhisthira is referred
lo in the epic. The title is appropriate to him because he was the
embodiment of Dharma, i. e, Yama. That deity was believed to have
been the actual father of Yudhisthira and, in conformity with this
belief, the hero is represented in the epic as always upholding Dharma
in actions. The kings assembled for the Rajasiiya sacrifice proclaim
that it was Yudhisthira’s championing of Dharma which makes them
acknowledge him as their suzeraini. Like Yama, Yudhisthira was
believed lo possess the faculty of slaying by sight. After the valliant
Bhisma was slain, Krsna, in congratulating Yudhisthira, says:
having encountered thee, slayer with the eye, he was burnt with your
tear-some eye*' 2 . Buddhaghosa, in the Suttanipata commentary, tells us
that the weapon of Yama is his own eye, and that Yama kills by a
glance with the eye^.
Bimbisara, the Magadha king who was the contemporary of the
Buddha is described in the DlgJia Nikaya^ as dhamikam dhammarajan.
The old commentators and modern translators have apparently
attached no greater significance to this expression than that it refers to
Bimbisara as a just ruler, for it has not been the subject of comment
If the expression meant no more than this one of the two words,
dhamikam or dhammarajanam would have sufficed. It is not impossible
that the Digha Nik ay a refers to a title borne by the kings of the
SiSunaga dynasty. If so, the use of the title Dharmaraja was not an
innovation by ASoka, but a continuation, or a revival, of a practice of
Magadha kings before him. The influence of the Mahabharata on the
names and titles of Magadha kings is not confined to the ' Dharmaraja*.
' Ajatastitru*, the name of Bimbisara*s son and successor, was also a
well-known epithet of Yudhisthira. The title Dharma-maha-raja was
borne by some of the dynasties of South India, for example the
KadambasS.
In my essay referred to at the beginning of this paper, the evidence
has been marshalled for the thesis that a king of Ceylon proclaimed
himself to be the embodiment of a god who is the symbol of Wealth
(artha) and, in the foregoing paragraphs, have been collected evidence
1. MWl 11,34, 12ff.
2. Tvam tu caksurhanam prapya dagdho ghorena caksusa Mbh.,
VI, 115.
3. Paramathajotika ; P. T. S. Edition, p. 225.
4. P,. T. S, Edition, Vol. p. 86.
5. G. M. Moraes, The Kadamba-kula, p. 31.
SOME ASPECTS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 22?
for the view that kings (in Ceylon as well as India) were sometimes
taken as the embodiment of Justice (Dharraa)% In the Maha-
bharata, there are certain passages from which the conflict between the
Kauravas and the Patjdavas — the main theme of the epic can be
interpreted as a conflict between the two principles of Dharma and
Artha. We have already dwelt on the topic of the Paridavas, headed by
Yudhis^hira, standing for Dharma. The general impression to be
gathered from the epic is that the Kauravas, the opponents of the
Pandavas, stood for the negation of Dharma and not a defensible
principle of statecraft like Artha. But we must remember that the epic,
at least as it is now, takes the side of the Papdavas.
There are, however, passages of the epic in which the connection
of Artha with the Kauravas is referred to in a manner not deprecatory.
In a council of war, Karna refers to Duryodhana, the leader of the
Kauravas, as the Arthapati, saying that other people do not comprehend
affairs so well as one to whom that title is applicablei. ‘ Arthapati ’
may be rendered as ‘ Lord of Wealth ’ and it is interesting to note that
the title ‘ Vat-himi ’, by which kings are referred to in Sinhalese
inscriptions of the ninth and tenth centuries, can be interpreted to give
the same meaning^. Bhisma, explaining why he fought on the side of
the Kauravas, though he was not convinced of the justness of their
cause, says “ Man is a .slave of Artha (Wealth); Artha is not the
slave of any one. This is the truth, O great king; I have been bound
with Artha by the Kauravas’’^. Identical words are put in the mouth
of Drona as well as of Kipa**. Duryodhana, in winning over the people
to his side, was liberal with artha and mana^. In the sacrifice per-
formed by Duryodhana. as a prelude to his assumption of the imperial
dignity, the central ritual was the ploughing of the sacrificial ground
with a golden plough®. The title ‘Arthapati’ by which Duryodhana
1. Yatha carlhapatih kxtyam pasyate na tathctarah, Mbh. (N), II
2. /. R, A. S., C. B., Centenary Volume, p. 159f.
3. Arthasya puruso daso dasastvartho na kasya cit, Etat satyatk
mahara/d baddhosmy arthena Kauravaih. (Mbh. VI, 41, 36).
4. Af&A., VI, 41, 51 and VI, 41, .SI, 66.
5. I, 130, 6.
6. Mbh., Ill, 243, Iff. It is interesting to compare this with the
account in the Mo’t5ya»fo.ra (Chapter X vv. 1.58ff) and the Mahabodhi-
vamsa (P. r.S. Edition, p. 134) of Devanampiya Tissa, the first
Buddhist king of Ceylon, ploughing, with a golden plough, the
consecrated boundary of ancient Anuradhapu ra. ’
230 16 th alL'Inoia obibntal conference
is referred to, is also a name of Kuvera ; but the epic, so far as I am
aware, nowhere states, or even suggests, that the leader of the
Kauravaswas an embodiment of that deity. Duryodhaua is repre-
sented as the embodiment of Kali, the Spirit of Evil. The opponent of
DharmarSja cannot, obviously, from the point of view of the epic* be
•connected with a deity like Kuvera who, in the heroic age, was the peer
■of Yama. But the probability that a Ceylon king of the fifth century
identified himself with Kuvera can be taken as evidence that, in ancient
India, rulers who stood for Ariha were taken as embodiments of
Kuvera, just as those who stood for Dharma were considered to be
counterparts of Yama. The Kajadharma section of the ^Unlipai^'mx
of the Mahabharata (Chap. 68, vv. 46-47) also supports this
inference.
The Nandas, who preceded the Mauryas in the sovereignty of
Magadha, also appear to have laid emphasis on the Anha aspect of
state-craft. The commentary of the Mahavamsa contains an elaborate
account of a hoard of gold deposited in the Ganges by the founder of
the dynasty!. This is paralleled by the statement in the later chronicle
thatKassapa, having built a palace on the summit of Sigiri rock made
deposits of wealth thereon2. The purpose in both cases seems to be
the imitation of Kuvera, who is fabled to possess nine inexhaustible
hoards (nidhi) of wealth. The names of some of the members of
the Nanda dynasty are suggestive. One was Dhana-Nanda, another
I)ore the name of one of Kuvera’s treasure hoards-Mahapadma.
Under the rule of the Nandas, the power of Magadha greatly
expanded, for It IS to avoid a conflict with the forces of the Nandas
that the cohorts of Alexander the Macedonian refused to advance
beyond the Land of the Five Rivers. It is, therefore, easy to imacrine
that, in order to build up such a power, the Nandas paid more attention
to material than to spiritual affairs, thus incurring the displeasure of
Brahmanas as well as the Buddhists, who stood for Dharma The
accounts which represent the Nandas as embodiments of rapacity and
greed should therefore be treated with reserve, very much like the
caricatures of modern politicals drawn by their opponents. The same
applies to the delineation of the character of the Kauravas in the
Mahabharata and of Kassapa in the Cu/ozmwjo. The manifestations
of certain politico-religious conceptions* have been parodied by those
who regarded Dharma as the essential of state-craft to the disadvan-
tage of those who emphasised Artha.
1, Vafhsatthappakasini, P. T. S. Edition, pp. 179-180.
2. Culavathsa, edited by Geiger, Chap. 39, v. 4.
Sathharitva dhanaih tattha nidahitva sugopitath.
SOME ASPECIS OF DIVINITY OF KING IN ANCIENT INDIA AND CEYLON 23l
But political theorists gave Artha its due place in the scheme of
things; and, in the doctrine of the divinity of the Jcing, Artha had its
place by the side of Dharma. The Rajadhrma of the Mahabharata,
after giving an account of the primeval ruler, raises the pertinent
question why the king, who does not excel other men in his physical
and mental faculties, is entitled to implicit obedience from them. The
<(uestion is then answered from the mythological standpoint; “And
that time, a golden lotus arose from the forehead of Vispu, wherein
was born Goddess ^ri, the consort of wise Dharma. " Of 5ri by
(union with) Dharma, O Panda va, was born Artha. Therefore, in
Kingship are established Dharma as well as Artha and £rli'' Inci-
dentally, this passage from the Mahabharata explains why the Sinha-
lese kings in their charters, from the fifteenth century up to the
downfall of the monarchy in 1815, affix the syllable irt as the sign-
manual. “
These two concepts of Artha and Dharma are in fact the two
pillars on which the edifice of the state was raised in ancient India and
Ceylon. It is a commonplace in the Sinhalese Jataka to state that the
councillors advised the king on affairs of Artha and Dharma2 In
modern political parlance, Artha may be translated as ‘Welfare’
Everything that pertains to the material welfare of human beings
finance, trade, agriculture, etc. can be included under this head Under
Dharma is included Justice, Law, Religion-in short everything neces-
sary for the spiritual well-being of a community. In a well organised
state, the one is as necessary as the other. Injury to the one Results
injury to the other, too. Sometimes, it is difficult to determine whether
a particular matter has to be included in the one or the other For
example, providing for the sick and the comfort of travellers, which
ASoka busied himself with, may come under Dharma as well as
Artha.
There would, however, have been occasions on which one of these
aspects was comparatively neglected so that men’s attention was drawn
to its necessity. A ruler who directs his policy towards one of these
aspects which had been neglected would naturally receive the support
of his subjects. But too much emphasis on one aspect, would make a
1 . V isnor laldt at kamalam sauvarnam abhavat tada, irlh sambhuta
yato Devi patni Dharmasya dhimata}^-, iriyah sakaSad ArthaS ca 'iato
Dharmena Pandava, Atha Dharmas tathaiv arthah irU ca rkive
pratkthita. Mbh. XII, 59, vv. 132-134. ‘
2. For example see Patisiya-panas-fataka, op. cit., p. 1569. It is
interesting to note that while the Sinhalese version has arthayen dhar-
mayen anuSasana karana, the Pali text contains dhammanusasaka It
becomes apparent from this that while, to the early Buddhists, politics
constituted Dharma alone, later Buddhist writers were forced ta
concede a place to Artha as well.
232
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
ruler unpopular. Dharma, however admirable in theory, if exclusively
pursued, would result not in benefit to the community as a whole, but*
to those who claim the monopoly of its interpretation. Artha, if
pursued to the exclusion of Dharma, would lead to consequences even
more deplorable. After ASoka had espoused Dharma, it was rarely
that a king had the courage to make a stand for Artha. The bad odour
which Artha acquired in course of time is symbolised by the iconogra-
phical development of Kuvera who, having been quite a presentable
deity in the early centuries of the present era, became deformed of
body in mediaeval times. It is the tragedy of history that the rulers of
the world have rarely succeeded in maintaining an even balance bet-
ween Artha and Dharma.
(29) New Reading o ' the Inscription on Sculpture No. J. 20
IN the Provincial Museum, Lucknow
by
K. D. BaJPAI, M.A.,
Curator y Provincial Museum, Lucknow,
The fragmentary sculpture No. J. 20 exhibited in the Jaina
gallery of the Provincial Museum, Lucknow, is one of the most
important inscribed pieces discovered by Flihrer while excavating the
famous Kahkali Tila of Mathura in the year 1890-91. This fragment
is the left-hand portion of the pedestal of a Jaina Tirthahkara image.
In the centre is the triratna symbol surmounted by the Wheel of Law.
To its left four female worslfippers are shown-three holding garlands
and the fourth, a girl, with folded hands. On the right side of the
dharmacakra is the mutilated figure of a Jaina ascetic. The end of
the base is, as usual, occupied by a couchanl lion figure.
The pedestal is inscribed in the Brahmi characters of the Kusana
period and consists of three lines. Buhler, Flihrer and Smith read it
as follows : —
L'. 1 ?T. ^
?rretr?ri ®
L’. 2 ’SR ( ’srt’T ) w srfttii ( *n )
L’. 3 ^ fsij
1. Smith reads it as n {Jaina Stupa, p. 12, Vol. VI).
2. Buhler reads as
3. Buhler reads here [ ]
4. Buhler reads it as [E, P- Ind. II, p. 204, No. XX].
5. Smith reads it as u.
234
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
That is, “in the, year 79, the fourth (month of the) rainy season,,
the twentieth day, on that (date specified as) above, Aya-Vridhahasti,
a preacher in the Kottiya gana (and) in the Vaira §akha, gave the
advice to make an image of the Arhat Avarta (Nandyavarta).,..the
image, the gift of the female lay disciple Dina (Datta), wife of
was set up at the Vodva Stupa, built by the godsA.“
Thus according to the above reading the image installed was that of
Aranatha, the 18th Jaina Tirthahkara. Fuhrer has translated the
relevant portion of the second line as ‘the Arhat whose mark is the
Nandyavarta symbol, that is to say, Aranatha, the 18th Tirthahkara^.’
But a close eKamination of the original shows that the name
or is not correct and it should be
My reading of the second line is : —
_By accepting this new reading the image installed at the instance
of Arya Vriddhahastin was that of Muni Suvrata or Suvratanatha,
the 20th Jaina Tirthafikara, and not that of Aranatha.
♦
The year 79 undoubtedly refers to the ^aka era and the image was
accordingly made in the year 157 A. D. when Vasudeva, the Kusana
king was ruling at Mathura.
The inscription may have begun with the words-*
etc., and may have ended with the words
or in the third line, as has been found in similar inscriptions from
the Kankali Tila,
The inscription is significant as it refers to the old Stupa at
Kankali Tila, which has been referred to in the Jain literature such as
the Tirthakal pa of JinapabhS Suri^ and which was regarded in the
second cent. A. D. as a Stupa built not by men but by gods. Vincent
Smith has gone so far as to conjecture that “this Stupa is the oldest
known building in Indial**
1. BUhler Opcit.
2. See Further Progress Report of the Lucknow Museum, 1891,
p. 16.
3. See BUhler, A legend of the Jania Stupa at Mathura,
4. Smith, Opcit, p. 13.
(30) An Interesting Terracotta Seal
IN THE Bikaner Museum
by
Satya Prakash, m.a.
The seal under review was found at Dhalia near Hanumangadh in
Hanumangadh Tehsil of the Bikaner-Unit of Rajasthan. It was in
the year 1917 A. D. that Dr. Tessitori, while making an archaeological
survey of the Bikaner State area, found in the above village a number
of clay pots such as jug, Lota with spout and one okhali. Along-
with these pots was also found the above terracotta seal, which is
interesting in many respects as we shall presently see.
The clay pots under review reflect in them a level of culture that
roughly corresponds to a period from the 2nd Century to the 5th
Century A. D. The seal also appears to be of the 5th century A. D. for
the inscrption found on it., is in Brahmi character of the Gupta period
and refers to an important administrative office in it. But before I dis-
cuss the significance of this office in the Gupta period, I deal with the
particulars of this seal. The seal is 1^" in diameter and gives place
to a legend which runs as : —
9ft
It is difficult to interpret the first portion of the inscription i. e.
Sri Samaka jika, which apparently appears to be a name but is a peculiar
name and may mean a place, where the office of the Kumaramatya
was situated.
The straight line, dividing the inscription and the wheel-like
symbol used on it, appears to be very significant. It appears that this
symbol of wheel was the official seal of the period and that is why it
was so adopted on terracotta seals also.
The wheel symbol has so far been taken to be a Bfiddhist Symbol
and it was supposed to be connected only with ASoka, who, being a
Buddhist in faith, adopted Hinayana symbols in arc and other objects.
The existence of this symbol on terracotta seals like this in the Gupta
AN INTERESTING TERRACOTTA SEAL IN THE BIKANER MUSEUM 237
period is curious application and presents a problem for scholars to
ponder over and give their judgment* on this iss’uc. It may either be
taken as a Vaishnavite Symbol and may mean to be the ‘chakra’ of Lord
Visnu.
A word may be said here about the office referred to in the seal.
This office figures so prominently in no other administration than that
of the Guptas in both seals and inscriptions of the time. The word
Kumaramatya has been explained in several ways by historians. Some
say that it meant a minister attached to the prince of the royal blood,
who was appointed either as an heir apparent or a Viceroy. But this
interpretation is not acceptable to Scholars on the plea that Harisena,
foreign Minister of Samudra Gupta and ^ikharasvamin and Prthvi
Sena (Minister to Candra-Gupta II and Kumaragupta) were also
called Kumaramatyas and were Ministers serving directly under
emperors and not under any Crown prince.
Again, Kumaramatyas are also referred to as district officer’s and
sometimes as subordinates to even Mahadandanayakas, who appear tO'
have been occupying a status higher than that of the Kumaramatya,
for Prthvi Sena Kumaramatya is referred to the E. 1. X (52) as
having been promoted to it after some approved service. Dr.
Altekar appears to be right in his inference when he says that Kumara-
matya, to a great extent, resembled the modern I. C. S. officers, who,
sometimes, work in the district, sometimes in the provincial or the
central secretariat and sometimes as a member of the Government it-
self. Higher posts of Ministers and Generals were also filled in by
promotion from their cadre.
238
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
GUPTA SEAL
5th Century A. D.
Legend—^
X — Indian Linguistics Section.
(31) I
% 5TTJI I ^ ’T»i!^i!rr4 ^ <T?il«ra^?rr: i srrw
'Tft’TR'^ JBJi: I ^ wtjfsrgsiT
?BT^ «i?Tf?Tcrg5rt; i q »?sBTsfw
qf^i 5r>% m srgaiT: ^g'^qsrvf^r; i
?i5r %siTf»T *rfga3!TJTf«T5l^5T I ff Jfrs^jniln: i w^’tr
%%ii Irnsjia?i 5 = gsq5tft«i?i: <i«rkg'g5!TJii ^nroinftn: i
fwsrlsr irg; f»T?tTs;?^>f« ^rfjTTf^
A A
f^TTf^ ^»T^ 5 T 'Srwtf^T m3W^?l% ( \ I ^ITW ^<n-
!?5nf^f5td’»: %?f<T sriTTfvr?«i^§wi^ f*uf^f»Tf?f?r fgRTl?fiT: I qF? %?i^
Hf^gfiTiri 5?jTfT5n?T??i?ctt?nfg?tq??i^ HT*rfs^5!T^?i%iT i qf^
'E^'liTOTSTT H JT^?:?a^sg5ri»T?r^5wRRrfwar ?«it?i; i jt iR«rl
?TT’^g?ini«f snw, ^
fiTfri I ^5TT^i:?^aT??TJrf^^ *p!rfiB?Trf^^rff:WlsfiTf«rF??ia: i
^rwt’^ts^giimttJ^nfrT F=^a?: ^ armf^r ^
^S{?T> 1 «n?g T«T^ i «i;
351 : ^«r ?niF?r 5tqx^ H wF^FTfa 1 ^:rg 4t5sriq; g^^gr^sa-
:irf}i!: ^ grsftfg m i^fh grfW5r:g?r 1 Rat sRTftRsroi^sftjR^ atgFar g?*r
*Tafltt I mR«J Rrs^fVt^atTRmTtsTfRTwfWsr gftgg} jrarhft wnaar
vrT«R> 5 pf?{Rrts*Tff^:R^ ws^f^R ^ Fsff V argf^ 1
tjfTaaiTRR^ fRi^ni r: R^^RTaw^: a? ara^T api^R fiRtRjgts
^ fRi^>SRRTR FrFSp&r RgtFTaatag; Rarfamnig: | gmarR^g 5 Rggr-
RtRR SRRRT i %'t «rr^)tir«?>s?Rft»^RatrmtR-
fiidRiir gr ugsp;— «rw r RTfi#*ra^ ( rco idr^r ), rrr «r
240
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
( iiiw I 1?,^ ^
( SRO ^i:{sn ) 'q«n I ?r»rr
51 mftre: JT^hi: I H'jmr l ( t|f o ), 5f«r^
^^TTT (^0 ), 35jf% ^fsi^gH?rnj; ( ?Ko ) I,
il^tmfsqr ^ffl «TrT^H> 5T^ U l^q i!i I ?ra«Tf^^-
*T 1hl» ) I 5T 5T
I ?TOTr?«rafni ?i*nTnTTf»Trf^,
SI ff5i??ft^ *n^, rIW?W^S«Ri^H I Tl f^^5ITt|5T<f!T5q9<T5lhTm
wsini; t 5r)%ftr %# i nsrsir i ^n^jufiife T^a'Tiihi: 'i^ci
^jRswTTf^ftr: I sffsmPr 3 T 1 iranf^vuT^Rfri * 135 ^,
^i^^ I ifsiT jr?i>n:-w<mT:r5t iTfrsjjir: wignscnr^ »i^?it: ( ^lo ^1
v'J'io ) I f%53F 5^1 trsi^ I 3 tt
5iTsr^ «Tfa7^:iNQT Ji33?ra i iram 1 m f^«n«r ?i 1 Wt srmf^iHRrgrr
( TTo «iinr 4 r ) i wjnrfsi^ ir^simg 'TWHsiVrmsr^'^^ 1 3^1
^i^sTpaRn srTtsit «nj^ ?TC* 1 trerm l #
si^ [ STT# TRU^fci i^sinig »i8!r53 i
^rf^T :frsi[T f'9f^^<wiiTi|ir initsm^iTif^ii ^rtarH 1 ir*iT
n STTT^ nsihr: — «T 9 T^Fsr ^irrf^sr >3 wi fwzfqsi 3^: | # e':|t sftfW
^^51 iTfTiiTsn II ( vi?5ft^qwf% R^no-11 ) i sifsifiifH 5«ntJ!n*f-
nfirwAT ^iimrfsTw^ftr sr^fk 1 ^rwsmt if irn>iTt 1 ssnsr
^ ^ Jif^snfe — ’sri^ sftftwTiwrsqT: nlsr^ si^fsn 1 h?!
5rtg«T fswsvni 1
fffa^iniTsiTssifq %^f<i sr^jpisaq^: ?it«T*f?it sii^
nr sBwt 1 «r5T qwH 1 H«n ^w-
tw ^s^icsqs^ — ^Rfiisfti^igf^grags^imtsisi ?f?i 1 ^srasq:
qrftirsft^ ftwiftw: 1 jjO^Rqnff fsif^: 1 jjf^srfji 1 ^ ,^ 4 .
qrs^si wf! sTspi^ aqi ^si qwtisrPi 5iq% 1 ^fesi* 44t5if5i«q«f5r^ 1 sisimf-
5?iT qvmfq srsi' ?r«nswrf»T 1 4f3RreTq«i%s»ii^
slirqjT jwhrts^fqfh 1 q^siH^iTfswrnr n^v ^Jwrsq:
%5Rr>svnfTfT?5ffTf^ ?iqv srf^^sftivrip^ \ ^4 ^snssf^^i sw^iliir ?mwf?i
m fflrt%ftrf%??r ftsm 5T«r% 1 a*!! «ft?T*rT5i% ( 4fH:»i^c; ) arqhi; —
^ *i*itnwwn rq ei5i ii n^nsf^ I ^ ^rsi ^esq: i sr
■ ^ fesr^qi g fftr w: I wnsiR sisi> s^^^qnrPr swsf 1 5fmsr»q-
X — INDIAN LINGUISTICS SECTION
241
nilf^ WTS^JTWTIf I ?r»IT %^jft5^STi: f^flT-
%«?r l5??I5?rf«TT# s^IWfTf?* f^^Jff'TfVflTnT I
m^: ?iTHT5qwrf%5Tr ?r»T sr^sp: f^dw«f 'T«f-
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55^sTJnT*r% I ?T»n^«Tn^ait wr^JrH: sr*r>iT:-’»Tf?t«f f? ^s?tr:
^ftTnif»T«fl?T^ ( TTo ^l^ciR ) I
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I ?t«ir n5?Tr?3: 5T*T?mTiT j[f?r ^wrsiT-
I «Tr^m?rr?*i^sT ^Tgrq’r^^TwsT gW
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»T*thn I
f?r«ra sr^f^ jrmf5r«T?im'»*RrT?Tf>ir^«T
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242 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
I wTf fHnfurJTT^rO i w‘
w5rqt?T?ra?rni^5rTt^w i
fspisB’l: I ^ TOTHTir^r f fh »iJVTre?rrwsfr5#
Hi5«r»?iT*i wnT!iT4«r «fsr§wffp?T, f«r«^ f? ipnfT i
»iT^*r ?Trf?if: jt am f^ws^r^ sr ^r grr^i irfnrn^T^,
am ?TJTranTmaratqsnsa?> ^srafa, a « ?»1iinrT-
f^a sif a^ a^a: i aa ^ a aagfSmwraafaar: aamnarifa^^t
aafagafhr: i aaiaraiam a*, affa: a^iai a'>a^ aa>a% ar a ?aT?^ i ^a
«?fa ar^aaaaaifaaaif aafa^a’hatfh ftieaaa a^ormaaf^f aaiw-
ara:, aaiaa? amaala faaa a faa aaaara: i
a? ■ asa^a awra;jfa fa^ asa'leaamf afasR^ aaTar*f% qfs^ i
sea af^aifa i ata af^«aia'^?aa ^fa^ta'iafaaf^ § ^aa' arara i aa aca
aaiafar’ aar^asa f gafVfaf^aaaa^ i a?afafa aiaaiarwiT a?ar-
aara; i ^fa aif?: ai^aa; i a>ifa ag^a: aa aaf af^gj^ i aaraffar I
^T agaaffar ag^ai ^ftalaaisi^ ( ) «aaf^ 5fa f^^aaritmT
afa«a?;— araaaa*aai?a:iaa: I aif%5paa'aat?a a^afafa i a^fas'^^ara'^
g aaia’aiT^ia^aat i aara'fsarf^ia asafa^N a'JaTa i
aa: aaiar %5aa?ar aata'^faas^l aahiaaal agaaiatl i
aiff?^ 5 at^g aa sraspl sa^ aafaar raf?a^ i aar a tfiTa'la>a-
faaf?[sra>i: — a?ara«aataai g^aa't ^faaaf^ ^a> aw^fa(^m$^)
«fl?iaTa^’:a'^aa a^a>n> fWka^ I aaai i aafi^argai aif^a?a^-
a:?a aa§ ( ) I aa ?Ta: alalfstar, aa>
srftrf^?fa aatf^^faarf | asaa a aara:^ a aT»ai aaa^ ^f^a'aiaa
aaa^ aa ( ) 5 ?aa aasarira Wa^^^—atf^^atTaarfa:, aia:
aa^iaaaTfaf^fa I ara^a?: saraara' aarargaa arsgaa %% ar? hrt a||n I
aga%aTaTa’:^aa'): anra^^'ar wg^^agrva^ I aaar | ^fsfarfvir ma:
fa»faig: sar: a:q^g ( i«« ) ffa i aa sftaa: aaif^^a aa: I
aaif^aai a'^f%fafa fa^^asaiaaiaa; I aaa aza ffa a I
aar aaa^atg arfa aafa^afi^ ^ssaarfafti aa sftaa
aaTflSlf5Sa?aifa^aj5:aa^fa gf.afr aaalfa fi!a?[a aa aasr irftiaFa: »
a[aaa «a: waif^aw aa?aT^ra»harTfti??p>st%fiB?iEa affirr-
a^isT aaT^^ i
X — INDIAN LINGUISTICS SECTION
245
sTT^^ir I er^rr?^ Wir!T*r)n*.
?r«Tr ^ sftTrjn«i^ ira^n: — q'rmr<?Vsqr^5(^ «it ttst^ (^h^l^»)
fr?r TTJTBtw^rT ?n^5ni?i?r: |
^srri?^s?j|«Ti^^q'a fsrij^sriT^^: I fqrs^ ^rftr Jra^r?!
f^?riTr^^t'T5^rfVT'srr^’ ’TR’fr^ ^ffT I ’Tfffr?: I
fsTis^sf^friirsirsTf ?>niTi!rmr<T'arr^PfTftT =5 ^'jrfcif*!: I
ffl’wisi? f«s-
si?r>jir: sTJTTiirnl H»-Tr sr^^ir; —
^r5^<iT ^ *iTT?r ( 1 1 o|^o ) 1 '3r'*i?T'r«T ^rs^i-
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finiTT«t^ I Htfsr I T?f : wlf: ?T5rCT%nrt?r I
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?I959 *1919, 9^9^ ^f^Tf9 | 95=^^9 t'^TT 9599^91
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9TJT9?)9I9F9 %%^ 9X9 9> %98fnS: I 9r«9't9r9% ( IS «o 9% )
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244
16t1I ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
wftr I »to
f*T# ««T ?T*Trsim^ifsr mwifsT »Tf?qsfrf i fg^-
5yT?'®ra I jrat ^ sn^igt*:: —
I vr%r??T5i ^renrm: ?reir jt?i: u i fiT^5T^^f?m>SP
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sqfP^ I n <3 ^^*T?«T fqHn\T«r
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qfiq* qr \ qqr q q^qi qqtn: — qqq^nui qPqaia^rqrq^ ^fq fqif
(iiio), qfqq^m ?q1 («|q«) I qq?qqrrqfqfq q I qqiq qqiqrfq
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qf^q f?pf!Rr«qq ( iqq i ) ffq i
q^fqqxq^fapiO qrqpfqqqgqftif^fq qqtqqqqi: y qq qq-
qfq??q ^qlqiqqiqqg ^rq^q «qfq?q:— q^f qtq f If^^qq^qFqqrqgnfqfq : I
^BTqfqqqqTqqfqt q^qq^q^r: II I qiT^ qifJ'qqq'fur
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^qo^ I qqr qiq^ff^^iqri fq^*?rtq¥r?c?q q^« <?qf^«q?fm i
qqq^^fq^qg^rqqfH q^^rqjqq: — qrq qrr5qfq ^qqTffis;; i ^q
q^^^qrai?q»^ i qrf^R-. q?qi i qqqiq qiqqrs^iq qfp:
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qqtqq «qTqqiq: i ^?qf qq*«P>sqs ffh (CTqqrqrfW i qmrf^) ftf rar-
qqq'tfe i
qsjq q?w q fWrqrfVr^ ^f^I 5gwqi cqq^^ I qqr q qqqtS: —
X — INDIAN LINGUISTICS SECTION
245
I i sft nwnr#sa*i>:?if!nThii^ : i
?T?r«iT I aathqm jtf ^rwiT^tm i ^ i^ftnsip
fa gr a»4 >iy- — as^suq^ i 3 m I ^
f I am f^ a 5 aa a^a 1 anasgmrsq’sa
fasTiia mat a)aa^ ^ a a aiasaiatlai 1 a^ftra't ainT5=f%?aaa^fa
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?T^i?a<ar>^a^ a 5 a?^alf^ ^ftfa^prai aiTsaafTfrarata; 1 aa t^atar; wsa
f^a aai5 — a?aa ^aamTatfrfa 1
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afaata^ar^^ aaraTa% ^fa afaa^aaar^?^ 1 Tiara# aia^ — anparfa
a faaifar %^TT?ar jaifa %fa a?a& I aaig; % aTfijaaTa ^aaia; •
aaataiaiafafa fa^qs^T: 1 aiiaafitaaawir'aT'j^aaW^ataiaTa fWtaa^ 1
aaat 1 ajpl: amfwa %?jTaa faqj^Taam (u^n^) ^fa \
a: ax^r^aafafa arTaiar aaraia^ 5a 1 aa:f^ fa#a;
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55*?aa^ ^aa #^a areara: t ^afa TtF^atiaaah'ara^ 1 aiiaa;aifaart?&
(anii^) ?ra aa ‘aiffa faa, ^^a't ^iTafa aiaafa a?g^gT#
aaalaa^: \ f^aia ^Fa g aa sasirai aratiarai a^aa'ha^a* • aai
%a^: ^aaaaai aaia# aa>a: — f^FaaaFT^aif# ®aaaaa aa
(qiqqi«q) aa FaarFaa Tiagarl^'^fg'araFaaraa aTaa^^ 1
aFTaaa TtaaFaFa Tia^ai f^ftr; 1
FryaTja?^ aaias# afaaa^ 1 aai a aigara: ga tjsa ^Fa 1 ag-
atspiai agaf^aiai § FaaiaspaaT aga^^ i a^ia aiFaaa aaa; ipa
aaaai^ 1 aa Pryat Faawia^arFaara't 1 Tja«>sf^aiaa>aT-
Faaia^ f f^^aaif^arWa 1
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#^Ta I aif^ ^f^iaFai ^FaaiaxaiFaaai^aBBTTaT^maTaTrTpTa ^fa
aaM 1 aa fTwai: qTanaiararaiaa: 1 a^Taf^r 1
ai^ai argaaPaar: Pfi«ar a^Fa arraaraa^^ a'^w^as; 1
giatPr: aa?> fa ff^ faaiaTwaT; i giarftfaN^ maa> fVw^ a
a^Pr; 1 ^aiaa^wrW^f: « aatfTalfa^faT'':gaanf faa# %aar a af^aa
24$ 16th alwndia oriental conference
HT sr i jftr<r«^ViTt>?T5n qrT?<?T
i sftftrsrfiT wtwisirhH ffh !
ifwW^ ‘h srfin3i> h (sii«c;i«)
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rftf?r H>^ur f^T5i; i »ftH^rf^5rra??iH«Tnrn i
5W5rT«T!TmTF?: *nf?I?frt^JTr?r»^ l sTlfrrf^^^
^ 'ariCTfftii«i?^^ I 9 ?Tiii^ sirrem | Jjp
I srm f<f TTw^mPiTJfH: 5^5RT5frTff^;
fUTn I sRif^girsr*^: i 'nrser i? ' f* ? mf*r h>t-
l TTJT># Hr5?«Tr »T^rH I
tw?rs^> 'T«rfii f fn fim 'hi*tt: — I w fisie-
fWftr \ f%m5R*TT^ § ^^?i*r>5«rr^rJTn i ?ra ?Tr5«TTriT?tiTffrit?itJT-
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f»ww>?nT 5T JiT^ gHf> f^?hi:i ?rft?r ^ w ?M H f^^?ff!r»rji: i
'«»% ^^rsff ?rT^?4>Trfr^ fsri^'jrHnr ?T«T^sT>T^^«rm f'5«rJ«*iT
grT«iTH«rh«Tf^r<wnrs=f»^T^^ ?rr?’5^«ir 7?m i H^rf z'l^T^rrc’HSB'nftir: —
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«if4r I ^ i Htr«ri \ <;r:TtT^
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\ iR'tw ^ gurrftn^ifWa («;^i^i) i H?r ^^4 ?Tf?*rrjr:mqf^
«TTi^ I «ftTCT 'a^a: ^ \ ^
X — INDIAN LINGUISTICS SECTION
247
I ^?g: JBT?nr ^ I
’9T5'?T?r >[rrf^<raf>ii ( 14 ’iiu) g# 5 :»l W sri'isj^ftr f^ftipsrtftTftr
I •«T% ftwr^^nTHsg^srfsi^iBUTssTTf —
fwf^fer i ?t5r ^ f^rofT ?Ts>?Tts|»?ir;rTfH ^jR^nf^ir*. i
^!T?r ^ HT»r fsTjr^JT^M «pr:, '9T«i^^>FiT5ft% Fsr^>
*TTfet I
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jra>*T?fCT5n?i; i ?iwt i mF*! i ?r^?sr»rTOiR»n!^
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gf«T?»iFfi Fa^?B«iT: i fii « F^?N srtFsf^isEr ^?a?*i^agc i am ^
?ra% h^VFt: mO m ^ i
^wai'<T«r>?F«i '?afmi>?F'T gf^aaF i ?aF»wam«<rf^cr^a
^akwr aiwiFaFa Tiaaas; i ^^g?jrmaraj^ \
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faF?ataai ^Fa ( s^ivci^ ) ^aaiFa ?Twta^ (Jiu^i^) m^iiisa: ^a5?><r
a^Ffa; i aaai i at 4 : FaFyaseawa 5 aa na aaftaaFaFa i iamaatfF-
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— 3aftT> aaaiir> mar«^ar: 1 aarFamp ara^^ 1 aarajFi faaa-
anna^i: 1 faajpT: af^arir: a a^ftr 1
248 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
i ?T?Jr«rtn^5Trg; i h«it ^
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?ra ^ f^TiT^r g^nT^: i^?r> ^r?rsrm»i^iTt^«irf«i«i
ffn f^rhwtfwsqsif^F sftgr^s: i 5i55ft^^'TlT§ 5«r?FctT> i 'in^iViPi
TWR^ (vivmol) TT^si^ihi: i?m«ir i ^ siWji) ji Htf*?
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iialcrl i ai^i TViirT»i'»if^fH Tnf«i
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^ifTt^sT («Jri«*;) T% \ jsr^wiTnr, fHftj^sr
TTun^^grtt^^ sft^rsp^: i
T«I»lf?i: SPn5^^S'ft??m? ^ T^ItlfH:
5^xiH%fH I ^5T T?i'ifaw’^f%iTRr' ^ I ?mr >9
«ftTTIIT?I^ ‘wlfstwr: T*T'IH«r; 3^^ *Is»iSBlfst^; I XT«n ^WrT%%fH’
^^^<11^51 fH:&^ftm5'iT^5iTftr I T«i'i?R> Tmf^TrifT: snsnHW^:,
f[f3 ^ ?RI I
Txnsurm TrtiwO^’sniT s^T’?ror<B; Thrift ‘^s^n# 5 f^fa: f?TB
ff 5 W %%’ ^NT«^T59[T5Tftx 'I'lf'iTStrTTrgfwr^^ 1 in«rRiTTTg snfafifV*
^Hnr '9 jnftnrfTSB ^3 it%ib xjRif i f«i?r^ <9 in*i»^'^ fw '«
I ^^sr^trr?[T5T^3r imniin 1 iroi 'a with 3ti>n'nfftir
jratn; — «r mm m fffcr mf'i (it * 111 *?) 1 ?f?iTf**T-
X — INDIAN LINGUISTICS SECTION 249
»F?ft^>*if?f*T^^fnf?irf?nrs'^5jTwrm jrftrvrum »
« 5 ^«T *Tr«if^*iro«r>#*r i
H 5 > I ¥mf{^
«rr?Tf^^a'NhF^ Hfsnrtir Jirsm i ?r«Tr ^ «ir5: — ^
fsr%i‘ i fame ^m^JarffoifwaiaTirf'' \
fsmoi^s^tTw^fliir ^frT ^ ?r?r snrac^gTw^prT: i
wa>?T«ns^awif?rafij?sr^a3rar: fi»rr 5?a»T€ qa'r Hursirsf^aJTr^# i
tr?r srfe H»T>ar ^rafi'et i 35^ safaasarfof-rffft ?rnt?RrT
i «rf3'ar»^a>g sTr«f^?: ^.^ %a«: ^aif§^sR?m-
f^gr: I wafs^s^Wa ^f^»TahT> ^Toatfs sargirfa ora: » fwfi*^ ^ ^a-
mafi^oTf^r JTgsffaT wram; i qa ff aa — amfi:Tgt-
awinfamjrfiaaTfvr^; («ii««) I aa laraa: fa^oaf: ( maffaa\ snaui-
I mfaar ariTTaT^fa f 55 [ 5 :i»Tt?^ arrffaaafar (u*;i^«»)
a ?T»affaaifaaT i[fa maffaarsaaata ^a ji?: i
fa^[?a»rr!T faa^%fa: gaafarararar a«ar f%-
Wfarfafa 1 ^ms^tsaraat^ ^aJfafa wa aiarara'tar arfaaafaatsaVa-
aarar: sf^ar; ffa ofifor^r 1 ara's^at^faram (Jri^nn) ?fa ?ja a
aramra^ar afaaafaa a^^aat^a: afar ^fa ^a 1 aaat^a?
Fatfffa: (sjiiiAra) ^a ^fa" at'^aa^^ aafaaaaaaraa^a atfaai af:
aftuWa %az: 1 aa^a ^ra; faaat afiir; aarfafaf^maT
aaaagaf^ 1 TTsarg^rfa afaa: a^anrr aara 5?aa ara? aajaa: aaraVa-
a»5r: ^f^frfa ^arftif agrarian \
artaiTf^aaf?«affT^araV* afaa^ 1 aT=a^iff%aaafa fa-
?afai’ft?[Tf^a wtaaras^ a? it araarf^wa (^n o ii«^) ^fa aaa aararn 1
a^ arffai ^a^artea^atf^ffafafa ara 1 aaa>a^aa?a a afT«aff
^fa \ afirria: aata aagijaftii^tsf^ afi'a^ar aar-. 1
fa^af f^ratsaaa>aaaa«!raraatfa aararaffa aaf?aif>fta-
ararafsftftr I aamaa^at afaara f?a*gaaaj 1 a^aafiararaifa a a^a; 1
aarjpaafia f^a^a a'hat aar^arf^: agiat ffaa! 1 aarssfJaa: f aifif-
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I 9 T?Rtgf<T^?jT 5 ?«r?r i gsiT wrwmr ^ \
5 \ «r^t*ffVr??r: t
?r«Ti *5 ^ sma: i
(3.i«Hr)
«rafT5ftf?T ar^'^nf*. i ^irfiir-
sft«iTS% »T^: (vRii^), ff?i «TV- («i«i^Ar) 5?*i5r ^
wiRr «i^«Tr;, w^w^iif %aww ^?«ii^f'W! ^ a[STi«*iT«TTr-
f!fnT»ir ?ra w^«irs?iwfrT ^far i <n: w^ws^nn'Jafar^^jf
srrgv’^im I «Y3 «t («iii?«) ^fa 5iT?ia »T’??m*aa?w?TT?r-
fjifa serf^r^T \ ^3^^ 5% «n«aJTutTtf^ ^T^afa?3Paa^?ftiaT
HWTJn^: i <srr^a5§ aw% ^rw*^ :tr5??arvrr«m^eT ftrf«n
i ?ra»?a <9?% ?ja5*rT# (^t:\\) sfaaqla oi>a<^ i f ^
jr>iTaR^Tft»Ts?TOT sax'inrt «ras*?ft?a%a^tf^qt: i
ir^ fna»^ «ri«arwT^^a »ia?«rT4iTf^%%a <Taaw«nrrjT: i ?rr?j
^nai ^rra^fa (^>^IU^) w«r w^Rirsfrmaaatffa^^srrftfBrsaawT a
sr«5$^a 5rW5^r5«Trf »mar'»Tt«T^T?: — a aTH*riaHTaqa5aT^m?ir: i wHia-
srmaarfmwss^m i wi^^rr aiwiT>inf?a>ssffsftTatar^iaf«Tsft«re*a i aw
saTfw^safsfaata i ^ — w^jwHaraaaMVfa i ?n^?imaTaaa>-
?«T ^3[Taiar^?>a ?wa: i ^rwatsainaa^gar®^ i aatasmra arfaafr^aw-
fafa aia: i a %fa i waavirs^; ia*aiaara^ i aaraar?^'4'iawd?aa: i
aaif?a>«f ^fa i ^ 3 ;atfffa aaw f^ia?fr?a'hf: i ^faa'^a \
ipTT«na>»aaTaw«?aainf?ifr?a«f: i aatssa^saPaata 1 waarf^ra
asfw \ arfaa!fVa>sa?aati^atsfafjfaa f?aa: 1 waraa arwfar^^T-
a<aa)afaar^ af^a«aa^ara^!a araftT?aaaW?{ ^fa 1
5 ^ ^nn
(32) Words Denoting *' Emptiness
by
Herbert V. Guenther, ph.d.
Every language is a living organism and as such it represents in its
structure and outer form all those forces which contributed toward its
development. At the same time it is possible to observe the living
spirit of a language by going behind the facade of the comparatively
rigid and final forms of the grammatical categories. It is the task of
linguistics to lay bare the living spirit of a language, but not to postulate
laws which after all are unable to make us understand why and how
a specific formation has come about. Linguistics — I understand this
term in the sense as it is used in Continental Europe and as will become
evident in this article is no longer concerned with mere comparison.
Its main task is to elucidate the spirit of any given language and, should
someone be interested in comparison, a comparison may be done. But
to compare different languages with each other without having elucidated
their individual living spirit can only result in the statement that in
every language there are vowels and consonants, which is not a very
intelligent result. Moreover, etymology is also not sufficient We do
not understand the words we use by their etymology but by the associa-
tions they arouse in us. Nobody has the association of bread keeper **
when he hears the words “ lord but rather the association of “ feudal
superior*', although the etymology of lord is bread-keeper (hirferd=
hlaf = loaf and weord == ward). Hence translations from foreign
languages by having recourse to etymology proved to be mere humbug.
It is true that etymological speculations may aid us in finding the living
spirit of a language, and in this respect the popular etymological fancies
are more valuable than the scientific ones. The so-called scientific
explanations are almost exclusively concerned with the cognitive mean-
ing of a word, while the popular explanations represent the emotive
meaning which plays a much greater role in life than we are disposed
to admit. It is only when the emotive meaning is taken into account
as well that a language is understood properly. And it is only when
the living spirit of a language has been understood, the living spirit
being identical with the psychic disposition of those who utilize the
language, that it is possible to give exact translations or to appreciate
the stand point of other people and their philosophy in its own rather
than through the tainted glass of one's particular prejudices.
The difference in the viewpoint from which things are looked at
is most conspicuous in words denoting emptiness. While in the
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Western connotation of the words denoting emptiness stress is laid on
the absence of something, the abogolute nothingness, in other words,
while stress is laid on a bleak negativism, in the Eastern, particularly,
the Indian connotation stress is laid on the existence of something,
on something positive, the absence of something being more or less
accidental. Thus, in Western languages we say with empty hands'",
the most important aspect being the emptiness of the hands, but the
two Indian terms corresponding to empty hand " lay the stress on the
presence of the hands. That there is nothing in them is just bad luck.
These two terms are nAa/>am— and riktahasta. — The one is found, for
example, in Mbh. VII 147, 43: rikiapanir na pa^yeta rajandm brahma-
nam striyam. ** One should not come before a king, a Brahmin, or a
woman with empty hands” ; the other one in Kathasaritsagara LXXX
25 : iyanto riktahastdh kirn pasydmo devatdm iti ”Hovv should we come
before the deity with empty hand The exact translation of riktapdni
and riktahasta is ” One whose hands are left over ”, rikta being the paSt
participle^ passive2 of the root ric to leave”.
The same idea is found in the adjective rekii, belonging to the same
root ric^ and only found in the Vedic language. It is used RV IV 5, 12
and X 108, 7 in the formula reku padam denoting the place where one
does not find the goods oneexpects to find. Again stress is laid on the
presence of something, be it only the place. To what an extent the
positive meaning is connected with the root ric may be seen from its
derivatives. I mention only atireka — ‘‘ too much ” ; reknas—'^ riches ”
this meaning having developed from the basic meaning of "'what is left
over to one's children ” ; reknasvat — '"rich”, sureknas — having nice
riches, very rich”, and riktha — ” heritage ”.
There can be no doubt that the stress of the positive aspect has its
root in the (unconscious) fear of all that is empty, negative, and makes
man feel utterly lonely and forlorn. This fear prompts man not only ta
avoid words arousing this fear — as every student of practical psychology,
knows the word is only too often the thing itself — but also to act in such
a way as not to be assailed by this lurking fear. Both these factors, i.e.,
taboo of word and action, is found in a passage of the Atharvaveda
which has not been understood properly up to now. AV XIX 8, 4 runs
as follows ;
amihavam parihavam parivadam pariksavam
sarvani riktakumbhdny drdttat savitah Suva
Whitney's translation2 is Detraction, evil gossip, reproach, sneezing
about ( ?) — them, O Savitar, drive *suva* away from me empty-handed?,
with all.”
As regards the term riktakumbhdni Whitney observes as follows ;
** riktakumbhahQ (i. e. iht commentator) simply glosses with cunya-
kalaca, adding no further explanation; the Pet. Lexx. conjecture ''per-
haps idle talk (lit. emptypottedness) ; the translation implies their going
away with empty vessels — ^that is carrying off no result or advantage ”2.
WORDS DENOTING “EMPTINESS"'
255
It is obvious that these remarks by Whitney are no explanation
at all ; the text does not say that all these evil omina like reproach etc.,
shall go away “ with empty vessels Grammatically speaking, the
terms sarvani riktakumbhani are dependent on suva “drive away”.
The explanation of this passage is to be found in the fact that everything
which is ominous has to be avoided or be driven away. As is well
known from Indian folklore “empty vessels” are most ominous, while
“ full vessels ” are highly auspicious. Hence “ empty vessels ”, being
on the same level with evil gossip, have to be removed. The correctness
of this interpretation is borne out by a passage from the Pali Canon.
We will be able to appreciate this interpretation when we bear in mind
that only too often the Buddha had defeated his opponents and so it was
quite natural that he appeared to his opponents, so haughty at the
beginning and so meak at the end of the dispute, as the personified bad
luck. Digha-nikaya III 38 and 53 such a haughty opponent declares before
his defeat : ingha galiapati Samano Gotamo imam parisam agaccheyya,
ekapanhen' eva nam samsadeyyama, tiicchakumbhi va nam marine
oroddlieyyama ti “ Look, householder, should the Samana Gotama come
to this assembly, with one single question we would make him fail to
answer and, I think, like an empty vessel we would threw him out”.
Here no doubt is left as to the fact that empty things are ominous. If
it should be objected that empty things are worthless and hence
discarded the answer is that the alleged worthlessness is, psychologically
speaking, only too often a rationalization which is essentially made for
disguising the deep-lying fear. However, it must be pointed out that
there is a slight difference in the linguistic expression between the
Atharvaveda and Pali Canon. In the Atharvaveda the so-called taboo of
words has influenced the linguistic formation of the word riktakumbha
while in the Pali Canon the word euccaha, the meaning of which will be
e yplained later on, has been used.
Having so far elucidated the difference in view point as regards
words denoting emptiness we are by now confronted with the problem
which words are used for “emptiness”, what is their intrinsic meaning,
and what means are adopted by a language when an ominous factor
such as emptiness is mentioned?
As I have said the connotation of emptiness in the Western
languages is one of nothingness, essencelessness, and worthlessness,
this latter association pointing to an emotive meaning rather than to a
cognitive meaning. In Sanskrit the words that may be translated by
“empty, emptiness”, are divided into two groups. Group I comprises
all those words which are formed by a negation and an adjective a
noun, or a participle. The list of these words is :
asara -“non-essential”.
asidda — “incomplete, invalid”.
apramana^ — “without authority”, in MBh XIH 163, 25 “some-
thing unimportant.”
25^ 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
nirartha^ — “useless*'.
nirarthaka — “useless, in vain", e,g. MBh. V 34, 21.
The second group comprises all those words formed by passive
participles circumscribing the idea of emptiness and those adjectives
which are either used for “empty" or correspond more or less to the
Western connotation of “emptiness."
(a) “left over", which has already been discussed.
raAita— and virahita — “concealed", “left".
varjtia — “shunned".
hJna — “having disappeared" (cp. annahlna “without food").
(b) alpa — “little".
manc/a— “slow" (mandabuddlii “of slow understandin.^", “empty
headed").
^a/ma5— “thin, little",
p/io/gfu— “insignificant, little".
iunya — “void".
i uccha — “empty' ' .
tucchya — “empty", only found in the Vcdic language.
From this list, which is mainly derived from B. D. Mulgaolcar’s
English-Sanskrit Dictionary, it is obvious that with the apparent excep-
tion of the two or three last mentioned words all other words more or
less circumscribe the concept of “emptiness". Where a negation has
fceen used the basic positive expression is self-evident. In the other
words the positive connotation is also preponderant.
The problem before us is now to find out the intrinsic meaning and
the specific use of those words which are not circumscribing the idea
of emptiness. When I said that words denoting ominous things are
avoided and, since emptiness is something ominous, any mentioning of
ominous things is done by circumscribing them, then the use of the
words tuccha — and tucchya— belonging to the Indo-European root *teus
“to make empty",^ is an obvious contradiction. However, it has to be
borne in mind that at all periods there have been people who did not
care for using otherwise tabooed words, and it has also to be taken into
account the frequency of the use of tabooed words as well as their
•context.
WORDS DENOTING •‘EMPTINESS^'
255
According to Boehtlingk's Dictionary the "words iuccha — and
tucchya —are used very little. This means that the use of these words
was actually taboo.
The Vedic form tucchya — is found only in two passages. The one
is the creation hymn RV X 129, 3. H. Grassmann^ as well as Boeth-
lingk-Roth consider it to be a noun and translate it by ‘'empty space*'
K. Geldners considers it to be an adjective and connects it with salila,
translating the passage by “in the dead ocean (im toten GewogeV'.
Whatever the correct translation may be, the use of the word tucchya —
does not elucidate our problem here.
The second passage is RV V 42, 10. This passage is of greater
importance. Here it has been said that he who blames the Maruts
should have “empty wishes” (tucchyan kaman karate). It is almost
like a curse and in such strongly emotionally toned utterances even
tabooed words may be used without any restriction. Everything which
is ominous may come to a man who commits such a heinous crime as
insulting the gods.
If we turn to the Pali Canon and its language it becomes quite
obvious that the taboo played an important role in the use of the word
tuccha: tuccha — and its derivative tucchaka — is never used alone^ but
always in connection with a non-tabooed word. Only a few passages
showing the use of tuccha — in connection with other non-tabooed words
may be quoted. DN I 55 ( = MiSr I 515) : tesam tuccham musa vilapo
ye keci althikavadam vadanti “they indulge in empty untruthful talk
who speak of existence”; DN III 34 evathvadim kho mam Bhaggava
cvam akkhayim eke Samana-Brahmana asata tuccha musa abhutena
abbhacikkhanti “O Bhaggava, I who am speaking and preaching in this
way, am reviled by some Samanas and Brahmanas in an untruthful,
empty wrong, and false way”; Sn883:
yam ahu saccam tathiyan ti eke.
tarn dhu aline tuccham musa ti.
“What some declare to be the truth and the suchness, others called
it empty and false”. In these instances tuccha — is connected with the
non-tabooed word musd. In the following examples tuccha-^is used
in connection with rit/a=:skt rik'a, which is a substitute for the
tabooed word as we have seen above. MN I 107 (almost the same as
VinI157;II 216) ye passafi pantyaghatafh vd par%bhojanlyagha%am
vd vaccaghatam vd rittam tuccham so upatthdpeti “he who see the
drinking bowl or the food bowl or the chamber pot empty and without
(the necessary water) shall take care of (having these things in proper
order)'’. MN I 233: evam eva kho tvam Aggivessana mayd sakasmith
vdde samanuyunjiyamdno samanugahiyamdno iamanubhdsiyamdno
ritto tuccho aparaddho “O Aggivessana, thus, when I asked you about
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your own thesis, when I wanted to know your opinion, and when I
wanted to know the points you find fault with, you proved to be empty,
void, and in the wrong/’ MN 1414: passasi no tvam Rahula imam
udakadhanam rittam tucchan ti,...evath rittam tuccham kho Rdhula
tesam sdmannam yesani na*tthi sampajanamusdvade lajjd ‘*Do you see
this empty water pitcher, o Rahula?.. ..Just as empty and hollow is the
Samanaship of those who are not ashamed when they consciously tell
lies.”
Examples for tucchaka — arc DM I 240 (almost the same as MN II
201): tesam idam tevijjdnam brdhmandnam bhasitam hassakam yeva
sampajjatiy namakam {yeva sampajjati, rittakam yeva samapajjati,
tucchakam yeva sampajjati '‘The talking of the Brahmins knowing the
three Vedas proves to be ridiculous, to be mere words, to be empty, to
be hollow” MN 1 329: mo h*eva te rittakam eva ahosi tucchakam
eva ahosi it will not turn out empty, hollow for you.”
In these last examples tuccha{ka — ) is not so closely connected
with the non-taboo word as it was in the other examples mentioned so
far. This looser connection is found in emotively-toned statements.
In this way, under the influence of a strong emotion or an affect the
•speaker will use the tabooed word but will avoid or minimize the effect
of having mentioned the tabooed word by immediately afterwards using
a non-tabooed word. Instances for emotively toned utterances may be
found in the Milindapanha, p. 5 : tuccho vata bho Jambudipo, palapo vata
bho Jambudipo, na^tthi koci samano va yo maya saddhim sallapitum
sdkkoti kaiikham pativinetun ti "Alas, India is empty ; alas, this India
is only chaff ; there is not a single Samana who might converse with
me and dispel my doubts”; p. 10: tucchavata bho ime veda, paldpd
vata bho ime vedd, asdra nissdrd ti "Alas, empty are these Vedas ; alas,
chaff are these Vedas, essenceless, worthless are they” ; and p. 13 :
tuccho vata me upajjhdyo, bdlo vata me upajjhdyo "Alas, empty is my
teacher; alas, a fool is my teacher.”
Another way to use the tabooed word without incurring the risk
of being affected by the evil consequences of having used the tabooed
word has been pointed out by G. Bonfantei®. Though his other theories
are not acceptable, his explanation in this connection is correct. He
says : "le deuxifeme consiste i composer le mot taboud avec un autre
(adjectif ou substantif) ; le nouveau mot, hien qu’il contienne en soi
I’ancien mot tabouft, n’est point tabou (the other alternative is to
combine the tabooed word with another word (adjective or substan-
tive) ; although this new word contains the old tabooed word, it is not
at all taboo).
A few examples from the Pali may illustrate Bonfante’s observa-
tion. Jat I 209: so tucchahattho va agamdsi "became with empty
hands” ;Jat. VI 365: iucchapdttfh hatthe afhayetvd bhumiyant katvd
'^'having placed the empty bowl not on the hand, but on the ground.”
WORDS DENOTING “EMPTINESS”
257
From this rule it becomes clear why the word tucchakumbhi — could be
used. In the composition tuccha — was no longer taboo. However^
tuccha — always implied taboo ideas and thus it. is replaced by non-taboo
words as, for instance, in Jat. V 46: riitahattho viya atthasi *‘he stood
there like with empty hands.*'
To what an extent the idea of avoiding ominous things was vivid
may be gathered from Niddesa I 481 on Sn 963. Here the word
rittasana — ‘‘empty seat" is explained by “opportunity to sit down with-
out seeing unplesant sights."
From the above it will have become obvious that tuccha --denotes
emptiness in the sense of defectiveness (see the passages from the
Milindapanha), Thus it implies evaluation. Evaluation is always
■emotionally toned. And since in emotionally toned things there is
always the danger lurking that the emotion may develop into an affect
and since affectivity is a grave danger for the human mind such words
as are connected with emotions .and likely to rouse an affect are taboo.
This explains the rare use of tucchor^.
The most commonly used word for “empty" is sunya — , and it may
be asked what is the reason that this word can be used without any
restrictions, in other words, why is this word and its derivatives not
taboo ?
In the Vedic language ^unya — is not found. There we find only
the nonn stina — , belonging to the same IE root. The word iwwa — is
found six timesit in the Rgveda, and every time it is constructed with
the prohibitive particle ma. This proves again that the idea of empti-
ness was something ominous and fearful. However, contrary to
tuccha — the meaning of iuwa— is spatial emptiness, loneliness in immense
wideness. This meaning is obvious from RV VII 1, 11 ; “If only we
would not sit there devoid of heroes, devoid of sons..,.", and also RV
VIII 45, 36: “If only I were not without a friend or a son...."i2-
' The noun tuna — is derived from the IE root *keu — to which there
is also a passive participle tuna — . The difference in accent is due to
the rule that abstract nouns have the accent on the root syllable, while
adjectives and agentive nouns have the accent on the formative ele-
ment^^.
According to Walde-Pokorny^^ the meaning of ^keu — is “to swell,
swelling, curvature" (schwellen, Schwcllung, Woelbung), but also
“cavity, hollow" (Hoehlung, hohl), the common denominator being
■“curvature toward the within and toward the without" (Woelbung nach
aussen oder innen). He further says that i«»a=“swollen, flabby"
(geschwollen, aufgedunsen) and that also the concept of “hollow"
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l6rH ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(hohl) = '‘empty'' (l.eer) maybe connected with it. From here then
we would have the noun suna — “emptiness** and the adjective iunya —
“empty*’. It must, however, be noted that the connotation of “hollow*"
is absolutely hypothetical. None of the Indian words, derived from the
root have the meaning of “hollow**i5. Hence the explanation of
the unrestricted use of iwwya — must be sought elsewhere.
As I have already pointed out, sunya — has a spatial connotation.
Thus we read in feat. Br. II 3, 12, 9 and Taitt. Br. II 1, 2, 12 about “the
empty place, not lived in by men** Svasatha). As in the case
with reku padam “the empty place, worthless because one does not find
the goods one expected to find** there is no evaluation whatever in the
phrase ^unya dvasatha. The meaning of spatial unlimitedness, derived
from the original meaning of “increase (toward infinity)'*, makes
^unya — a constant attribute to akdia — “ether**, and its synonyms as for
instance kha — . The akasa is not a nihil but unlimited plenitude.
While thus sunya — is used in connection with the idea of spatial un-
limitedness, it is also used in the sense of mental unlimitedness. Again
the difference between the Indian and Western viewpoint has to be
noted here. While the Westerner tends to identify the whole of the
nature of things with a determinate kind of things and hence regards
everything that doe ^ not comply with the determinateness postulated
by him as a nihil, the Indian mind regards the determinateness of a
thing as a limitation of the otherwise unlimited nature of things. Thus
for him passing into the unlimitedness has a higher value than the
clinging to a particularly determinate kind of reality idea. While to
have a blank mind has some depreciatory connotation for a Westerner,
a blank or empty mind, that is, a mind not preoccupied with something
or other, has no such connotations for an Indian. It is therefore im-
possible to give a “literal** translation of the following passages,
without violating or distorting the meaning. MBh. II 14, 44: puram
3unyena manasa prayayau hharatarsahha and MBh. XIII 53,4: atha
sunyena manasa pravisya svagxham nxpah. The meaning is that none
of them was preoccupied.
It is this idea of plenitude, of unlimitedness and boundlessness
that has found its climax in the Madhyamaka Philosophy with its con-
cept of Sunyata — , of which it has been said
aparapratyayam bantam prapancair aprapancitam
nirvikalpath andnartham etat tativasya laksanam
“Not dependent on others, peaceful (or, tranquil), inaccessible to
the concepts of discursive reasoning, without thought-constructions,
without contradictory notions, that is the definition of reality**^^.
The same positive outlook we find in Indian mathematics. “Zero**
is not “nothingness**, it is the undefinable and infinite. Bhaskara
WORDS DENOTING ^‘EMPTINESS*'
25?
states in his Bljagairiita that “This fraction the denominator of which
is zero is called endless mass. In this endless mass where zero is the
denominator there is no change, however much one may add or detract,
just as little as there is any change at the time of the creation or
dissolution of the world in the endless and changeless, however many
beings (may be created or dissolved” — ayam ananto raHh khahara ity
ucyate, asmin vikarah khahare na raiav apt pravistesv api nihsxtesu
bahusv api syal layasr^fikale *nante* cyute bhutaganesu yadvat^"^.
Since the intrinsic meaning of sunya — is the undefinable, that
which transcends all the concepts of ordinary consciousness, or that
which is not determined or limited by conceptual constructions and
hence only figuratively “emptiness”, its use was not taboo because of
its inherent positive character.
In course of time, however, the different shades of meaning of
tuccha and ^unya — have not been observed and the one word may be
used for the other. A striking exemple is found in Visuddhimagga,
p. 494 : kham-saddo pana tucche; tuccham hi akasam khan ti vuccati
“The noun kha — means “emptiness” ; “emptiness” is another term for
akaia or kha'\
In conclusion I want to point out the fact that, as is well known,
the word iunya — in the mathematical meaning of “zero” has found its
way into the European languages by way of the Arabic translations.
“zero” is translated by safira “to be empty”. This means that
the Arabs made a literal translation, but did not convey the psycholo-
gical and philosophical background from which sunya — also got the
meaning “zero's* .
260
16tiI ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Notes
1. See Walde-Pokorny, Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der indoger-
manischen Sprachen, II 396 sq. sub *leiqu.
2. Alharva-Veda-Samhita (==Havard Oriental Series, volume
VIII), p. 910. See also the notes on this Mantra in Bloomfield’s Con-
cordance, and M Lindenau’s remarks in the introduction to the second
edition of Roth-Whitney*s Atharva-Veda, p. xvii, last line.
3. As adjective apramana — might be best translated by ‘'not having
the proper measure In Pali, appamana-has the meaning of “endless*"
but also of “ insignificant In this case the negation a — has a double
function, the one is the function of negation, the other the function of
intensifying. The same functions of negation and intensifying are still
found in the German language. See Friedrich Kainz, Psychologic der
Sprache, I 256.
4. Not given by Mulgaokar.
5. Alpa and talitia are not found in Mulgaokar's dictionary, these
words, however are given as synonyms of tuchha — by the Pet Lexx.
6. Walde-Pokorny, Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der indogermanis-
chen Sprachen, I 714.
7. H. Grassmann, Woerterbuch zum Rigveda, sub verbo.
8. Karl Geldner, Zur Kosmogonie des Rigveda, mit besonderer
Beruecksichtigung des Liedes 10,129, p, 20.
9. Puggalapaniiatti, pp. 45 and 46 tuccha — also is not used alone
but mentioned in contrast to pura “ full
10. Etudes sur le tabou dans les langues indo-europeennes (Melan-
ges de Linguitique offerts a Charles Bally. Genive 1939, pp. 195-207),
p. 197.
11. RV I 105, 3 ; X 37. 6 in the loc. Sune with the root bhu» III
33, 13 in the acc. ^unam with the root ar, VII 1, 11 in the loc with root
nt sad, II 27, 17; VIII 45, 36 in the acc. with the root 5 vid,
12. The same idea is found in RV II 27, 17. For the feeling of
loneliness and fear see also Brh. Up, I 4, 1 sq.
I I
13. Thus, for instance, cfa«a- “gift** and dana- '‘he who gives*',
vara “what is chosen" and vari “he who chooses". A Meillet, Intro-
duction a 1' ^tude comparative des langues indoeurop^ennes, eigth
edition 1937, p. HO. H. Guenther, Gabe und Geber (=:Zeitschrift
fuer vergleichende Sprach-forschung, 1950), pp. 225-244.
WORDS DENOTING '^EMPTINESS*' 2 61
14. Walde-Pokorny, Vergleichendes Woerterbuch der indo-
germanischen Sprachcn, I 365.
15. All words derived from this root denote increase, growth:
suna **growlh, increase, fortune’'; iavas- “power, strength"; iwra-
“strong, heroic"; .^witit/i-^beauti fully growing"; iiiM-“child", ioz/o-
“cub".
16. Muiamadhyamakakarika XVlll 9. See also p. 351 of Louis
de la Valine Poussin's edition, where we read: tasmac chunyataiva
sarvaprapancanivxtlilaksanatvan nirvanam ity ucyate “Therefore the
sunyata is called Nirvana because its characteristic is the fading away
of all concepts belonging to the realm of discursive reasoning".
17. Ed. Calcutta 1917, pp. 17 sq. The connection between akasa,
kha and zero has not been properly understood by A. K. Coomara-
swamy, Kha and other Words denoting “Zero" in Connection with
the Metaphysics of Space (^Bulletin of the School of Oriental Studies
(University of London), volume VII: 1933-35, pp. 489-97), p. 493
“. . . so the Self *a wakens this rational (cosmos) from that space',
Maitri Up. IV 17, in, other words ex nihilo fit*\ The problem of the
creation out of nothing is a late Christian speculation not earlier than
the sixteenth century. “Space" and “iwnyota-" in Indian connotation
have never been nothingness but always plenitude.
18. Passages in which ffira, pfr denote “to be empty" are found
as early as the sixth century, the meaning of “zero however, is not
found earlier than the ninth century. See A. Fischer, Zu “Berichti-
gung einer Etymologic K. Vollers" II ( = Zeitschrift der Deutschen
Morgenlaendischen Gesellschaft, LVII 783-793), p. 791. In the
German Language “Ziffer" is the generic term for numeral, it does,
not mean “zero" alone. See also Karl Lokotsch, Etymologisches
Woerterbuch der europaeischen (germanischen, romanischen and
slavischen"! Woerter orientalischen Ursprungs, Heidelberg, 1927, p.
150, No. 1894.
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264
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
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265
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266 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
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267
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(34) The Story of Devadatta in teie MaitXbeiasya
by
Sri Sukumar Sen, Calcutta.
The grammarians everywhere and always have the tendency of
using particular names in the examples illustrating the grammatical
aphorisms and statements. The author of Mahabhasya was apparently
enamoured of the name Devadatta. The examples and illustrative matter
collected and rearranged, present, not only an outline of a story with
Devadatta as the hero, but, what is much more important> a picture
of the contemporary life and society in Eastern India, with PStaliputra
as the capital city, in the closing century of the pre-Christian era.
Such an attempt has been made here.
The original and the translation have been given in parallel
columns.
[Introduces the hero as a boy]>
Sraughno Devadattah..,. |
Devadatta^s family had come from
Srughna.
Cargyo Devadattah,
He belongs to the clan of Garga.
Devadatto Dattah.
Devadattakah Devakah,...
Dattakah....Dattah.
Devadatta, Devaka, Dattaka 3 nd
Datta [ — he is variously cal/ ed].
Devadatta-^abdo Devadinna^abdam
nivartayati .
Anahato nadati Devadattah.
Devadatta, the correct form of the
name, cancells the popular
form Devadiirina*.
Devadatta raises a cry though no
one has thrashed him.
Abhiprayo Devadattasya modakesu
bhojane.
In eating Devadatta has a prefer-
ence for the ball cakes of
sweetened parched rice2.
1. Deodln in modern Behari.
2. Bengali 'moa^
THE STORY OF OEVADATTA IN THE MAHXbhXsYA
{The hero at school].
Fadyate vidya Devadattena.
Yo’dhiyana astc sa Devadaltah.
Devadatta-Yajiiadattavv-adhyav-
abhirupau darSanlyau paksa
vantau . Devadattastu svadhya
yena viSistah.
Devadatta is receiving education.
[The boy] who is engaged in study
is Devadatta,
Devadatta and Yajnadatta are
good looking presentable and
well-born. But Devadatta is
the better of the two in the
recital of the Vedas.
[The hero as a young farmer].
Nadyantam Devadattasya kset-
ram....
Devadattena patina kritam^.
Devadattasya dhanyarp vyatilu-
nanti.
Luyate kedarah svayain eveti
yatrasau Devadatto datrahastah
samantato viparipatan drs’yate.
Svadumkaram yavagum bhuhkte
Devadattah.
Karayati katam Devadattalu
Ucchrayati katam Devadattah.
Prakytah katam Devadattena.
Devadatla's farmland stretches up^
to the river.
It was bought by Devadatta by his
own hand.
They are mutually reaping Deva*
datta's paddy crop.
The waterlogged field appears to
have been automatically reaped
as Devadatta with a sickle in
hand, is seen moving simulta-
neously in different parts.
Devadatta is eating barley gruel
with gusto.
Devadatta is having a mat made
for him.
Devadatta is weaving an upright
screen of straw.
Devadatta has finished well the
screen of straw.
3. Cf. data canena ksetra brahmapasa Varahiputrasa Aivibhutisa
hathe kipita mulena kShapapa-satehl catuhi [Nasik Cove Inscription
of NahapanaJ,
270
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
[The hero indisposed]-
Na Devadattaip pratibhati kincit.
Bubhuksttam na pratibhati
kincit.
Dadhitrapusam pratyakso jvarah.
Evaip^ hi kaScit kancit prcchati
kiihavastho Devadattasya vy5-
dhir iti. Apara aha apakslyata
iti. Apara aha sthita iti. ‘
Bhaksayati pipdlin Devadattah.
Nothing appeals to Devadatta.
Nothing really appears good to
a hungry fellow.
A dish of sour curd and cucumber
in an immediate cause of fever.
Thus one man asked another :
How goes Devadatta’s malady?
Another said : It is going
drawn. Another said: It is
the same.
Devadatta takes pills (or lump of
food or date).
[Devadatta’s Married Life].
Darianlyitp manyate Devadatto
YajnadattSipMM
UpSSlesi KanyS Devadattena.
Devadatta regards YajSadatti as a
handsome girl.
The girl (».#. bride) was embraced
by Devadatta.
PitSmahasyotsafige dSrakam Sslnatn
kaicit p^chati kasyayam Iti
Sa Sha Devadattasya....
O some one asked about an infant
boy sitting on the lap of the
grandfather : Whose is this
boy? He replied: Devadatta’s
(son).
[An Outsider’s Admiration for Pataliputra where
Devadatta lived].
PStaliputrasya vyakhyanl Sukau-
ialS....ld(4S asya prSkara iti.
AnuSopaip Pstaliputram.
Falaliputrakib prSsad§b< Patali-
putrakSb prSkirSb>»«
ESipkaiyakebhyab P5{aliputrak5
abhirupatarib •••s
SukauSala is loud in her praise for
Pataliputra. Such are its the
city walls.
Pataliputra is sprawled along the
Sone.
The palaces of Pataliputra and
the ramparts of Pataliputra I
Tbe citizens of Pataliputra are
better looking than those of
SSipki^ya.
THE STORY OF DEVADATTA IN THE MAHXbhXsYA
271
[Invitation from country is sent for the honoured Brahmins
of the City\ •
Kascid ukto grame bhiksam cara
Devadattam canayeti.
Abrahmano'yam yas tisthan mu-
trayati. Abrahmano’yam yo
gacchan bhaksayati. Gauram
^ucyacaram piftgalam kapila-
keSam drstvadhyavasyati
brahmano* yam iti. Tatah
paicad upalabhyate nayam
brahmano ’brahmano* yam iti.
Some one was asked in the village :
Beg alms and bring Devadatta.
A non-Brahman is one who uri-
nates standing. A non-Brah-
man is who eats walking.
When one sees a person fair
complexioned, or brown-
skinned, good mannered, tawny-
haired, one considers him as a
Brahman. Then it is deter-
mined that he is not a BrSbman
but a non-Brahman.
[Devadatta is specially invited].
Devadattarn me bhavan upadi^at-
viti.
Sa ihasthah Pataliputraslham
Devadattam uddiSatl. Ahgadi
Kundali kiriti vyudhorasko
vrttabahur lohitaksas tuhganaso
vicitrabharana idrio Devadatta
Iti.
Prasado Devadattasya syat.
Devadattasya gavo^Sva hirariyarn
ca adhyo vaidhaveyah.
Amantrayasvainam.
[ Devadatta mee\
Devadatto’ ham bhoh.
Ayusman edhi Devadatta bhoh.
Devadatta J>hoh. Devadatta
kuSalyasi. Agaccha Devadatta
grSmam odanam bhoksyase.
Do please describe Devadatta to
me.
He, a resident here, describes
Devadatta living in Patali-
putra: Wearing armlets, ear-
rings and a diadem, broad
chested, round-armed, red-eyed,
sharpnosed, fine-dressed — such
a one is Devadatta.
Devadatta certainly has a palace
for his home.
Devadatta possesses cattle, horses
and gold ; he is rich, the son of
a widow.
Do invite him here.
the messenger].
Hello, I am Devadatta.
Be long-lived, O D'evadatta IHella
Devadatta. Devadatta, how do
you do. Come, Devadatta, to
the village and you shall eat a
rice dinner.
272 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
-Gramantaram gamisyami pantha-
nam me bhavan upadiSalu.
Sa tasma acas*e. Anusminn ava-
kaSe hasiadaksiiio grahitavyo
"musminn avaka§e hastavama
iti. '
Upadis'o me panthah.
[A wayside
Odanam bhojako vrajati.
; 1 shall have to go to an outside
j village; would you kindly
direct me the way.
He told him : At such a place a
turn to the right is to be taken
and at such a place a turn to
left.
The route is pointed out to me.
observation],
I Here goes a fellow to a dinner of
1 rice.
[At the house of the host],
Putretia sahSgato Devadattahw Here comes Devadatta with his
son.
Kuto bhavan. Where do you come from?
Pataliputrat. From Pajaliputra.
AScaryam idam vrttam odanasya Strange it is that the cooking of
ca nama pako brahmananam the dinner is no sooner finished
ca pradurbhava iti. than the Brahmans make their
appearance.
Rddhesu bhunja^esu daridra asate. The poor wait when the rich dines,
Brsfhmainiesu taratsu vrsala (just as) the lowly wait when
asate. * ’ Brahmans cross the ferry,
[In the dining hall].
Dadhi brahma^iebhyo dlyatam
takram Kau^idinyayeti. Vyan-
janani punar * natabharyavad
bhavanti.
Tisthatu dadhy aSana tvam 5akena.
Alavanah supah. Alavaipam iakam.
Serve curd to Brahmans and whey
to Kau^dinya, The side dishes
however (to be served as free-
ly) as the wife of a dancer.
Let curd wait, do take a helping
of vegetables.
The soup is not salted. The vege-
table dish too is not salted (to
taste).
THE STORY OF DEVADATTA IN THE MAHABHXsYA 273
^alln bhuhkte mudgaih.
Bhuhkte Devadattah....
Apitam ksiram Devadattena...,
Mamsaudatiiko
Abhoksyata bhavan mamsena yadi
matsamipam asisyate.
Abhijanasi Devadatta yat Kaiml-
resu vatsyamah. Yat tatrau-
danani bhoksyamahe.
Abhijanasi Devadatta Ka^rairan
agacchtma tatra saktun apiba-
ma.
He is eating rice with lentil
(broth). »
Devadatta is eating.
Devadatta has not sipped cream,
A guest should be served with
meat and rice.
You could have satisfied yourself
with meat had you only had
taken your seat by me.
Do you recollect Devadatta the
tunic when we had lived in
Kashmir and the rice dishes we
had partaken there ?
Do you remember Devadatta that
we had been to Kashmir and
had drunk gruel of parched
gram there?
[The guests chatting].
Vrsalarupo’yam apyayam pala^idu-
na suram pibet.
Corarupo'yam apyayam aks^or
anjanam haret.
DasyurQpo'yam apyayaip dhavato
lohitarn pibet.
Dasipurusanukam yasya gyhe
iGdra na vidyeran sa somaiii
pibet....
A Pa^aliputraip v^s^o devah.
That fellow there looks like a
wicked one. Probably he drinks
wine with onion.
That man there looks like a thief.
He can steal the collyrium point
from one's eyes.
Yonder man has the • look of a
robber. It is likely that he
can drink the blood of a fleeting
victim.
He only may drink Soma if for
ten generations in the family
there had never been a feiidra
(servant).
There has been good rains as far
as Pataliputra.
274
16th ALL-lNDlA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
[Some one tells the story of Indra and the Old Maid],
Vrddha kumarmdrenokta varam l
’ vrnisveti. Sa varam avrnita
putra me bahuksiraghrtam
odanarn karasyapatryam biiun-
jirann iti. Na ca tavad asyah
patir bhavati kutah putrah kuto
gavah kuto dhanyam. Tatra-
nayaikena vakyena patih putra
gavo dhanyam iti sarvam
samgrhitam bhavati.
Indra asked the Old Maid : Beg:
a boon. She begged : May my
sonseat rice served with plenty
of ghee and cream on a brass
platter. She had not even a
husband, so how could there be
sons, cattle and paddy for her.
By this single request a hus-
band, sons, cattle and paddy all
are secured.
[The guests are given the dinner's fee in cash and kind].
Devadattaya gaur diyatam Yajha-
dattaya Visnumitraya.
A cow may be given to Devadatta
as well as to Yajhadatta and
Visnumitra.
[On the way back].
Darsayati rupatarkam karsapanam.
Pasyati rupatarkah karsapa-
nam.
A man is showing his coin to the
coin expert. The latter exa-
mined the coin (whether
genuine or dud).
[Devadatta holds a social dinner party].
Devadatto bhavantam amantrayate.
Kim Devadattah karoti.
Pacatiti.
Devadattasya saniasam saravaih
odenena ca Yajhadattah prati-
vidhalte.
Ahara Devadatta ^alin Yajnadatta
enan bhoksyate.
Devadatta invites your honours.
What is Devadatta doing.
He is cooking.
Yajnadatta arranges Devadattas
social dinner by feeding rice
as well as by earthen bowl
hampers (to be taken home'^).
Bring, Devadatta, more rice,
Yajnadatta shall eat them. ?
1. In Bengal it is called 'chada*-
THE STORY OF DEVADATTA IN THE MAHABHXsYA
[Devadatta is killed. The culprit is caught].
275
Na hi Devadattasya hantari hate Indeed if the killer of Devadatta
Devadatlasyapradurbhavo bha- is put to death Devadatta
vati. would not appear again.
\jii Devadatta' s demise Yajnadatia lost heart].
Devadatta-Yajhadattabhyam idam This job was to have been 'done by
karma kartavyam. Devadatta- Devadatta and Yajnadatta.
payc Yajnadatto'pi na karoti. But on Devadatta's death
Yajnadatia would not do it.
XI — Dravidian Section
(35 > Some Jaina Contributions to Tamil Literature
by
Prof. V. R. Ramachandra Diksiiitar
University of Madras
Apart from the doubtful and conllicting tradition that Candra-
gupta Maurya and Bhadrabahu came to the Kannada country in South
India, there is no reliable historical evidence to support the theory as
we have shown elsewhere (MAURYAN POLITY). The age of the
Sangam is roughly settled to be from the 5th century B. C. to the 5th
century A. D. In this we cannot speak definitely of a Jaina settlement
in the Tamil country, though it may be accepted that there were a few
Jaina, practically wandering monks, whose teachings might have
appealed to some. But the establishment of the institution of the
Dravida Sangha in 470 A. D. marks a definite landmark in the history
of Jainism in South India. Patriotic motives were perhaps the reason
that influenced some Jain enthusiasts in the Tamil country to attribute
the authorship of the Tirukkural and the iilappadikaram and even
the celebrated work on grammar, the Tolkappiyam, to the Jains. But
for reasons which we cannot repeat in this article we are afraid that
the arguments put forward in favour of the theory of the Jain author-
ship of these three works in Tamil are too fragile and slender that we
cannot agree to them.
But when we come to the time of the works called Padinenkil-
kanakku or the eighteen minor diadactics we can speak with some
definiteness about of the authors of these eighteen minor works. Even^
here the question not above dispute but still, a certain amount of
acceptance from scholars may be counted. Of these eighteen, one or
two seem to be by^Jain authors. In this series again the Rural figures.
There are also N aladiyar and P alamoli. Every work of the series is
separated by a long distance of centuries; for instance, the Rural is
a first century or second century B. C. composition, and Naladiyar is
a work of the eighth century A. D. written under the auspices of
SOME JAINA CONTRIBUTIONS TO TAMIL LITERATURE
27Z
MuttaraSar who ruled in the Chola country. Though Naladiyar from
the nature of its composition and its contents sefems to be based upon
works in Sanskrit and would apply to every religion as common, still
there is a theory that the work was by some Jain monks. A tradition
says that Vajranandi who was a Jain established the Jain Sangha at
about 470 A. D. and Naladiyar was its first production. Be it noted
the work is not by one author but by various authors some of whom
were Jains. If we put this construction Naladiyar may be one of the
Jaina contributions and to make it appeal to the Tamil public the
authors have contrived the ethical teachings to be based upon the well-
known Kural.
Another work that can be attributed to the Jains in gener al is
PalaniolL Palamoli literally means old words. It is a book of
proverbs containing wisdom and truth and consists of 400 venbas. It is
supposed to have been written by a Jain king, Munruturai Ariyanar
who was also a poet.
But we are on firm field when we come to works like Jtvakacinia-
mani, which is grouped under the five Mahakavyas. The composition
has been accepted as a Tamil literary monument. Even Kamban is
said to have praised the beauty and literary diction of this famous
Kavya. In this the author sketches the life of Jivaka of the Puranas.
The story of Jivaka is not a new thing. It is found mentioned in the
Mahapurana among others, and the Mahapurana was composed by
Jinasena who was the spiritual adviser of Amoghavarsa of the
Rastrakuta dynasty. Therefore the Mahapurapa must belong to the
eighth century A. D. and the Tamil classic Jwakacintamani must
certainly be later. The work itself is divided into 30 chapters or
ilambakam. The author is one Tiruttakkadeva and mentions the career
of the hero from his birth down to his nirvana.
Among the minor kavyas there is what is known as Yaiodhara
Kavya. Though we cannot know anything about the author, still it
has been accepted that he was an ascetic of the Jaina sect. About the
date of this composition we can get a clue from the story itself. The
author must have been later than Madhvacarya who advocated pista
paiu in the place of a live animal for a yaga. The YaSodhara Kavya
-seems to reject even this substitute. Incidentally it refers to some. of
the Jaina precepts and all we could say about this is that it is a literairy
work, sometime after the reformation effected by Madhvacarya.
There is another work called Cudama^ii again by a Jaina poet,,
named Tolamolitevar. He is profusely quoted by Amrtasagara the
author of Yapparungala, karikai. The one beauty of the Cudamani
is that it maintains the poetic excellence of the CintamanL The story
deals with one Tivittan, a Puranic figure considered by the Jains as
one of the nine V^sudevas. We need not go into the details of the
27S l6TH,ALLrINPIA QRIENTAl, CON?Efl®NCe
Story; but it may be poipted out that there sopie details about Jina
dlkfita. '
Another work as this category is NilakeU evidently by a Jaina
philosopher. From what appears Ntlakeh refuted the Buddhist work
Ku3;?dalake5i, unfortunately lost to us. The story contained therein is
more imaginary and was intended to demonstrate the feebleness of the
opponent like the Buddhists and the powerfulness of his own religion,
Jainism. The fundamental principles of the Jaina religion and philoso-
phy are narrated throughout this book, elevating the doctrine of ahimsa
and vindicating the reality of the soul against materialism.
There is another work called Perungadai in Tamil perhaps after
the Bxhatkathagunadya. The author is said to be one Konguvel
evidently a prince of Kongudesa. It relates to the life of Prince
Udayana whose story is well known to the students of the Purapa. A
good portion of this story relates to Vasavadatta, Udayana's queen of
whom the great dramatist, Bhasa has written a nataka, entitled Svap-
navEiavadatta. The author is said to be a Jain by persuasion, and some
of the Jain teachings appear in the course of this long poem. Between
this epic and the Jtvakacintamani, there are many resemblances which
may be noted with profit by students of Tamil literature.
Another important classic of the Tamils is Merumandiram^ One
Vamana Muni is said to be the author of this work. We have heard
of one Vamanamuni already as the commentator of the NtlakeH. If
both are the same then Vamanamuni must have flourished in the 14th
century during the time of Bukkarayar. The story itself centres round
Meru and Mandira, evidently a Puranic story. This PurSnic tale is
also found mentioned in the Mahapurana as having taken place during
the time of Vimalatirthahkara. The story is framed in such a way
that Jaina philosophical doctrine could be expounded with case. The
story ends with the two princes Meru and Mandira worshipping the
Tlrthahkara and attending his dharmopade^a. They attained finally
godhood by performing yoga.
Another great work of the Jains in the Tamil land can be said to
be the MpurEna, The ^rlpurapa is written in MariipravSla style,
Tamil and Sanscrit being combined. One of the most popular works
among the Tamil Jains is the SrlpurSna and it is considered to be a
sacred work being based upon Jinasena’s Mahapurana, The authorship
of this work is not known. The peculiarity of this work is that it
ideals with the history pf thp 63 sacred persons including the 24 Tlrthah-
karas, the 12 cakrayartins known to Jain literature, 9 Vasudevas pf
Tain tradition. 9 Baladevas of Jain faith and 9 Prativasudevas. The
interesting thing here is JariUanda of Magadha is looked upon as one
.>of the Prativasudevas while StI I^rspa ia one of the nine VSsudevas
SOME. JAINA CONTRIBUTIONS TO TAMIL LITERATURE
279
and his brother Balarama a Baladeva. The book is looked upon with
veneration by all Jamas in Tamil India.
In addition to their contribution to Tamil literature the Jains have
also contributed to prosody and grammar by writing Yapparungala
Karikai written by one Amrtasagara, perhaps a contemporary of
Gunasagara who has written a commentary upon this work. Amrtasa-
gara is also celebrated as the author of the extent Yapparungalaviruiti,
Neminatham is a grammatical work in Tamil by one Gunavirapatidita.
The introductory verses to this work indicate that there was a Jaina
temple at Mylapore which was destroyed by the raging waves. In this
connection we have also to mention the noteworthy book N annul which
is again a work on Tamil grammar. The author of this work was
apparently a Jam. The book is being used as an authoritative work
on grammar. One of the commentators of this work is said to be
Mylanatha and his commentary has been made available to the public
by the late Dr. V. Swaminatha Iyer. Unlike the Tolkappiyam this«
work deals with only two sections Eluttu and ioL
After the settlement of the Jains in the Tamil country and their
conversion of a number of people to their fold, they took to Tamil
language and literature as a hobby and finally became great Tamil
Pandits making their influence felt in every branch of Tamil literature.
They were not content with grammar and prosody alone. Even in the
field of Tamil lexicography they had left their deep impress in Tamil
literature, the three Nighantus or lexicons are named Divakaram
Pingalandai and Cudamani, Some Tamil scholars are of opinion
that the authors of the three works were Jainas by faith. In the
Cudamani Nighantu reference is made to Gunabhadracarya, a dis-
ciple of Jinasenacarya by its author. There is also a reference to two
other Nighantus evidently the Divakaram and Pingalandai. In that
case it is probable that the three Tamil Nighantus are the works of
people whose religion was Jainism.
It is also claimed that the Jains were anxious to show themselves
proficient in astrology and astronomy also. The Jinendramalai is
considered to be one of the works on astrology and it is often quoted
by Tamil astrologers especially in Aroodam.
Thus we have made a rapid survey of the real contribution made
to Tamil literature by the Jains in the course of a thousand years which
followed the foundation of the Jaina Sangha at Madura. It is true
that after the foundation of this Sahgha and the propaganda carried
on not only by the Jains but also the Buddhists provoked the wrath of
the reformers of Hindu Dharma which resulted in a number of
Nayanmars and Alwars decrying these two as hetorodox sects and ele-
vating both feaivism and Vaisrtavism as the established religion of the
land. This propaganda by members of the orthodox faith lasted for
280 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
more than 500 years in which period with the support given by Sri
Sahkara who hailed ‘from a village in Kaladi in Malabar, the Tamil
people were able to convert even princes from their ways of thinking
and persecute the heterodox people wherever they were found. Not-
withstanding the persecution which was carried on in a large scale the
Jainas were able to hold their heads and became identified with the
Tamil people in their outlook on men and matters. Hence they were
tolerated and their settlements were not much disturbed. By taking
more and more to literary pursuits they won the love and esteem of
their fellow men in the Tamil land and made a permanent name for
themselves.
(36) The Religion and Philosophy of Cilappatikaram
by
M. A. EhjRAi Rangaswamy, m.a., m.o.l.
University of Madras.
Cilappatikaram is the earliest of the epics in the Tamil Language
now available for study. It ushers in a New Era in the poetic life of
the Tamilians. This epic of “the (New Order of the ^Anklet)'' is
unique in many respects and a deeper study of this valuable work is
bound therefore to yield a rich harvest of the poetic enjoyment in those
eternal values which the poet holds forth there with all’ his religious
fervour, as full of philosophical signiftcance.
The story of the epic is indeed a very simple one. The actual
historical facts forming the back bone of this story can be easily picked
up. A happily married couple Kdvalan and Kannaki,. an interlude of a
dancing girl Matavi, the resulting poverty of K5valan, his trek to distant
Madura with Kannaki to build up a trade and a home, his execution on
a false charge of theft, the death of the Pandya King and Queen and
the Great Fire of Madura, the last three events so happening in succes-
sion close upon the execution of KOvalan that the superstitious people
began to connect them as miracles of chastity. The people in those
days of credulity and blind faith must have woven a pattern of divinity
with the warp and weft of those miracles ; and story must have, within
a few days, spread all through the Tamil Land with all the incidental
exaggerations and embellishments unhampered by any modern spirit
of scepticism. Our poet, a contemporary of these events as he himself
narrates in this epic itselL takes up the story and gives it a poetic form
and shape full of philosophical significance for him.
The Patikam or the introduction enumerates the principles or
canons which form as it were the motive force of this epic that the
great always worship the chaste women, that the Dharma or the
Principle of Righteousness is verily the Death unto those Kings straying
away from the Rule of law, and that the omnipotent Fate forces us to
reap its consequences^. Here is the Religion or cult of Pattini or the
Woman of Chastity to purify our domestic and social life or Imam or
Kamam. Here is the philosophy of Justice to purify our Political life
or Artha or Porul. Here is also the metaphysics of Fate to shape our
1, Patikam : 56-58.
282
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Spiritual life or Dharma or Aram. These events are woven together
as a beautiful patten? though one may take out mentally at the different
strands for study.
The statement about Fate is rather too crude to do justice to the
poetic treatment of the plot of this epic. But this epic is by the way,,
unique in being dramatic as well. But if e\rery- event is explained
completely and successfully by the principle of Fate, where is the place
for human or spiritual principle, the development of drama, the interplay
of personalities, the conflicts and resolutions of life ? If one understands
Fate in this crude sense there can be no drama. This principle will lay
the axe at the very root of the poetic creation.
But fate does set the stage wherein play the human actors. The
action is there, subject to all the restrictions and limitations of that
stage. The environment is there for us all ; our limitations also are there,
as a twist, a bend, or a tendency ; we are predisposed to act in a
particular way. But man is no slave to these-that is his eternal glory.
He tries to reshape them and the wonder is that he sometimes succeeds.
If Kannaki, the heroine is the inevitable product of blind fate, what is
there divine about her ? Any other woman in her place would have
suffered and died in one way or other. But it is the glory of Kannaki
that she gives a spiritual form and shape to her suffering and transforms
or sublimates it into a Tapas or Spiritual tonic or inner purification.
The evils are there to be destroyed in her world. Her domestic life is
no more personal to her. Seen from the universal point of view it is
the life of her society. Her solution therefore becomes the moral
regeneration of society — or social revolution which burns away all the
evil in that society as symbolised by the Great Fire of Madura. Herein
lies the dynamism of her Chastity.
Fate has set the stage for her in the form of a particular kind of
society which is cut in twain— the chaste women and the prostitutes not
by profession but by the mere fact of their birth. The emphasis on
mere sensual pleasure in both the spheres at home divorcing it from art
and other sublimations of passion and at the brothel degrading the arts
themselves by their compulsory association with obscene prostitution —
that is in short the root cause of the social cancer.
J^A patron and lover of art like Kovalan can get that artistic enjoy-
ment, in private, only in a prostitute's parlour. But it is both for hia
fortune and misfortune that his dancing girl is only a prostitute by
birth; she is in herself an embodiment of chastity a flagrant negation
of the then prevalent social theory of divorce between chastity and art*
It is this which makes the complication of the story beyond denouement
or resolution. In a moment of jealousy the inevitable concommitent of
passion raising up its monstrous head up above his unconscious mind the
THE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF CILAPPATIKXrAM
hero suspects her^ — and suspicion is another bedfellow of passion. This
creates the occasion for the story to unite him with his wedded love.
The sudden change in the behaviour of Kovalan has shaken
Matavi’s character to its very foundations. She is baptized a new in the
fire of suffering and this transports her to the highest ethical perfection.
Her second letter^ to him is full of the highest ethical flavour. But
Kovalan does not realise fully the significance of this revelation of this
new Matavi. That broken heart of his will have to collapse between his
all absorbing love for Kannaki and his all absorbing love for Matavi.
He cannot escape this lifelong torture of the inner conflict except in his
death. His death thus becomes the inner necessity of the poetic art and
justice of the plot. The tragedy is all the more poignant revealing to us
the climax of the social cancer.
The great Pandya ruler famous for his Justice^ himself catches
this infection. In a moment of intoxication because of the heat and
confusion of passion, the king spurts out that the thief should be
executed and the anklet brought to him.s Innocent blood is shed^ and
the king has to raise up once again his fallen sceptre with his very
life^— aslhe po(t puts it through the mouth of Cenkuttuvan. The
society, rotten to the core and fatally infecting even the righteous king,
has to be burnt and a new society founded out of the youths, the
virtuous, the seers, the chaste women and the innocent of the old
society®. In the working out of this political and social revolution,
chastity is deified^ — thus all the three principles form an organic whole
in this epic.
Fate is here raised to a higher pitch of social elegy and assumes
tragic proportions. It does not face us at every turn as minor injuries.
Here it is something so great that it demands a social revolution. A
universal significance is thereby given to it. This incarnation of Fate
in society is absolutely human in that it is the ever growing result of the
actions of generations of men. The very social regeneration brought
about by Kannaki, emphasises the affirmative aspect which is the source
of our feeling of reconciliation. The necessity which we have so far
seen in the plot is yet of one substance with the actors.
2. Cilap 7 :52.
3. Ibid. 13:87-92.
4. Ibid. 15:3.
5. Ibid. 16: 131-154.
6. Ibid. 16-214.
7. Ibid. 25: 98-99.
8. Ibid. 21 :53-57.
9. Ibid. 25:114.
284
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
KSvalan is through and through emotional in spite of his erudition in
many languages, his artistic training and his higher ideals and self sacri-
fice^^J. He is a man of emotion not a man of calculated action. Even
acts supreme examples of sacrifice, love and culture — are emotional rather
than otherwise. Here w^e have in him the unbalanced personality tilted
too much to the side of emotion and his sufferings flow trom this
imbalance, his poverty, or rather the one sided development of his
personality, his very forgetting Kannaki and his meeting with the gold-
smithi2 instead of with a merchant of his caste as originally proposed
by himself.
Kannaki on the other hand is an active personality with no emo-
tional outbursts. She calculates like a lady of the merchant class not for
making money but for showing consideration to alP^. She is almost
expressionless 'M she speaks in monosyllables and forced smiles^^. Her
cold exterior is her fault. Here is also an imbalance of personality
where everything is titled to the side of action and calculation, nothing
being found on the side of blind emotion. She is an embodiment of
love and sympathy. She does not die to escape this imbalance. She is.
cured of this imbalance by the force of events which bring out an
emotional outburst in her. She is thus made whole and perfect.
Matavi, till Kovalan deserts her has not known what suffering is,
it has been all smooth sailing, playing on the surface water of the sea
of life. Suddenly she stands on the quicksand of life. She realises
her position; instead of being swallowed up she swims on to the sturdy
rock of ethical perfection. An iota of the ethical seriousness which she
shows later oni6 would have saved her and Kovalan, if it had become
visible in the first part of her life.
The Pa^idya king is really a great soul but it has also not reached its
equillibrium. ' His is a ruffled surface of the sea with the ebb and flow of
conflicting emotions. Perhaps his very experience of royalty has given
him the shaking that his personality is still oscillating up and down
without settling down to rest. He has not reached the inner peace. In
10.
Ibid.
IS
; 21-94.
11.
Ibid.
9-;
7 .
12.
Ibid.
16
: 108.
n.
Ibid
16:
71-83.
14.
Ibid.
9:
72.73.
15.
Ibid.
16j
1 78-80.
16.
Ibid.
13:
87-92.
THE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF CILAPPATIKARAM 285»
spite of his honest attempts his good intentions do not hold the upper
hand except at the time of his death^^ • but that is nO success.
The Cera king Cenkuttuvan is a great person of actions. Whereas
Kaniaaki was an introvert, he is an extrovert. He would have died a
fighting cock but for the timely inspiration of Matalan who reveals to
him a new way of life of peace and contentment^s.
Matalan and our poet Ilanko are the only people who have achieved
the equanimity of temperament, serene peace and harmony of all
conflicts, the one through his objective journey through life and the
other through the subjective experience of poetry. It is the absence of
this harmony but a conflict of overwhelming imbalance that had led to
all the catastrophe.
The political revolution after that conflict of two minds — Kannaki
and Pandya is based on the principle of equality or the intrinsic worth
of human being as such. The whole edifice of the state crumbles down
when it sets at naught the life of a human being however humble it may
be. For establishing this principle therefore the poet must bring into
conflict not a seer or a sage but a stranger and foreigner, poor and
helpless. This therefore necessitates that the hero of the story
standing as against the ruler, should be a common man.
The epic is unique among the epic of the world in being the story
of no king or seer. The kingdoms may be many but humanity is one.
The Tamil country enjoys a fundamental unity of culture, language and
civilisation within its limits, a unity of the common man within the
trinity of the crowned kings. Kannaki and Kovalan are born in the
Cola Capital, they move to the Pandya capital and they are deified in the
Cera capital. Thus in spite of the political divisions there is a continuity
in the life of the common folk. The life of any Tamil king would not
have given room for revealing this fundamental unity of the Tamil land
and universality of justice. This is another reason for our poet
choosing the hero and heroine from among the common folk.
There is a third reason as well. This epic is the deification of the
chaste woman, of chastity pure and simple without the extraneous-
glamour of Royal birth or fabulous wealth or miraculous spirituality.
Even the rich Kannaki has to be brought to the verge of poverty in a
distant foreign land absolutely helpless-for that, she has to loose her
lord — her only prop-reaching the very depth of despondency. It is by the
very artistic necessity of the scheme of things as conceived by the poet
in this view that the epic oi the common man took a shape and forn>
even in that age of monarchy.
17. Ibid. 13 : 87-92,
18. Ibid. 28: 110-234.
286
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The deification.of Kannaki is not a one day miracle but the gradual
unfoldment of her character from an ordinary simple care free girlhood
to perfection through the ordeal of suffering and conllicts. The blow
of separation and neglect by her lover falls suddenly and unexpectedly
after a continuous period of the happiest wedded life. She keeps up,
of course, With great difficulty a show of contentedness. This altitude
of withdrawing into herself has developed a sturdy independence of
standing on her own legs. Tamilian conception, which Valluvar has
given expression to, of chastity which believesi® in its intrinsic strength
refusing to bow down before gods for any help guides our Kannaki all
through the dark days of solitude and suffering.
Such a great endurance of suffering as this without any murmur and
such a great consideration for others as to screen her own sufferings
successfully from their view lest their mental peace should be disturbed
— this is according to Valluvar the very quintessence of Tapas or
Sacrifice.
The ascetic Jain nun observing our herione day in and day out all
through the journey to Madura2o with her miraculous powers and with
her ever watchful fault finding eyes^i at the end of her continuous
vigil, exclaims to the shepherdess to whose loving care she entrusts
Kannaki, that Kannaki is the only god the nun has seen and that no
other god she has seen22. Here is as it were, the prophecy of deifica-
tion to come. There stands the goddess in the making.
When Kovalan and Kannaki pass through a desert haunt of hunters
'who celebrate the annual festival of their Mother Goddess, one of
them, inspired by the Goddess in her trance praises Kannaki as the idol
of Tamil land and the unique gem divine of this mundane world^s.
That is how Kannaki who has reached a certain level of perfection
appears to the eyes of ethical sages and inspired seers.
Valluvar delineates three stages of moral development, the stage
of revenge (Orukkam neri)24, the stage of forbearance (Porukkum
neri)25 and the higher stage of forgetting (Marakkum neri )26. Kannaki
19.
Kural
:55. .
20.
Cilap.
10:64-101.
21.
Ibid.
60:219-235.
22.
Ibid.
15:153-154.
23.
Ibid.
12:46-50.
24.
Rural
314;
25.
Ibid.
151;
26.
Ibid.
152.
THE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF CILAPPATIKARAM 287
even at the starting point is beyond the stage of vengeance. She
has not any harsh word for Kovalan or Matavi,
When Kovalan lies executed, Kannaki undergoes a revolution
within herself27. Her speech is a volcanic eruption. She rushes like
a tigress to the citadel of the victorious Pandya and denounces him in
his very presence by contrasting his rule with the righteous rule of the
Cola king2». The successful vindication and the death of the Pandya
do not cool her righteous indignation. She pounces as it were on
Madura the cursed city^^. All this is but nature red in tooth and nail.
This exemplifies the stage of vengeance which instead of preceding
the stage of forbearance, succeeds it in this epic. But it is a passing
phase.
Even here in the path of retribution, there is the underlying spirit
of reformation. The fire of Madura is symbolic of the passing away
of the old order of corruption and passion. Kannaki hurls away one
of her mammalian glands and lo! the city is on fire^o. That gland, the
symbol of the highe.st and purest love the selfless and all sacrificing,
love of the mother-degrades in a society obsessed with animal passion
into the \olupluous swell exiciting the violent passion of the obscene
man. A glorious transformation has to be effected. This erstwhile
degraded symbol of obscenity, now burns away the evils and restores
morality to its life by its intrinsic implication of motherhood and
womanhood. What is burnt is evil. Why cry over it? In this gla-
mour of the all consuming flame one forgets the saviour. Those who
have a chance of redemption have to be saved and are saved^i. The
saviour is our Kannaki.
The volcano cools down. But she leaves exhausted and broken
hearted. If she had not collapsed, it is because she had heard the
inner voice speaking to her as the very voice of Kovalan of his pro-
mised meeting of her in the near future^^.
The mountaineers see her standing under a tree^^. To them she
is the very form of divinity chastened and mellowed, therefore dear
and near to their heart^^.
27.
Cilap.
18:30-53.
28.
Ibid. ;
20:50-62.
29.
Ibid. 21 :31-37.
30.
Ibid 21
;45-57,
31.
Ibid 21
:.S3-55.
32.
Ibid 23
: 184-2 00.
33.
Ibid 25
:57.
34.
Ibid 75
:S8-60.
.288
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The Cera king Cenkuttuvan who has raised a temple for this
Pattini or the chaste, sees a vision^s. Kannaki appears in her divine
form in that vision hnd she sings, ‘I have become the guest of the king
of Heavens. The Pandya king is faultless ; he is my father^^.' Her
mortal enemy the Pandya is thus welcomed as her own father that is
the love, the very acme of divinity.
The deification of Pattini is the deification of women and has
therefore an eternal value. The cult of Pattini or the chaste is the
religion of Cilappatikaram. It is not the ordinary passive chastity as
that revealed by the Queen of Pandya, dropping down dead at the sight
of her lord giving up his ghost37. It is the dynamic chastity of Kannaki
^as is expressed by the Queen of the Cera) for whom the Cera Queen
deiliands a temple to be raised^s. It is the dynamism, vindicating the
innocence of her lord, revolutionising the society, burning away in the
fire of chastity the dress of prostitution and seduction emphasising the
necessity for the chastity of man and finally sublimating the lower
passion into pure and heavenly gold of virtue and divinity-it is this
dynamism that has appealed to the Cera Queen. This is the New Order
of the anklet.
The religion of the poet is not a mere scientific adoration of nature
as some suggest from a reading of the opening lines; it is something
deeper. Some hail him as a Saivite, His brother the Cera king is a
Saivite and the poet describes Siva as the Great, unborn as any faithful
Saivite could have described^^. When the father of Kannaki, the
father of Kovalan, Matavi and Manimekalai renounce their worldly
life and take to Holy Orders, it looks as though the poet is holding
here the scales even It looks as though for want of a holy order in
the Saivite Religion that the poet had made them embrace other
'religion s^^>. Anyhow this shows only the poet’s large lieartedness.
There is some agreement among scholars that the poet is a Jain.
Kovalan and Kannaki are described by the poet as Sravakas^C The
deification of Kannaki is in keeping with the deification of every soul
on its march to perfection without the necessity for a creator. But
this argument loses its force when one realises that the Pattini Cult is
35. Ibid 29:8.
36. Ibid 29:9.
37. Ibid. 20: 78-81.
38. Ibid. 25: 110-114.
39. Ibid. 26: 54-58.
40. Ibid. 27:90-108.
4 \ Ibid. 16:18.
THE RELIGION AND PHILOSOPHY OF CILAPPATIKARAM
289
welcomed by all creeds. The introduction of the character of Kavunti,
the Jain nun, is considered by some to have been made with the set
purpose of preaching Jain principles. But a thorough study of the epic
will reveal that the poet is in search of an electron microscope for
observing carefully all the acts, even the insignificant acts, of Kanriaki
and the Jain men come in handy for this purpose. But Kannaki comes
out in glorious colours having gone through the ordeals of the Jain nun.
Unless understood in this light the enumeration the details of the Jain
code of conduct of the Poet’s intention, for in no other place the poet
has attempted any caricature of any religion.
That is not to argue that the poet is not a Jain. Perhaps he is!
But the poet is blessed like Valluvar with the universal consciousness,
refusing to be labelled. He is beyond any parochialism even in the
sphere of religion. His reference to ^iva makes one believe that he
is a Saivite of Saivites ; indeed he has identified himsetf with Saivism
to that great extent. Every poet identifies himself with the character
he delineates. He is the villain one moment, the hero the next, and
the heroine the third, emanating form the very fire of his soul and
poetry. But very rarely does a poet rise to that level of universal
consciousness to identify himself with the religion and religious expe-
riences of all the characters. Our poet is an exception. He describes
the dance of the hunters and praises their Mother Goddess^^, Every
syllable of this description and prayer song reveals his inspiring know-
ledge of their mind and love. No other devotee of the Mother Goddess
could have composed a more sincere and poetic prayer as he. In the
same way the poet becomes the devotee of Visnu'*^, Muruga^^ and so
on. Our poet is a great mystic, engaging all these varied experiences
as a harmonious unity without any jarring note or external conflict
because of his universal consciousness beyond the mine and the thine
of parochialism. This is in keeping with his ethical mysticism har-
monising all dualities in his monistic vision of poetry.
42. Ibid. 12: 12-44; 54-74.
43. Ibid 17 full; 11: 35-51.
44. Ibid. 24 full.
(37) The Apastamba Diiarma Sutra and the ‘Duarma’
Portion of Tiru-Kural.
by
Sri a. S. Nataraja Ayyar, Allahabad.
The Apastamba Dharma Sutra is one of the most ancient of
Dharma ^astra works in Sanskrit. The Tiru-Kural of Tiru-Valluvar
is the first systematic exposition of the 4 ends of life — Dharma, Artha.
Kama and Moksa in the Tamil language and is the earliest which has
come to us and it remains as the best exposition of the subject in the
Tamil language and holds a unique place in the honour and estimation
of later generations up to date including kings, poets, scholars and
politicians of the Tamil land. The object of this paper is to set forth
a few items of comparison between the one and the other.
The date of Apastamba may be fixed as the Sth century B. C.
Mayne*s Hindu Law (10th Edition 1938-revised by Srinivasa Ayyan*
gar. 11th Edition 1950-revised by Chandrasekhara Ayyar) summarises
the views of scholars as hereunder : —
^'Apastamba like Baudhayana belonged to the Krsna Yajurveda
and was also probably a native of the Andhra country. He refers to
^vetaketu who appears as a Vedic teacher even in the Satapatha Brah-
mana and Chandogya upanisad as an Avara (.^^) or a man of
recent times. Dr. BUhler, Dr. Jolly and M. M. Kane assign the date
of the composition of the Apastamba Dharma Sutra to the fourth or
fifth century B, C. Prof. Hopkins and Dr. Keith suggest the second
century B. C, as the more probable date Dr. Jayaswal agrees with
Dr. Jolly and assigns the work to the .‘ith century B. C.*^
Dr. Buhler in his introduction to the translation of Apastamba’s
Dharma Sutra states (page XLIII): — “On linguistic grounds it
seems to me Apastamba cannot be placed later than the 3rd century
B. C. and if his statement regarding ^vetaketu is taken into account
the lower limit for the composition of his Sutras must be pushed back
by 150-200 years”.
“The Kuralof Tiruvalluvar” says Grierson in his Introductory [con-
cluding] volume of the Linguistic Survey of India “which teaches the
Sahkhya [Dharma ^astra and Vedanta] Philosphy in 1330 poetic
^ aphorisms is universally considered as one of its brightets gems. Regard-
[ ing the date of the Kural it is stated that “the cumulative weight of
XPASTAMBA DHARMA SUTRA AND ‘DHARMA* PORTION OF TIRU-KURAL 291
evidence is in favour of the last date vis 1st or 2nd century B. C.**
(Studies in Tamil Literature and History by V. R/R. Dikshitar. 1930.
University of Madras p. 133),
“It is generally accepted as belonging to a period anterior to the
2nd century A. D. Some scholars place it in the 1st century B. C.*'
(Rural selections Books I and II with English translation by C. Raja-
gopalachariar — Rochhouse and Sons — Madras 1950).
Much light on the relative posteriority of Apastamba is thrown by
T. P. Palaniappa Pillai in his article on Tiru Valluvar (Vol. X. 1950)
of the Journal of Sri Venkateswara Oriental Institute. Tirupati pp. 19-30
at p. 27.
“The ancient Sanskrit Literature shows that Kanci (Conjeevaram)
was a great seal of Sanskrit learning in the Dravidadesa in the
early centuries of the Christian era. A clan of Andhra Bhrtyas of
the north came to Tamil Tondaimandalam, settled as conquerors, held
power at Kancii and grow in importance as the Pallava Tondayar
Kings for many centuries. These copper plates show that the Kings
of this line establishing a powerful state of Kanci introduced the
Aryan lines of administration modelled on the Kautalyan Artha §astra,
performed Vedic sacrifices, spread Aryan ideas and pushed on agricul-
ture ill this part of the country. Born and bred up in the Tamil land,
blossomed and brightened ripe in Tamil culture, nurtured also in the
rich Sanskrit culture of Artha Sastra, Anviksiki Varta Samkhya
SLnd Dharnia, he (Tiru Valluvar) had endeavoured to radiate his vast
knowledge of the ancient lore and of the world and wrote his unsur-
passed work — the immortal Rural for the betterment of his Tamil
land,“
Thus it may be taken as established that the great Rural had
before it the Sanskrit works on Dharma Sastra and Artha Sastra for
models. This is accepted by Parimelazhagar, the most erudite commen-
tator on Tiru Valluvar who in many portions of his commentary has
indicated how the ideas of the Sanskrit works agree with the conclu-
sions of Tiru Valluvur evidently forming the basis for Tiru Valluvar.
If Parimelazhagar’s views could be adopted then the author of the
Rural must have been familiar with Sanskrit Literature and especially
the Dharma Sastra and Artha feastra Literature. “If this position can
be accepted it is reasonable to assume that Tiru Valluvar follows main-
ly in his Arattuppal — (Portion on Dharma) the most popular Dharma
Sastra of Manu, in his Portutpal — (Portion on Wealth) the well-
known Artha Sastra of Kautalya and in his Kamattuppal (Portion on
Pleasure) the "'Kama Sastra of Vatsyayana. To these maybe added
portions of the Ramayaria and the Maha Bharata and other allied
literature" (Page 133 of V. R. R. Diksshitar's Studies in Tamil Litera-
ture and History 1930. University of Madras — Chapter on Tiru
Rural pp. 125-176).
292
16t11 ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Among modern .scholars there is practical unanimity about the
indebtedness of the Rural to the Sanskrit Dharina Sastras and Artha
^asii“as.
Prof. Krishnaswamy Ayyangar States in his “Evolution of Hindu
Administrative Instiiuiions of South India’" (1^31 University of
Madras Sir William Meyer Lecture 1929-30. Lecture 2. Rural
Polity ) .
“Apart from this question purely of diction the parallelisms in
subject matter are so many and so frequent that it would be taking too
much upon ourselves to assert that in the subject rnaiter the work is
quite independent of Sanskrit. We have no right to assume that a
commentator is a fraud who reads his ideas into the Sutras composed
centuries before his time. These remarks are offered here as is often
asserted that Parimelazhagar’s profound learning in Sanskrit is what is
responsible for the affiliation of the ideas of the Rural to Sanskrit
works. Ignorance of Sanskrit and the necessarily imperfect exposition
of the Rural are not certain features of higher authority. It is know-
ledge of what Sanskrit has to say and a comparison of the two in the
contents that really would lead to anything and take justifiable infer-
ence rather than the ignorance that would shut its eyes to all possible
sources of light from elsewhere. [For the opposite view see “Sudies
in Tiru Rural’" by R. P, Setu Pillai with a foreword bv K. Subramania
Pillai 1923].
Though the parallelisms have been admitted still they have not
been exhaustively worked out. V. R. R. Dikshitar in his essay
“Studies on Tamil Literature’" notes a few. The first systematic
exposition of the comparison is by Dr. P. S. Subrahmanya Sastry, Head
of the department of Sanskrit, Annamalai University in his commen-
tary on the Rural (Arattuppal-Balar Urai). The parallelisms of the
Dharma portion as the mo.st important portion of the work have now
been the subject of a special work entitled “108 verses of Rural"".
(72 verses relate to Dharma, 34 to Artha and 2 to Kama) published with
a Srimukham from H. H. Jagadguru ^afikaracarya of the Kanci
Kama Koti Peetham (B. G. Paul & Co., Madras 1950).
Now a few points of comparison between Apastamba Dhaima
Sutra and the Tiru Rural Dharma portion are set down below.
1. Among the Dharma Sastra writers, Apastamba is the foremost
who lays special emphasis on. “The agreement of those who know the
Law as the authority (for the duties)"” (I- 1. 1* 2)
as the only source of Dharma besides the Vedas as the ultimate source
of Dharma. The next Sutra states and Buhler translates it:
**(and the authority for the latter) are the Vedas alone.'"
APASTAMBA DHARMA SUTRA AND "DHARMA’ PORTION OF TIRU-KURAL 293*
That this is Apastamba’s considered conclusion is clear from other
portions of his work. In I. 7. 20. 7. he states;* ly g
5r5[r?Fl^ ^ i=s But that is virtue the practice of
which wise men of the three twice born castes praise; what they blame
is sin.
The definition of these Aryas or the qualities adorning the Aryan
have been explicitly set forth in two places in the middle and end of
the work in the same language — T. 7. 20. 8 and 9.. II. 11. 29. 13 and 14.
frssr vrq'wwfR: I i grsRrat
^*ifniTn ?n?Tft?|sft?rr5inq; i?psinn ^rm-
i ?r»i1
wmsiafa
13. ll is difficult to learn the sacred law from the letter of the
Vedas only ; but by following the indications it is easily accomplished.
14. The indication for those doubtful cases are: He shall
regulate his course of action according to the conduct of what is unani-
mously recognised in all countries by men of three twice born castes
who have been properly obedient to their teachers who are aged, of
subdued senses, neither given to avarice nor hypocrites. Acting thus he
will gain both worlds.
The reason for confining Dharma to this source is very piquantly
put I. 7. 20. 6. sr vrjrfvr*ff i *1 sr
^4 'aw WWW I
For virtue and sin (Dharma and Adharma) do not go about saying:
Here we are Nor do Gods Gandharvas or Manes say to men '‘This ^s
virtue. This is sin.”
Following Apastamba we should hold that Tiru Valluvar has in
Chapter 3 dealt with on the greatness of ascetics as the ascetic alone is a
^4? (Araveran verse 10) and as his word (collectively or individually)
is the source of Dharma. [We may omit the 1st 2 Chapters on God and
Rain as iniroductory ] .
In mentioning this source as the only source of Dharma it was
unnecessary to mention the more remote source of Dharma z/is. the
Vedas. This treatment by Tiru Valluvar is not accidental but deliberate
following Apastamba Dharma Sutra's cardinal doctrine of the single
source of Dharma in the customs of great men. Control of senses is
dealt with in verses 4, 5 and 7. Their qualities are described as the hill
ascendant on which they sit (verse 9). The mercy to all creation is
noted in verse 10 and their general greatness in verse 6.
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II. The definition of anta^ar in the last verse of Chupter 3 as: —
'**The Brahmins are the people who know Dharma as tjjey show the
quality of mercy kindness to all creatures’".
This is an exact replica of Apastambas I. 8:23. Su{ras I and 2.
^ I 5r?n f^Tsrm i
Here snpT means a Brahmana translated as ,antanar' in Tamil. The
Sutras are translated by BUhler as: —
“That Brahmana who is wise and recognises all creatures to be
Atman, who pondering thereon does not become bewildered and who
recognises Atman in every created being shines forsooth [surely] in
heaven.’*
III. In the same Chapter 3 treating of the greatness of ascetics
we have a verse which refers to the very men being endowed with
qualities and they are stated as sitting on the hill of qualities. This has
evidently reference to I. 8. 23. 6 of Apaslamba where the qualities
of the Brahmanas referred to in the 1st Sutra (I. 8. 23. l.j are des-
cribed.
^‘Freedom form anger, from exaltation from grumbling, from
covetousness, from perplexity, from hypocrisy and hurtfulness; truth-
fulness, moderation in eating, silencing slander, freedom from envy,
self denying liberality, avoiding to accept gifts, uprightness, affability,
extinction ^of the passions, subjection of the senses, peace with all
created beings, concentration of the mind (on the contemplation of
Atman), regulation of one’s conduct according to that of the Ary as,
peacefulness and contentedness these good qualities have been settled
by the agreement of the wise for all the four orders ; he who according
to the precepts of the sacred law practices these enters the Universal
Soul.”
This large list of qualities of Apastamba is condensed in one clause
as ‘sitting on the (throne of the) hill of qualities v. 9 of Chapter 3.
'He who stands ascendant on the hill of qualities’ by Tiru Valluvar.
XPASTikllBA DHARMA SUTRA AND 'DHARMA' PORTION OF TIRU-KURAL 295
IV* Again Apastamba's division of the four A^ramas practically
into twt> lends adequate basis for Tiru Valluvar'S division of Dharma
into th<4 Grhastha Dharma and the ascetic Dharma (lit. Dharma which
consisti of giving up everything;.
Apastamba’s treatment is seen from II. 9. 21. Sutras 1 to 4.
I. Th«!ire are 4 orders, the householdership, the studentship, the order
of asc(fttics and the order of hermits in the woods. 2. If he lives in all
these four according to the rules of the law without allowing himself to be
disturbed by anything be obtains salvation. 3. The duty to live in the
teacher's house after the initiation is common to all of them. 4. Not to
abandon sacred learning is a duty common to all. Hence leaving out the
introductoiy or common A^rama of the Brahmacarin the other three
are to be divided into two — the Grhastha — one who lives in the world
and on the other hand the ascetic and hermit — those who leave the
world. These are the two great divisions of mankind which have
claimed man’s admiration allegiance and worship from the dawn of
humanity in all ages. The history of the world could be written in a
compendious form as the action and interaction of these two forces on
men. This is exactly the problem in the age of Apastamba and he sets
out the same elaborately in 2 sections II. 9. 23. Sutras 7 to 11 and
II. 9. 24. Sutras 1 to 15. These two sections are very important as
setting both the basis of the claims of the respective contending parties.
To summarise, the Sanyasi claimed the support of the texts of the Veda
and the power to pronounce benediction [inflicting
is included]. The basis of the one is invisible and the basis of the
second is visible by its effects being demonstrated and made known
to the world. The Grhastha also had the Vedic texts to support and
appeals to the view that the good done by the sons {e.g, in the shape of
intended for the father’s benefit and ^raddhas after his death)
lead them to the places in heaven. He appeals to the son looking alike.
Finally Apastamba concludes by giving his judgment in the last portion :
‘'still there is no reason to place one order before the other II. 9. 24.
W 5 I, On account of the passages of the
revealed texts and on account of the visible results — these are the two
bases of arguments of each of the two side
The same judgment vvould be that of Tiruvalluvar also as he praises
both types of Dharma — the Grhastha and the Ascetic in the same
expatiory words. Compare (1) the verses in Chapter 5, the House-
holder, especially verse 6. “If the Grhastha does perform the Dharma
of his station what is there for him to gain by going to the other station
of life (the life of the ascetic and hermit), verse 7. The Grhastha who
acts up to the rules of his order is the best of those who try to ascend
up to the feet of the Lord i.e^, get Moksa. V. 10. He who lives up
according to the rules prescribed for the Grhastha will be placed among
the gods in heaven and (a) the verses relating to the ascetic verse 348.
They are the ascetics who have renounced all. Others are confused
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and are caught in the meshes (of Samsara)-263. Surely the Grhastha
forgot in order to be helpful to those who renounce. [The refer-,
ence to in verse 264 and the in verse 265 shows that
Tiruvalluvar remembered Apaslamba's case as of the ascetic as put
forth byhir.ij and verse 266. Those who perform Tapas are those
who perform the Dharma. Others are those who are fond of the
results of the sense products and are caught in its meshes.
This treatment of the two types and is peculiar to
Apastamba and the next great work which treats it likewise is the
Bhagavad Gila. Sankara is his introduction to the Gita Bhasya
divides the Ashkas — those endowed with Daiva Prakrii into 2 classes
the and and instances Manu and others as belonging to the
one and ascetics like Sanaka and others as belonging to the other
type. Sankara with his fondness for the Ascetic would place the
Grhastha as the ASrama leading to the culmination of life in the ascetic
as that A^rama in which the stands supreme without being
disturbed or lost.
Some critics (The ultra pro-Tamils) find TiruvalluvaPs
treatment of Illaram and Turavanam as something peculiar to Tamil
genius. In fact it is only the 4 Asramas dividing themselves into
camps the Grhastha and the renouncer (the Ascetic and the hermit)
with the Brahmacarya Asrama as the foundation for all. Hence
Tiruvalluvar treats of Education in the general section on Wealth
omitting the special and peculiar features of a Brahmacarin.
V. There is verse 63 is Chapter 7 which has remained an enigma
for commentators : —
They (fathers) say that their sons are their wealth; while the
wealth of the sons is obtained by their own acts.
This verse is in short the quintessence of the entire Khanda II. 9,
24, Sutras 9 to 14.
Apastamba here considers a great question raised on the greatness
or importance of the son to the father. The sons look like the father
and there are feruti statements that the father is born as the sons The
sons perform Sraddha and give Dana on behalf of the father and
the father is benefttted. Therefore the sons are the wealth of the
fathers.
But now the conundrum : what about the evil acts of the son? Just
.as the sons are liable to raise the father by their (son's) deeds are the
APASTAMBA DUARMA SUTRA AND 'DHARMA* PORTION OF TIRU-KURAL 2 97
sons similarly capable of lowering the father by their evil deeds. Hence
comes the rule. The son’s evil acts cannot affect the father just as
the leaves of the tree when dead do not affect the tree. Again we are
reminded that the Seven Rishis stand firm in heaven and could not be
affected by their sons' acts. Hence the carefully given judgment is: —
The son’s good acts do good to their parents and the sons are the
wealth of their parents. But the sons in a similar way do not get their
live’s deserts by the acts of the fathers but should stand on their own
acts good and bad. This conclusion is set forth by Tiruvalluvar in the
second portion of the verse quoted above. Otherwise it would appear
to be an irrelevant insertion of an idea; but reading Apastamba
we can appreciate the force of the remark and the relevancy of the
idea.
VI. The most conclusive proof of borr{)wing is found in the
Chapter on Honouring a guest-Chapter 6 of the Tirukural. It should
be stated here that of the Dharma Sutra and Dharma Sastra writers
Apastamba is most profuse in his treatment of honour due to a guest.
Apastamba has for more than 2 long Khandas devoted to this II. 3. 6. 3
to II. 4. 9. 4. Apastamba has a detailed comparison as to how the
honour due to a guest is a sacrifice. Giving food in the morning noon
and evening are the 3 Savanas. The hosts’ rising after the guest’s
rising is the udavasaniya Isti, The address to the guest is the
Daksina. Following the steps of the guest is the steps of Visnu.
When he returned after accompanying the guest it amounts to Avabhrta.
The fire in the stomach of the guest is the Ahavaniya; the fire in the
house is Garhapatya; and the fire at which food for the guest is cooked
is Dakshinagiii. '
Not content with this Apastamba describes the degrees of kindness
shown to a guest. Food mixed with milk produces the reward of
Agnistoma, food mixed with clarified butter procures the reward of
Ukthya, food mixed with honey the reward of an Atiratra. food accom-
panied by meat the reward of a Dvada^a, [and generally water, off
spring and long life]. It is this detailed two fold comparison of
honouring a guest to a Vedic sacrifice which should have impressed
Tiruvalluvar and not the mere mention of one of the 5
sacrifices due by a householder. It is this two fold comparison which is
summarised in verses 87 and 88 and in the same order also.
We cannot compare what kind of sacrifice it is. The fruits of
the sacrifice are dependant upon the degree of honour shown to the
guest.
The ordinary comparison with a sacrifice is used is the next verse
88, verse 8 of Chapter 9 : —
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“Those who do not undertake the sacrifice of Honouring the guest
would repent — Alas we have amassed wealth with difficulty and all to
no purpose".
Thus I have shown how Tiruvalluvar has followed Apastatnba in
the main fundamentals of his treatise on Dharma. This essay would
enable us to conclude that the civilisation of the two portions of India
the north and the south, the Sanskrit and the Tamil language areas
is identically the same and upon this rocky foundation a glorious future
awaiting us will be built".
an: wa
XII — Philosophy and Religion Section
(38) The Cult of JagannXtha, Its Lunar Origin
. by
Prof. B. Kakati, m.a; Ph.d. (Cal.)
Gauhati University,
1. The present temple was built at about 1100 A. D. by Ananta
Codagahga. It contains four chambers : (1) a hall of offerings; (2)
a hall for musicians and dancing: (3) a hall of audience where pilgrims
assemble to have a sight of the image: (4) the Sanctuary itself.
2. The image is in triple form. The idols are fashioned only from
the waist upwards. They have no hands and feats ; no nose, no eyes.
3. The image is replaced once in seventeen years. When two new
moons occur in Asadh (June — ^July) which is said to happen once in
seventeen years, a new image is always made. According to another
account the new image is made every third year. The new image is
made of Neem tree by common carpenters. A small box containing the
spirit is said to be taken out of the old image and put in the new. The
box is said to contain quick-silver. Another account says that the relics
represent the bones of Krsna,
4. Offerings of cooked food are made to the image. The customs
regarding the consecrated food are remarkable. Even an outcaste can
put the consecrated food into the mouth of a Brahmin. It is to be taken
squatting on the ground. It is said to be prepared by Laksmi.
5. All classes of men have equal access to the temple. Only the
lowest and most impure castes are excluded from the precincts.
The entire worship of Jagannatha, Balabhadra and Subliadra during
the period from Snana Yatra to Ratha Yatra is performed by the
daitas who are decendants of the ^abaras. During Ratha Yatra, the
feabaras have to touch the rope before others can draw the car.
6. Within the temple enclosures there are also temples dedicated to
Laksmi and Vimala. The temple of Vimala is one of the fifty one
Mahapithas of Sati, Jagannatha himself being regarded as the Bhairava.
On the 8th day of the bright half of ASvina, a goat is sacriticed before
the goddess Vimala.
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7. There are obscene figures on the walls of the Jagannatha Temple
as also of other temples of Orissa. They are extremely erotic and have
nothing in common with the pictures of the Rasa — dance or the stealing
of the milk-maids * clothing ’ of the Bhagavata Parana. They are
embodiments of erotic realism.
The Yogini Tantra notes certain relaxations of the social and moral
code in Orissa. It has been said that in Odra, in the land of Purusot-
tama, no impurity attaches to accepting cooked rice from any body. The
Brahmins are not to be separately treated in the matter of touching or
not touching. No fault attaches to free sexual intercourse or free drink
(amongst all orders of men and woman). Marriage of brothers in the
reverse order obtains : a younger brother can marry prior to an elder
one. Lastly lying with women and union with them is not counted an
offence.
8. The following legend about the origin of Jagannatha is recorded
in the Utkala Khanda of the Skanda Parana.
'Tn the earliest stage of its existence, Puri was a forest having the
Blue Hill (Nilacala) in the centre, with an all-bestowing Kalpadruma
(tree) on its brow, the sacred fountain of Rohinl to the west, and on its
side an inimitable image of Nilamadhava. The existence of the image
of Nilamadhava, was reported to Raja Indradyumna, a prince of the
solar dynasty, who reigned in Avanti in Malava. He sent out Brahmans
in different directions in search for the deity; all returned except Vidya-
pati who had gone to the east. He travelled for three months before he
reached the country of feabaras, an aboriginal tribe. There he dwelt in
the house of a Sahara named Visvavasu (sec. 17). The fowler used to
go to jungles every day to offer flowers and fruits in secret. One day
being moved by the prayers o f his daughter he look the Brahmin with
his eyes blind- folded, so that he might behold the Lord only at the holy
place and that he would not know the way thither. The Brahmin
secretly took a bag of mustard seed, dropped it on the way till he reached
the shrine. There he beheld Lord Nilamadhava in the form of a blue
stone image at the foot of the all bestowing Kalpadruma. The Brahmin
saw a crow falling there from the tree and going to heaven. He also
tried to climb the tree and fall there to achieve the eternal bliss, but a
voice from heaven cried — “ Hold Brahmin, first carry to thy king the
good news that thou hast found the Lord of the World"'. The fowler re-
turned with flowers and fruits collected and spread them out before the
image, but alas ! the god would not come according to his wont to partake
of the offering. Only a voice was heard saying: — “ Oh my faithful ser-
vant, I am worried of the jungle flowers and fruits and crave for cooked
rice and sweets. No longer thou shaft see me in the form of thy blue
god. Hereafter I shall be known as Jagannatha, the Lord of the
World". The Brahmin was kept captive for a long time, but at last
moved by the tears of his daughter, the Sahara allowed him to depart.
The Brahmin returned to tell the King his discovery. The king rejoiced
THE CULT OF JAGANNATHA, ITS LUNAR ORIGIN
301
at the good news and started with a large army of Wood-cutters to find
out the blue image of the Lord, but the Lord was angry at the king's
pride, and a voice was heard from heaven “O king, thou shalt indeed
build my temple, but me thou shall not behold".
The blue image had disappeared already. In bitter disappointment,
the king performed certain penances in order to propitiate the god and
then heard a voice from heaven saying that if he offered a thousand
Aivamedha sacrifices, he would be blessed by the sight of Visnu in the
shape, not of blue image, but a log of wood with certain marks on it.
Sacrifices were performed. The deity appeared in the form of a log
floating in the sea. It was brought to land and installed with great
ceremony in the enclosure where the sacrifices had been performed.
It is identified to be the present site where the great temple now stands.
The king collected all carpenters in the country to fashion the log
into an image of Lord Jagannatha, but when they put their chisels
on the wood, they broke into pieces. At last the Lord appeard in
disguise of an old carpenter and gave out his name as Ananta Maharana
and promised to make the image within twenty one days. He was shut
up in a room with the log of wood. Before the expiry of the allotted
time, the king grew anxious, as no sound was heard from within, and
opened the door but found no body in, but three unfinished images. The
images were brought in cars and placed on the throne and consecrated by
Brahma". (C. M. Acharya : Orissa Review, 1949).
9. There are also other traditions relating to the origin of Jagan-
natha. They arc as follows: —
" When Lord ^rikrsna left the world, his earthly remains were
placed on the funeral pyre but the navel portion could not be con-
sumed by fire. So it was floated in the sea. It reached Nilacala. At
this time king Indradyumna was practising austerities to have a view of
Visiiti, who appeared before him in a vision and ordered him to place
this navel portion in a wooden image and worship it as Vishu. Brahrai-
nisni does not advocate the worship of any part of the dead body as
Buddhism does. This tradition simply indicates that some Buddhistic
story had been later modelled to give it a Brahmmic appearance."
The following version of the story of Jagannatha is to be found in
the Vana Parva and Musala Parva of Saralaclasa's Mahabharala. When
Lord 5rl Krsna was killed by the arrow of Jara, a fowler, Arjuna tried,
to consume the dead body in flames, but he failed to do so. Consequently
it was thrown into the sea and at length it floated in the form of a Daru
(a log of wood) to N'ilasundara on the shores of the sea, Jara had
followed the dead body along the sea coast. Indradyumna son of king
Galamadhava constructed a temple and installed the images constructed
by Vi^vakarma in disguise. In this version also the uncouth figures are
ascribed to the opening of the doors before the stipulated period. fH.
Mahtab: The History of Orissa, 1949 pp. 160 et seq.).
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From these aetio'iogical myths it may be gathered that a certain
local god was formerly worshipped in a blue-stone by the ^abaras and
that later it was replaced by another made up of three pieces of shape-
less woods.
11. In ul Jen times Orissa consisted of three geographical parts :
(i; Udra, Andra or Odra (2) Kalifiga; (3) Utkala. It was first
inhabited by the ^abaras, then the Dravidians and lastly by the
Aryans. The names of the different parts have all been traced to
Dravidian sources : orfduM = cultivator (^Ttlxigu) : okkalgar-cultivator
{C^ndittst) : kalinga, kalinji — cultivator (Mahtab: History of Orissa,
p. 1). It would thus appear from the place names that when Orissa comes
into the light of history with a name, it was already within Dravidian
sphere of cultural influence and was known as a land of cultivators.
The god of the floating wood on the sea-shore might be an imported one
coming along with the Dravidian colonisers. In a land which derives
its name from cultivation, the chief god of worship is likely to have
been connected with vegetation.
12. The $abaras are mentioned in the arya-stava Harwansa: II 3)
as worshippers of the mountain goddess Durga (iabarair barbaraiscaiva
Pulindaisca supujita). A festival called i'afearo/.m^a, connected with
the worship of the goddess is also mentioned, (sec. 23).
The original tradition of the ^abaras seems to be retained in the
latterday installation of goddess Vimala (a manifestation of Durga)
within the temple precincts. ^‘According to the Tantriks, Vimala and not
Jagannatha is the presiding deity of ^riksetra. Pandit Vinayaka Misra
thinks that the existing forms of Jagannatha worship^ is dominated by
Tantrikism. On the eight day of the bright half of Alvina, a goat is
sacrificed before the goddess Vimala (Mahatab — pp. 167-168).
13. Lord Jagannatha, however, receives offerings of cooked rice.
In the aetiological land quoted above (sec. 8) he is represented as calling
for cooked rice and sweets. The offering of boiled rice is a notable
ieature of Dravidian worship. The system (of worship, of the village
gods of South India) as a whole is redolent of the soil and evidently
belongs to a pastoral and agricultural community (Whitehead: The
village Gods of South India 1921 : pp. 99, 142) Jagannatha is worshipped
in a triple form. The three images have given rise to all kinds of
speculations. The Vaisnavites claim them as representations of Krsna,
Balarama and Subhadra ; the Buddhists, as those of the Tri-ratna\ and
the feaivitas as those of the trident (tri-§ula).
14. Let us examine the Vaisnavite claim as it is the popularly
accepted one. The Utkala Khanda of the Skanda Purdna is devoted to
the glorification of JagannStha. * Visnu was formerly worshipped in a
•quadruple form of the Vyuhas. So the Utkala Khanda finds it hard
to reconcile the triple form with any known manifestation of Vishu and
THE CULT OF JAGANNATHA, ITS LUNAR ORIGIN 303
adds that it is a four-fold manifestation with tiie discus sudarsana,
representing the fourth form (tadrupantu turlyakam) and lying hidden
the pillar representing his body (Utkala : 19/14 18.)
15. The story of the triple form of Visiiu with Subhadra as the
third seems to be unwarranted by any Pauranic tradition and it seems
to be agraft upon some originally different legend of origin of Lord
Jagannatha. It does not appear that Subhadra has anywhere been
deified . In the Harivamsa the goddess EkanamSa who was born as
Nanda's daughter and was a substitute for Krsna on Devaki’s lap has been
referred to as Balarama’s sister (II. 3/10). She was brought up in
the family of the Vrsnis as a child and was worshipped by all the
Yadavas as the protectress of Krsna's life. On one occasion when
Krsna and Balarania returned in triumph after having killed a demon,
they found her in their father’s house. Madhava embraced her with
his right hand and Balarama smelt her on the head and embraced
her with his left hand. The women folk saw the sister of Rama and
Krsna standing in between them {H. V. II. 101/13 — 18). This seems
to be the only notice of Krsna and Balarama standing in a family group
with a sister. But this sister was Ekanam^a, a manifestation of
Durga and not Subhadra. In the Vaisnavite version of the story
Ekanarii^a has been replaced by Subhadra and thus all traces of
association with any form of Sakiism have been wiped out,
16. One early Orissa poet Saraladasa in the Vana-Parva of his
Mahabharata says that king Indradyumna on opening the doors found
that there were three images of Visnu without hands and feet. They
were shining with the halo of the great Buddha. There were no nose
no ears and no eyes. There were no fingers and no toes. The great
Buddha had appeared in the form of three lines (Mahatab: p. 168).
Among the village gods of South India there is one called Gangamma.
the water-goddess who is sometimes called Mahalaksmi and sometimes
Chamalamma (Kali). She is worshipped publicly by a whole village
and also in the courtyards of private houses. In the latter case, people
clean the wall of the houses outside with cow-dung and make three
horizontal lines with kumkuma (a red paste of turmeric and lime)
with a dot above and below and a semi-circle on the right hand side
with a dot in the middle, thus : —
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The symbol on the right represents the sun and the moon and that
on the left is the ^aivite sectarian mark. They sacrifice to these
symbols sheep, goats and fowls (Whitehead: pp. 67 — 68
17. The three lines represent the original god whoever he might
have been. The symbols of the sun and tiie moon on the right hand side
furnish a clue to the meaning of the lines. The dots above and below
the lines symbolise the sun and the lines themselves on the left hand
side symbolise the moon. The sectarian $aiva marks in the form of
three lines owe their origin to the moon, the moon-god having been
merged in ^iva (Somanatha). Lord Jagannatha in original three lines
seems thus to have been the moon-god.
The figure of Cangamma in lines and dots is a picture of the
combined worship of the sun and the moon. “The Binjhias of Chota
Nagpur worship Nind-Bonga as the moon in conjunction with Sing-
Bonga or the sun ; and in many other cases, the worship of both the
luminaries is common (£. R, £. V. p. 3 j.
The sun and the moon are also separately worshipped in Southern
India. The sun god is called B i sal- Mariam tn a Her shiines
never covered with a roof and one of the symbols representing the deity
is a brass pot full of water with a small mirror leaning against it
cSiUtd Kunna-kannadi i.e. eye-mirror (Whitewhead : pp. 29, 39). The
cult of the moon-god is also common, d'he Kharias offer to him a
black cock under the name JyoloDubo; the Binjhias worship him as
Nind-Bonga, the Mundas as Chand Omal. The Munda legend tells
how on one occasion the moon deceived the sun, her husband and in
his anger he cut her in two; afterwards he repented of his wrath and
allowed her to shine forth in full beauty amidst her daughte^, the
stars. (E. R. E, IT p. 484), The most curious form is the Chauk
Chand rite in Bihar. On that day the people fast and employ a Brahmin
to worship the moon with an offering of flowers and sweet meats. It
is believed that if any one looks upon the moon that day, calamity will
befall him. Should any one be unlucky enough to do this, he can
repel the dangerous influences by getting himself abused by other
people ; abuse like mock-fight being regarded as a means of protection
against demons. He therefore in order to excite their abuse flings
stones on the roofs of his neighbour's house (£. R^ E., V. p. 3).
As in many other places the moon is regarded as the deiy who
presides over crops, heals wounds and cures diseases especially
the eyes. It is a favourite object of worship with women {E.R,E., II
p. 484 )^ ^«The worship of the moon is definitely mentioned in the early
Sangam works and there was a special shrine dedicated to the moon in
each of the capitals of the Tamil land and relic of the old cult is Ihe
seeing of the moon on the third day after the new-moon day supposed to
bring health and wealth (R. Dikshitar: Oriqin and spread of the Tamil
THE CULT OF JAGANNATHA, ITS LUNAR ORIGIN 305
1947 : 47 to 48). Professor Nila Kanta Sastri, of tUe Madras University
writes to the author in a private communication that there is in ancient
Tamil a literary convention in the type of love poem known as Kovai.
The idea is this : when a of the heroine wants to find out if the
heroine has had carnal connection with her lover one way of finding it
out is to ask the heroine to worship the rising moon. If she had known
the lover physically she would decline to worship the moon but feel
thoroughly confused, because to worship the moon in such a case would
be disloyalty to her lover, her prospective husband. If she had no such
contact with the lover she would readily join her family in worshipping
the moon. The whole theme presupposes the currency of the worship
of the moon. It is difficult to say when this literary convention actually
came into vogue. It may not be much earlier than the 4th or 5th century
A. D.
Barth has the following note:*' The ^ankaravijaya (Chapter
XLIV) and the Mussalman writers speak of a sect of moon-worship-
pers {Religions of India p. 253 f.n.).
The term Visvavasn as the name of the Sahara fowler who used
to worship the blue stone in concealment (sec. 8) is derived from the
Vedic Soma-myth. Vih^avasu, '‘possessing all goods’* often accom-
panies the word Gandharva, In one hymn it is used alone to designate
Gandharva and in the later Samhitas, the Brahmanas and the post-Vedic
literature^ it frequently occurs as the name of an individual Gandharva.
Soma is said to have dwelt among the Gandharvas or to have been
stolen by the Gandharva Viivavasu. In a later text, Soma is besought
to elude the Gandharva Vi^vavasu in the form of an eagle. (Macdonell :
Vedic mythology; pp. 136-137).
About the triple form of the lunar divinity and its association with
trees and plants, the following folk-myths prevalent amongst diverse
races may be considered.
18, *Tt is a wide-spread feature of lunar deities that like the
Moirai they are three fold or triune. In the language of many uncul-
tured peoples the waxing, the full and the waning moon are denoted by
three quite different names. In New Britain the moon consists of
three persons, the full moon, called the white woman, or the old woman,
and her two sons the waxing and the waning moon. In New Zealand
it is related that when some women visited the abode of the moon they
found it inhabited by three grey-headed spirits who sat by a fire in
which burned three logs. Among the Bataks of Sumatra, the moon
consists of three persons, the Lords of the moon. Among the natives
of Northern Ashanti it is well known that the satellite is inhabited by
three beings similar to men in appearance but provided with enormous
ears which completely cover their faces. One of these is white and the
other two black They existed before man was created.
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In ancient India the phases of the moon were likewise regarded
as separate persons. Among the ancient Babylonians the three phases
of the moon bore three names — the sickle, the tiara, and the kidney
and were identified with three different gods. Similarly among the
Nordic races of Europe the moon was a three-fold deity — Mani, the
full moon, Nyi, the new moon and Nithi the waning moon. The
peasants of Southern France perceive three persons in the moon.
In Germany the moon hare has three legs. In India the chariot
of the moon has three wheels In China the moon is inhabited by a
three-legged bird (Mothe:s: II pp. 603-605).
In the Vedic mythology a three wheeled car belonged only to the
Asvins. But in the Pauranic myths it has been transferred to the
moon-god. But in the Vedas, Soma is represented as being closely
associated with certain aggregates of three. It is recognised in the
R’ V.SiS having three admixtures {tryasir). It is also described as
being pressed three times in the day. Soma is also called trisadasiha,
“having three abodes." Those three abodes may designate the three
tubs used at the Soma sacrifice of later ritual. There is also mention
of three lakes of Soma which Indra drinks. The epithet Iripxstha,
"three hacked" is peculiar to Soma. It probably refers to the three
admixtures (Macdonell: V. M. 106-7).
The three phases of the moon conceived as separate persons in the
Purapas are (1 ) Anumati (2) Raka; and (3) Kuhu. Anumati is the
15th day of moon’s age on which it rises one digit less than fuU when
the gods or manes receive oblations with favour. It is personified as a
goddess. Raka is the goddess presiding over the actual day of full
moon, Anumati being supposed to preside over the previous day.
Kuhu is the first day of the first quarter on which the moon rises
invisibly (Monicr-williams : SKT. Dictionary), There is another god-
dess Sinivali presiding over fecundity and easy birth in the Rgveda.
In the A. V. she is the wife of Vispu. In later Vedic texts she is the
presiding deity of the first day of the new moon as Raka of the full
moon (Ibid). Kuhu does not occur in the R. V. and her place is taken
by Gungu (O. 5. T. V. p. 346).
19. So intimately is the moon associated with the growth of
vegetation that it is often completely identified with a sacred plant or
tree as with the Soma plant in India or the maize plant in America.
In the m)d:hs of the Iroquois before the moon existed in her present
form, the upper world was lighted by a luminous tree the functions of
which were taken over by the moon when she descended to light the
earth. The Caribs and the Arawaks who regard the moon as the
supreme being picture the world as having arisen from a gigantic tree
whose leaves and twigs gave rise to all other plants and to all creatures.
Such a tree of life resembles the world-tree of Nordic mythology which
is usually known as the tree Yggdrasil. It is also known as the tree of
Mimir, who appears to have been a Nordic Moon-god
THE CULT OF JAGANNStHA, ITS LUNAR ORIGIN
307
In South America, the sac red Paschemba palm is regarded as having
fallen from the moon and is considered to be identical with it. The
natives of the Sunda islands say that their sacred tree had existed
before the gods existed. In the Admiralty Islands the Coco-nut palm
is identified with the moon. In New Britain the full moon is said to
have come out of a sugar cane. Among the Bombala of West Africa
the moon-god is worshipped in the form of a tree. The form under
which the Great Arabian moon-goddess AL-UZZa was worshipped at
Mecca was that of a tree. All Semitic moon divinities were similarly
associated with trees and sacred bushes. On some Babylonian cylin-
4ans the identification is represented in a very realistic manner ; the
moon-god with the crescent on his head constitutes the trunk of a tree
and leafy boughs and branches are seen growing from every part of
his person. In Crete and Archaic Greece lunar deities were similarly
represented as trees. {Mothers II pp. 629-631).
20. “The goddess Europa was worshipped at Gortyna in Crete
during the Hellenic period as a sacred tree. In Polynesia the tree of
life was a local bread-fruit tree which became a god or a goddess. Out
of this magic broad-fruit tree, as legend says, a great goddess was
made. A Japanese legend relates that a hero named Manko once saw
a beautiful woman sitting on a tree trunk that floated on the sea.
Manko had the tree taken into his boat and found that the woman was
hidden inside the trunk, (Mackenzie: Myth of China and Japan:
pp. 134, 135, 152).
In the Rgveda, both Soma and large trees receive the epithet
Vanaspati, “lord of the wood“. Soma is so called because he is said
to have generated all plants. Large trees are a few times addressed as
deities along with waters and mountains. In the later Samhitas, the
sphere of Apsarases extend to the earth and in particular to trees.
They are spoken of as inhabiting banyans and sacred fig-
trees {asvattha) in which their cymbals and lutes resound (Macdonell :
Vedic Mythology pp. 112, 134, 154).
^‘A moon girl came into being in Japan; she was discovered by a
wood cutter. One day when collecting bamboo he found inside a cane
a little baby whose body shone as does a jem in darkness. He took her
home to his wife and she grew to be a very beautiful girl. She was
called Moon-Ray and after living for a time on the earth returned to
the moon. She had maintained her youthful appearance by drinking
from a small vessel she possessed, the fluid of immortality (Ibid:
p. 150).
21. The cutting up of a log of wood and fashioning it into a
-goddess is a common practice in South India." When an epidemic of
Cholera breaks out, a goddess called Maridiamma is installed. A log
of margosa (Neem) wood about 3 ft, high and six inches in diameter
is cut and roughly carved at the top into the shape of a head and then
fixed in the ground with a pandal of leaves and clothes over it. Then
30S
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
the procession of the earthen pot half filled with butter, milk and rice
is conducted everyday till the epidemic subsides '‘(Whitehead p. 65).
It has also been noted that margosa or neem tree is an evergreen bear-
ing white flowers and is frequently associated with village divinities
(p. 37 f.n.).
When the image of Jagannatha is replaced every 17th year, the
figures are cut out of a Neem tree.
22. A good deal has been said about the catholicity of admission
of all orders of men into the temple and the special privileges enjoyed
by the ^abaras. All this has been laid at the door of Buddhist influence.
But in the worship of the village deities the Pujaris are drawn from
all the lower castes indiscriminately, though in any one village the
Pujaris of a particular goddess nearly always belong to one particular
caste (Whitehead ; p. 43), The privileges enjoyed by the ^abaras are
relics of ancient customs.
23. Similarly even without postulating Buddhist influence, the free
access of all classes of visitors may be explained. In the Kamakhya
temple of Kamarupa similar practices are in vogue. "Kamakhya
herself admitted of being worshipped both according to Right hand and
the Left-hand methods. Moreover, there was no restriction to foreigners
about the mode of Kamakhya worship. They could worship according
to the practices current in their native localities. In other countries
conformity to local customs was enjoined jbut in Kamarupa foreigners
were exempted from conformity to local rites and ceremonies. Kama-
rupa is the favourite haunt of the Devi. No other place Is like it. In
other places the Devi is rare but in Kamarupa she dwells in every
house”. (B. Kakati: Mother goddess Kamakhya: p. 48). In the
Kamakhya temple people have not only free admission but also own
modes of worship.
About the obscene pictures on the walls. In the Kdlika Purana a
certain festival in connection with the worship of the Devi has been
mentioned. This is called ^abarotsava, the festival of the Sabaras.
"On the tenth day of the autumnal worship people were enjoined upon
to sing lewd songs naming the sexual organs in the company of finely
dressed virgins and prostitutes. They were also to throw rice, flowers,
dust and mud at one another &c. Failure to join the revelry would
bring down the wrath of the goddess upon the delinquents. This was
called ^abarotsava (Kakati : The Mother goddess Kamakhya pp. 47 —
48).
There are parallel South Indian practices observed in connection
with the worship of the village goddess. "Once in every year, festival
is celebrated in her honour during the harvest season. ...and while the
services was in progress, naked women had to sing and dance before the
deity.... At the close of the festival when the image o f the village deity
THE CULT OF JAGANNATIIA, ITS LUNAR ORIGIN 309
is carried iii a procession to the boundary of the village the Asadis or
the outcastes who officiate as priests during the function sing an obscene
song in praise of her and indulge in indecent jests at the expense of the
chief men of the village In Kerala it used to be the custom until
quite recently to sing obscene songs during the Purain festival (or the
festival of Bhagavati) at Shertally. At Cranganore the right of distri-
buting the Prasadam during the Bhagavati festival is held as a monopoly
of the women folk of certain families ; and they are obliged to answer
question on sex- matters put at the time of distributing the Prasadam
(N. Venkataramanayya : Rudra ^iva, 1941, pp. 59-60).
24. Similar rites or practices are however indulged in all over the
world in connectijn with the worship of mother-goddesses. ‘*The wor-
ship of mother goddesses was every where attended by rites which to us
are revolting. Herodotus indicates the obscene character of those which
prevailed at the Delta region. In Asia Minor, the festivals of the Great
Mother and her son who symbolised the generative agency
in nature were the scenes of terrible practices. Men mutilated their
bodies and women became the “sacred wives” of the god (Mackenzie:
Egyptian myth and legend: XXXIX).
25. To sum up ; from the materials examined above it would appear
that almost all aspects of the Jagannatha cult have some correspondences
with some features of primitive rites and customs, some of them obtain-
ing even now in South India. In the form in which these rites are
observed in connection with temple worship they may be regarded as
sublimations. The images of Jagannatha are symbols dressed up as
images, and in South India gods or goddesses are worshipped both in
images as well as in rude symbols according to the exigencies of circum-
stances. The symbols consist of a stick, a spear a wooden stake, a stone
a post, a clay or a brass pot, Tiie images frequently consist of carving
a human head on the top of a wooden pillar. And the figures of
Jagannatha are only such carving on wooden pillars.
The process of Vaisnavising the symbols has been noticed above.
They have received the group name of Jagannatha, Jagannatha being
one of the attributive names of Visnu. As lunar deities, the images
should have been linked with ^iva as Somanatha, but the triple manifes-
tation was hard to reconcile with Siva though a connection with
tri-ITila has been suggested. From the scanty materials now available,
it can not be said how the images came to be associated with Visnu.
From popular associations of Jagannatha with the Buddha (sec. 16) it
is not unlikely that the images were first taken over by the Buddhist and
subsequently reclaimed by the Vaisnavites.
(39) The Distinction between Nirvikalpaka and B^vikalpaka
Perception in Indian Philosophy.
by
Prof. D. N. Shastri, m.a., m.o.l.
Meerut College, Meerut,
Schools of Indian Philosophy, notably the orthodox realist schools,
the Nyaya-Vaiiesika and the Mlmamsa, and the Buddhist school of
Dihnaga distinguish between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka, i. e, the
indeterminate and determinate perceptions. Connotations of these
terms, of course, differ not only with different schools of Indian Philo-
sophy but sometimes even with the writers of one and the same school.
One of the problems of Indian Philosophy which has not so far engaged
the attention of scholars is : At what age or in what stages did the
-distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka in the process of
perception arise, and who was or were the pioneers in introducing this
distinction.
Of the six orthodox philosophical Sutras taken in their most pro-
bable chronological order, the Brahmasutra of Badarayaiia does not
advance at all any theory of perception, and therefore the question of
distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka does not arise. In
the definition (or rather description) of perception contained in the
Mimamsasatra of Jaimini, it is stated that ‘‘When the senses of a person
come in contact with an existent object, a cognition produced therefrom
is perception.’"! Here there is no trace of the distinction in question.
Similarly in the VaiSesikasutra of Kanada, which makes a meagre
reference to the nature of perception in the course of proving the existence
of the soup, there is no indication of that distinction. The definition
of perception given in the Nyayasutra of Gotama^ contains three
adjectives of perceptual cognition, i. e. (i) avyapade^ya (unnamable),
1. Satsamprayoge purusasyendriya^Sm budhijanma tatpratyaksam,
Ms. L i. 4. ‘
2. AtmendriyarthasannikarsM yannispadyate tadanyat. Vs. I.
i. 18.
3. Indriyarthasannikar^otpannam jnanamavyapadeiiyam avyabhi-
xari vyavasSySltmakam pratyakjam. Ns. I. i. 4.
THE NIRVIKALMKa AND SAVIKALPAKA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 3ll
(ii) avyabhicari (uficontradicted), and (iii) vyavasayatmaka (definite).
Of these, the first and third adjectives, i. e. avyapadeSya (unnamable)
and vyavasayatmaka (definite) have been interpreted by VacaspatimiSra
as indicating two kinds of perception, i, e, the Nirvikalpaka and Savi-
kalpaka.^ There is little doubt that this is VacaspatimiSra’s own
innovation. It was not known to Vatsyayana, the earliest commentator
on the Nyayasutra, arid not even to Udyotakara. Of course the term
avyapadesya (unnaniable) might suggest that perception as defined
here is meant to be free from admixture of verbal element, and, there-
fore, somewhat akin to Nirvikalpaka. But the same cognition is also
stated to be ‘vyavasay&tmaka (definite) i. e* determinate. Vatsyayana's
own interpretation of the term ‘avyapadesya’ is that a cognition of an
object generated by the sense-object contact is indicated by words such
as “colour” “taste”, and, therefore, the cognition in question may be
taken to be a verbal one. The term avyapadesya which means “not
verbal” has been added to exclude that possibility. He further says
that word is not used (as in the case of a verbal cognition) at the time
of a perceptual cognition, but it is used only at the time of expression
of that cognition (vyaharakala).^ Thus the distinction between
Savikalpaka and Nirvikalpaka is not known to the Nyayasutra.
Yogasutra of Patanjali which is of sufficiently late date, not only does
not know this distinction, but uses the term vikalpa in the sense of
‘knowledge’ caused by mere verbal usage and devoid of any reality^
which is almost the Buddhist meaning of this term. Samkhyapravacana-
sutra which is as late as the fourteenth century deserves here no mention,
but even the definition of perception as given there makes no reference
to the distinction in question.^ In the Buddhist philosophy there is no
reference to it in the writings of Vasubandhu and his predecessors.
Jainas simply refuse to accept the existence of Nirvikalpaka.
So far the problem has been dealt with negatively. Let us now
consider when there occurs in Indian Philosophy the first indication
of the distinction in question. The earliest term used for a sort of
first stage of perception is ‘alocana’ which has been used by Kumarila,
in his welknown account of Nirvikalpaka perception.^ The earliest
use, so far I have been able to trace, of the term ‘alocana’ in this sense
is met with in the Samkhyakarika of Isvarakrsna, which is the most
authoritative work of the Samkhya school. The term, however, does
not occur there in connection with the definition of perception.^
4. NVTT. p. 114.
5. NVBp. 109 and 111.
6. YS I. i. 9.
7. SPS I. 89.
8. SV. IV. 112.
9. SK. 5.
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16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Describing, however, the function of senses the author says that with
reference to objects colour etc. the function of senses is ‘alocanamatraio,
mere first apprehension or the undifferentiated sensum presented by
the senses to Manas, the internal sense (and not the ‘mind’ as usually
but erroneously rendered in English). Further it is said that manas
is Sahkalpaka i. e, it differentiates or determines the undifferentiated
sensum presented by the sensesi^. On the basis of this, VacaspatimiSra,
the most authoritative commentator on the Samkhya karika introduces
a full-fledged distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka, as
if it were contained in the Samkhyakarika itself‘ 2 , jt is, however,
clear that the distinction was not known to livarakrsna, otherwise
some reference to it must have been made in his definition of percep-
tion. As a matter of fact liv^arakrslia here merely differentiates
between the functions of the senses and the manas, which is not the
same thing as distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka.
The next stage, in which there is clear discernment of an earlier
and a later stage of perception, is to be met with in PraSastapada. His
date in relation to that of Dihnaga has been a matter of hot controversy.
Stcherbatsky in one of his early articles tried to prove that Pra^astap^da
borrowed ideas from Dihnaga, and unfairly tried to conceal his obli-
gationsi3. Keith also agreed with him^^. Randle has, however,
pointed out that Stcherbatsky later on changed his views, and came to
the conclusion that PraSastapada far from being a borrower from, and
posterior to, Dihnaga was either a predecessor ora contemporary of
Vasubandhu, the teacher of Dihnagais. As we shall see that the pro-
blem before us itself throws some light on this controversial point.
There are three statements of Prasastapada in this connection which
deserve notice. In the first of them, while describing perception he
says; ‘Tn the case of three substances (earth, water and fire) which
possess dimension called ‘mahat’ (gross), there arises from such causes
as possessing many parts, the manifested colour, light, and four kinds
of contact; and from the presence of auxiliaries dharma etc. ‘a mere
apprehension of the form (Svarupalocanamatra). From the contact
10. Rupadisu pancanarn alocanamatramisyate vrttih 5K 28.
11. Ibid 27,
12. STK. 27 Karika,
13. Le Museon Vol. V 1904, quoted by Faddegon, the “Vaisesika
system” p. 27.
14. Indian Logic and Atomism p. 27.
15. Stcherbatsky’s Introduction to the German translation (by
Otto Strauss) of his work ‘Epistemology and Logic as taught by later
Buddhists” 1924 quoted by Randle, Indian Logic in the Early Schools
p. 29.
THE NIRVIKA.LPAKA and SAVIKALPAKA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 3lS
of the mind with the soul there arises, on account of qualifications sueh
as (i) Universal, (ii) Particular^Universal, (iii) Substance, (iv)
Qualities, (v) and action a qualified perception in the form cow
which is (i) existent, (ii) substance and earthly (iii) having horns and
(iv) which is white, (v) is moving^'i^. Praiastapada does not expli-
citly say that the former “mere apprehension'' precedes the latter
qualified perception. In his second statement in the same context
Praiastapada introduces the two stages in the form of pram ana (the
means of knowledge) and prama (the resultant cognition), and says:
“When cognition of a substance etc. is the prama, the form of pramana
consists in mere apprehension of the form of Universal and particular-
UniversaP^. But in origination of the cognition of universal and
particular Universal, the undivided ‘mere apprehension' is the
pramanais. There is no other pramana for this, because it is not in the
form of the result (of another pramanat9)/» It means that prama
and pramana are identical in this case. The two statements of
Pra^astapada taken together imply that in the first instance there is
mere apprehension of the Universal and the particular (or the particu-
lar-Universal)20 which is followed by the perception of substance
qualified by the universals. Here we have the germ of the later Nyaya-
VaiSesika theory of a clear-cut distinction between Nirvikalpaka and
Savikalpaka, as we shall see later on. The views of Pra§astapada,
however, are in a fluid state. In the first statement quoted above
‘mere apprehension of form' refers to the Substance, and not to the
universal or the particular-universal (Samanyavisesa) as it does in the
second statement. In a third statement he introduces another alter-
native with regard to the distinction between pramana and prama and
16. Dravye tavat trividhe mahaty anekadravyavattvodbhutarupa
prakaSacatustaya-sannikarsad dharmadisamagrye ca svarupa locanama-
tram* Sanianyavi§esadravyagupakarmavi5esanapeksadatmamanahsan-
nikarsat pratyaksam ulpadyate sad dravyam prthivivisanl iuklo gaur-
gacchati. PPS p. 186.
17. SamanyaviSesesu Svarupalocanamatram Ibid 187. See n 19
below.
18. Avibhaktamalocanamatram Ibid 187. See n 19 below.
, . 19. Tatra samanyaviSesesu svarupalocanamatram pratyaksam
prama^Lam....pramitir dravyadivisayam jnanam. Samanyavi§esajnanot-
pattau avibhaktam alocanamatram pratyaksam pramairiam. asminnanyat
prama^antaramasti aphalarupatvat. Ibid p. 187.
20 , The term 'vi^esa' which since the time of Pra^astapada has
come to mean a special* padartha, the ultimate-particular residing in
eternal substances, is used confusedly in the Vai^esikasutras and
PraSatapadafhasya itself, and even in later works, sometimes in the
sense of a particular individual (vyakti), and sometimes in the sense of
particular-Universal (SamanyaviSesa) .
314 ^ 16th: all-india oriental confe^rence
says; ‘‘True and unpameable cognition of any kind of object resulting
ffon^ four kinds of contact may be regarded as prama^ia, and the idea
of the pleasant, unpleasant or indifferent nature (of the object cognized)
is the prama''2i. In this alternative there is no reference to the earlier
stage of perception called ‘alocana\ One of the points of controversy
between the Buddhist and the orthodox Nyaya-Vaisesika school was
that while the former regarded prama and pramana as identical, the
latter insisted that they were two different stages, in the second and
third statements quoted above, Praiastapada tries to establish differ-
ence between pramana and prama. In his second statement he says
that the earlier stage of mere apprehension is pramaiia, and the sub-
sequent difinite perception is the prama ; while in his third statement
he says that the definite perception itself is the pramana, and the idea
of pleasantness etc. is the prama. It would appear that the word
‘alocana* in Prasastapada s work does not stand in a clear-cut way for
Nirvikalpaka or inderminate perception as accepted in the later N-V
School. This is further indicated by the fact that both Kandali and
Kiranavali interpret the word ‘alocana* in the first statement as
‘nirvikalpaka Pratyaksa ’,22 but in the Second one, the same word has
been interpreted by both of them to mean ‘contact of the sense with the
object*23. This shows that confusion regarding the sense of this word
already existed in their time. We may, therefore, conclude that
Prasastapada had a vague idea of an earlier stage of perception which
he called as ‘mere apprehension of form% and also held not quite clearly
and positively, that this ‘mere apprehension’ was that of universal and
particular-universal. He had no definite and positive theory of un-
differential and indeterminate perception which invariably precedes a
determinate perception as accepted in the later N-V School. The fact
that Prasastapada’s ideas regarding nirvikalpka are meagre and vague,
clearly indicates that he could not be posterior to Dihnaga.
A clear-cut distinction between Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka, not
only of sequence in their occurrence and of the degree of their vivid-
ness, but real, qualitative and fundamental was made, for the first time
in Indian Philosophy, by Dihnaga, the founder of the Buddhist Logic
and Epistemology. He probably belongs to the fifth century, although
his date continues to be controversial24. According to him there are
21. athava Sarvesu padarthesu catustayasannikarsadavitathama-
vyapadesyam yajjnanam utpadyate tatpratyaksam pramanam.-
pramitir gu^iadosamadhyasthyadar^anam. pp. 14 p. 187-188.
22. alocanamatrarn graha^amatram vikalparahitam pratyaksamiti
yavat. Kan p. 189 alocanam nirvikalpakam pratyaksam Saksitkari.
Kiv p. 278.
23. alocanam indriyarthasannikarsah. Kan p. 198 alocanaiii.
indriyarthasannikarsah. Kir. p. 268.
24. Winternitz : Indian Literature VoL II p. 362-63.
THE NIRVIKALPAKA AND SAVIKALPAKA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 315 .
two prama;]ias (means of knowledge) :—(i) grahana, the Nirvikalpaka
(The sensation or the undifferentiated perception) which alone, accord-
ing to him, is true and pure perception, and (ii) adhyavasaya, the
thought or imagination which covers inference as well as the socalled
determinate perceptions^ of the orthodox realist schools, ue. all that
involves thought-processSfi.
Steherbatsky compares these two radically different sources of
knowledge as accepted by Dihnaga to Sensibility and Uniersianding
of Kantian epistemology^^. Dihnaga says that sources of knowledge
are only two because the reality presented by them is also two-fold.
One of the two realities is ultimate particular (Svalaksapa), the point-
instant (Ksapa) which is transcendental, the thing-in -itself (Parmar-
thasat). This is apprehended by grahana, the nirvikalpakapratyaksa,
the pure sensation. The other reality is that of thought-contents,* a
generalized entity (Samanyalaksana) which is constructed by our
imagination (Kalpana). The second reality is only empirical, pheno-
menal (Samvrtisat). This is comprehended by our thought-process
which means inference in a broad and general sense. This includes
determinate perception of the realist school also. The latter, according
to Dihnaga is only a pseudo-perception, which appears to be a pure
perception simply because it follows in the wake of the true perception,
the Nirvikalpaka28. Thus the reality (prameya being of two types, the
pramanas (means of knowledge) are also only two29. The nature of
reality being radically different, the pramaijas are also radically
different. It means that they operate only in their own respective
spheres. The nirvikalpaka apprehends only the direct reality, the
ultimate particulars (Svalaksanas). It can never cognize the indirect,
the constructed or the generalized reality. (Samanyalaksana). Simi-
larly the adhyavasaya or inference or thought comprehends only the
latter reality, and does not operate in apprehending the former i.c. the
direct reality. The phenomenon of each of the two pramanas operating
only in its own sphere is technically called pramanavyavastha. On
this point, the realist N-V school joins issue with the Buddhist.
25. Savikalpaka pratyaksa.
26. tasya (pratyaksasya) visayah Svalaksanam ...anyat samanyalak
sapam 'So' numansya Visayah N.B, 1.
27. Buddhist Logic Vol. I, p. 69 ff.
28. Pratyaksaprsthabhavitvat.
29 (i) atra prama^am dvividhani. KutaScet, dvilaksapam pra-
meyam Svasamanyalaksariabhyam bhinnalaksapam prameySi*
ntaram nasti. PS p. 4.*
(ii) tasya (pratyaksasya visayalji) Svalaksapam ....„*anyat saman^
yalaksapam So’numanasya visayaji. * NB. Ch. I. P. I.
316 . ‘ . 16th: all-india. oriental conference. . :
According to the former the different pramS^as (means^ of knowledge)^
operate in the sphere of one another, i,e, the same object at one time
may be cognized by perception, and another time by inference or any
one of the pramanas. The N-V theory is technically called pramana-
samplava. It is now clear how Dihnaga drew a fundamental and
radical distinction in the nature of Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka.
They are not two kinds of perception as accepted by the realist. But
they are two types of knowledge quite different, not only in their nature
and essence, but also in the sphere of their operation. The orthodox
realist schools never accepted that kind of distinction between the two,
but the qualitative and essential difference in the nature of two kinds
of perception as accepted by the later N-V school was undoubtedly
influenced and adapted from the theory of Dihnaga as we shall presently
see. This brings out the full significance of the controversy between
the Buddhist and the realist orthodox schools.
Amongst the orthodox writers, the earliest use of the term Nirvikal-
paka in the sense of an earlier stage which invariably precedes Savikalpaka
or determinate perception, is met with in Kumarila's ^lokavartika. The
date of .Kumarila is 700 A. D, The knowledge called ‘alocana’ which is
used, as we have already seen, in Sarnkhya Karika to denote the func-
tions of the senses, and by Pra^astapada in the sense of 'mere apprehen-
sion of the form' is definitely declared by Kumarila to be 'nirvikalpaka',
which according to him is the first apprehension caused by the pure
object, and similar to that of children or the dumb in which particularity
or Universal is not experienced, but only the individual, as the substra-
tum of them, is apprehended^o. He further says: "after that (i. e. the
Nirvikalpaka perception) an object is determined by its attributes like
universal etc., and that too is a perceptional.'^ The last words, 'that too
is a perception' are obviously addressed to the Buddhist who does not
accept the determinate (Savikalpaka) knowledge as perception. The
theory as put forward here has clearly the stamp of Dihnaga upon it,
which is discernible even after its orthodox adaptation. Otherwise what
can be the sense of the words 'caused by the pure object', According
to the realist even the determinate perception is caused by the pure
object, for even the attributes, universal, etc. are objectively real, and
even in the determinate perception there is no admixture of any mental
element. The adjective 'pure' before the object can have significance only
in the theory of Dihnaga. [t seems, therefore, one of the instances of
an inadvertent borrowing from Dihnaga. In Kumarila's description of
Nirvikalpaka, there is. however, no sharp distinction based oh the
qualitative and essential difference between the two kinds of perception
* 30. Asti fiyalocam jnanam prathamani Nirvikalpakam, balamdka-
di^ijn5nasadr4arn'§uddhavastujam; na yiSeso na samanyam tadanlmanu-
bhuyate tayoradharabhuta tu vyaktirevavlsiyate SV. TV 112 and 113.
^ SI, ^ Tatah param punarvastu dharmair jatySdibhiryaya bhuddhya-
yasiyate sapi prafyaksatvena saimmata Ibid IV. 120.
THE NIRVIKALPAKA AHD SAVIKALPAKA IIT '-PHILOSOPHY 317
which was propounded by the N-V school. Kumarila says that Nirvi-
kalpaka is like the apprehension of children and the dumb. This.appears
to be like an answer to a school of grammarians who held that all ideas
were necessarily and invariably associated with words. To them
Kumarila says that there is no word-element in the Nirvikalpaka stage.
The real point, however, with regard to the transcendental nature of
Nirvikalpaka as brought out by Dihnaga, namely that we are unconscious
of its existence (which was accepted by the later N-V School)32 is
missing in Kumarila. His theory is, thus, not fully developed as that
of the later N-V School, but Kumarila amongst the orthodox writers is
the first who definitely recognized an earlier stage in the process of
perception, and designated it by the terms, ‘Nirvikalpaka*.
So far as the N-V school is concerned, the earliest introduction of the
Nirvikalpaka theory is met with in the NyayavartikatatparyaJIka of
VacaspatimiSra, unless he may be held to be posterior to Jayanta, the
author of Nyayamanjari who is fully conversant with that theory.
Vacaspati introduces tne theory by declaring that he received it from his
preceptor33^ Trilocana. It has been suggested that Trilocana may be
identical with Jayanta, for in the introductory stanza of his work,
Nyayakanika, Vacaspatimisra offers salutation to his teacher who is
mentioned as the author of Nyayamanjari^l But this is not at all
plausible. In his lengthy discussion on the meaning of the terms
‘avyapadesya’ and ‘vyavasayalmaka* in the Gotama*s definition of precep-
tion, Jayanta does not seem to be even conversant with the interpretation
of these terms given by Vacaspatimisra of which he would himself be
the author if he were identical with Trilocana. As for the salutations
to the author of Nyayamanjari, coming as it does before a Mimamsa
work, that might have been some Mimamsa work quite different from
the Nyayamanjari of Jayanta. It is well-known that the term ‘Nyaya is a
common designation of both Mimamsa and N-V school works. Thus
in the present state of our knowledge we cannot definitely say who of
those two authors, Vacaspatimisra and Jayanta was eailier.
It was stated that VacapatimiSra interpreted the words ‘avyapa-
desya* and ‘vyavasayatmaka^ in the Gotama's definition of perception as
Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka perceptions. According to him the part
of the Sutra: — Indriyarthasannikarsotpannam jnanam avyabhicari
{%.t\ uncontradicted knowledge produced by the sense-object contact)
is the definition of perception, and the words 'avyapadeSya and ‘vyava-
sayatmaka’ enumerate two kinds of perception, {. e. ‘Nirvikalpaka’ and
‘Savikalpaka*. This interpretation is unknown to Vatsyayana, the
32. Nirvikalpakamatindriyam.
33. Trilocanagurunnitamarganugamanonmukhaib yathamana^
yathavastu vyakhyatamidamldr^am NVTT. f. Il4.
A " » » ■ ■ I • - ' ''
34. NK, first stanza.
318
16th AIX-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
«arliest commentator on the Nyayasutras, who is definitely earlier than
Dihnaga. Not even Udyotakara knows anything like this interpretation.
VacaspatimiSra says that those two authors have not given this interpre-
tation because it is so very clear that the students (of Nyaya) would
themselves understand it^s. The fact, however, is that far from being
very clear, the term ‘avyapadeSya’ has been a hard nut to crack. Vatsy-
ayana’s interpretation of this term was not acceptable to Sridhara
Udayana or VyomaSiva, the three great commentators on the Pra^asta-
pada. Each of these gives his own interpretation. Jayanta, in course
of a lengthy discussion, has given a number of theories with regard to
the meaning of this difficult word^s. None of them have accepted
VacaspatimiSra’s interpretation. In fact, they have not even referred to
it. Obviously VacaspatimiSra’s interpretation is his own innovation. It
-does even violence to the text of the Sutra where the word ‘avyabhicari’
which according to Vacaspatimi^ra is a part of the general definiton
occurs in between the two words ‘avyapadeiSya’ and ‘vyavasayatmaka’
which according to him denote two kinds of perception. The reality in
this case seems to be that when under the influence qjf the theory of
Dihnaga, it became incumbent on the N-V School to adopt the two kinds
of perception, Vacaspati thought it fit to bring out those two kinds of
perception from the words of the Sutra itself. Vacaspati’s reverence
to the founder of the Nyaya school got the better of his habit of
making scrupulously faithful interpretations of the text. Thus Vacaspa-
timi^ra or his preceptor Trilocana, from whom he received this interpre-
tation, was the pioneer in introducing the distinction between Savikal-
paka and Nirvikalpaka in the N-V School. But if Jayanta, or Vyo-
maiiva, the earliest commentator on Pra§astapada, be held to be earlier
than VacaspatimiSra (which is quite possible), Vacaspatimisra, even in
that case, would be the first to bring out that distinction within the frame-
work of Gotama’s definition of perception, and thus make it an
essential doctrine of the N-V School.
According to the latest theory of the N-V School as fixed in a
definite and clear-cut manner by Gange^a, Savikalpaka perception is
differentiated and qualified knowledge t. e. “Saprakarakam jnanam ”
It means that in a cognition like ‘This is Jar’, there are two elements
namely the subject and the predicate, or in the Nyaya terminolo^^y the
viSesya (that which is qualified) and its attribute vesesapa. Here ‘this’
which means the jar, the substance, is the subject or vilesya, and
jarness’ which is an universal is the predicate or attribute Both
factors i. e. ‘jar and jarness’ (ghata and ghafatva) are related by the
relation of subject and predicate, i e. ve5esyavi5esapabhava. The Nirvi-
kalpaka perception, on the other hand, is “devoid of predication of name
universal etc., and it does not comprehend its object as qualified with
35. Tadetadatisphutatvat §isyairavagamyata eveti
Icir5bhy5mavyakhyatam. NVT. T. P. 114.
bhasyavSrtika-
36. This has been dealt with by the present writer in a seoarat^
paper (unpublished).
THE NIRVIKALPAKA AND SAVIKALPAKA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 31^
some attribute, and therefore it is 'Nirvikalpaka' i. e- unqualified or
undifferentiated^^. It means that in the first instance although we have
apprehension of both jar and jarness (ghata and ghatatva), the two fac-
tors are not related as the one which is qualified (viSesya) and the other
which qualifies (vi^esana)38. Secondly it was held by GangeSa that
“Nirvikalpaka perception is beyond the Ken of conciousness (atindriya)
which means that on account of its being unrelated, its nature is such
that we can never be conscious of it^^^
From the time the Nirvikalpaka theory was introduced in the N-V
School till its culmination in Gangesa there arose many views regarding
its nature. It is not the purpose of this paper to trace and discuss all
those views, but in passing some broad points may be indicated here : (i)
Jayanta and Vyomasiva hold that the main point of difference between
Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka is that in the former the element of
word does not enter, and it is therefore vague and indefinite^®. This view
has an affinity with Dinnaga, and also with Kumarila who followed the
former : Both of them laid stress on the absence of the word-element
in the Nirvikalpaka. (ii) Udayana in his Kiranavali says that in
Nirvikalpaka only the individual, the substratum of universal is
apprehended, %, e, a cow is apprehended without cowness etc.,^^
(iii) In Vacaspatimiira and Sridhara we have a further step.
They hold that in the Nirvikalpaka stage both individual as well as its
universal are apprehended, but they are not related as subject and predi-
cate^ 2 . Both of these a^^thors have not clearly brought out, as was done,
by Gangesa and the later Naiyayikas that (iv) Nirvikalpaka is beyond
our cognizance, i. e. it is 'alindriya\ These are some of the fine distinc-
37. Tatra namajatyadiyojanarahitam vai^istyanavagahi nispra-
karam Nirvlkalpakam Te. Nirvikalpakavada, P. 809.
38. ViSesyavisesananavagahi jnanam.
39. Tatha ca prathamato ghataghatatvayor vaiSistyanavagahyeva
jnanam jayate, tadeva Nirvikalpakam tacca na pratya'ksam. N. S. M.
stanza 58.
40. Yatprathamaksasannipatasamaya eva jnanamanullikhitaiab-
dakam ^abdanusmarane hetubhutamutpadyate tad avikalpam pratyaksam.
NM. P. 76.
Anytha hi viSistarthanupalabdhau visisfasya Samketasraara^iasya--
nupapatteh V. V. P. 557.
41. Gotvadyapratitavapi tadasrayasya pratiteh. Kir. p. 278.
42. Jatyadisvarupavagahi na tu jatyadinam mitho vi^esyaviSesana-
bhavavagahi. NVTT. p. 108.
Samanyarn viiesyam cobhayamapi grhtiati paramidam Samanya-
mayam viicsa iti vivicya na grhnati Kan. p. 189.
320 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
fions which may be discerned amongst the principal authors of the
N-V School.
Broadly speaking the following conclusions may be summarized
with regard to the development of the distinction between Nirvikalpaka
and Savikalpaka perceptions in Indian Philosophy : —
(i) In Pra^astapada there is a vague idea of a sort of mere
apprehension (alocana) which is regarded as an earlier stage in the
process of perception.
(ii) Difinaga is the real founder and first discoverer, in Indian
Philosophy, of the fundamental and qualitative distinction in the
nature of Nirvikalpaka and Savikalpaka perception.
(lii) Amongst orthodox writers Kumarila is the first to use the
term 'Nirvikalpaka' in the sense of an earlier stage which invariably
precedes Savikalpaka or determinate perception.
(iv) Vacaspati, or his preceptor Trilocana, seems to be the pioneer
in introducing the distinction in question in the N-V School, or at least
bringing it within the frame work of the Gotama's definition of
perception.
(v) The latest theory of the distinction between Nirvikalpaka and
Savikalpaka, as accepted in the modern N-V School, was formulated by
Gangeia.
THE NIRVIKALPAKA AND SAVIKALPAKA IN INDIAN PHILOSOPHY 321
Abbreviations.
Kan Kandali (Vizianagram Series).
Kir. Kiranavali (Banaras 1917).
M.S Mimamsasutra.
NB Nyayabindu (Peterson 1929).
NY .... Nyaya Kanika (Banaras 1907).
NM Ny ay amanjari (Banaras 1038).
NS .... Nyayasutra.
NSM .... Nyayasidclhantamuktavall.
NVB Nyayavatsyayanabhasya (Amarendra Mohan Cal. 1936).
NVT .... Nyayavartikatatparyatika (Amarendra Mohan Cal. 1936).,
PP .... Prasastapada (Vivianagram Series).
PS .... Pratnana Samuccaya (Mysore 1930).
SK .... Samkhyakarika.
SPS .... Samkhyapravacanasutra.
STK .... Samkhyatattvakaumudi.
SV .... 5lokavartika,
TC .... Tattvacintamani (Cal. 1884).
VS .... Vaisesikasutra.
VV .... Vyomavatl (Banaras 1931).
YS .... Yogasutra.
(40) An Aspect of Causality According to UdayanacXrya
by
Hem Chandra Joshi, Research Scholar
Lucknow University.
The Nyaya Kusumanjali of Udayanacarya is a monumental
philosophical treatise on Nyaya Theism. In this work, as is well
known, the Acarya has set forth proofs for the existence of God or
I^vara. Though the express purpose of the author here is to point out
to us that the existence of God or Isvara can be established on logical
grounds, yet many other fundamental philosophical questions of great
moment have come up for discussion. One such problem is that of
Causality. The problem has been tackled in all its bearings. Not only
all the ramifications of the law have been examined but also the validity
of the law itself has been first of all questioned. As to the ramifica-
tions some are as follows : —
( 1) Whether the law subsists between ‘jatis’ i. e, universals or
between *vyaktis' or particulars.
(2) What is the place of efficient and non-material causes in
the scheme of the law.
(3) The question of ‘Karyavaijatya' and ‘Karanavaijatya'.
(4) The causal function of *abhava', and so on.
Let us see how all the questions come up. According to the
Naiyayikas Lvvara along with Time and Space is the ‘sadharana kara^a’
of all the effects. What is more, the individuals reap the fruits of
their actions. But the overlord who determines the reward is Isvara.
Men perform certain sacrifices like Jyotistoma etc. and as a conse-
quence they reach heaven and, win heavenly joys. Now all this clearly
shows the far-reaching importance of the law of causality. And this
brings U3 to a serious consideration of the law.
In this paper, however, only one aspect of the law of causality
has been taken up for consideration vis, that the causal relation holds
between ‘jatis’ or Universals, In our ordinary conversation we may
say that this particular clod of clay is the cause of this particular jar.
AN ASPECT OF CAUSALITY ACCORDING TO UDAYANACARYA
But this is not the right way of putting facts. Rather we ought to say
that this particular as manifesting the ‘mrd-jati* or clay-universal is
the cause of this particular as representing the ghata-jati or jar-univer-
sal. In the Nyaya terminology we would say that 'mrjjatlya’ is the
cause of ghata-jatiya. Now why should we state the relation in this way?
The reason is that according to the Naiyayikas the jatis or universals
are eternal while the 'particulars* are subject to creation and
destruction. Therefore no law can be established in terms of transient
entities. Moreover a 'particular* devoid of anyjati would be simply
inconceivable. Thus once it is granted that the law of cause-and-eflfect
holds between 'jatis' there follows, as a matter of course, a very
favourable result.
There would be as many Karaiia jatis as there were Karya- jatis
and thus we can easily say that for certain transcendental effects such
as 'enjoyment of heavenly joys* there are such transcendental causes
as the performance of Jyotistoma sacrifice. But such a person who
can point out the causal relation between such transcendental facts is
Isvara who is omniscient and without human failings like raga and
dvesa and whose injuctions are recorded in the Vedas.
Thus having noted the place of Karyavaijatya and Karapavai j atya
in the general scheme of Nyaya philosophy let us turn to the subject
of this paper vis, that the relation of cause and effect be stated only
in terms of jatis. In the first 'stabaka* of the Nyaya Kusumanjali
Udayanacarya has at the outset stated how it is necessary to
postulate a law of causation to explain contingency (Kadacitkatva) of
things. And having successfully done so he goes on to say that this
relation obtains between jatis or universals. To take a concrete case
when we say that this clay is the cause of this jar what do we mean?
Do we only mean literally that this particular clay is the cause of this
particular jar and do not mean anything beyond or do we mean some-
thing more ? The Naiyayika says that we do mean something more,
We mean that the particular clay and the particular jar in question are
causally related only so far as they are characterized by their respective
jatis. To him, who looks upon Universal as an eternal padartha
(nityam, ekam, anekanugatam) a bare particular not inhered by a
universal is an ontological absurdity. As ^Dr. Bhaduri puts it in his
book Nyaya-vaisesika Metaphysic* : —
"A sequence between two particulars cannot be interpreted as a
case of causality unless it is at the same time a case of invariable
relation between the universals by which the particulars are charac-
terized. In other words, the causal relation between two particulars
IS not between two particulars as such but between them as with their
respective generic characters. The fact is that a particular as abs-
tracted from the universal is only an unintelligible symbol, and so the
perception of a particular is necessarily the perception of a particular
as qualified by the Universal.*’ (Page 288.)
324
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
According to JJdayanacarya we find that the effects having a
particular jati are seen to emerge from causes having another parti-
cular jati, for such is the nature of sequence of cause and effect. As
for instance, an effect having *jarness* is always produced out of clay
having ‘clayness' and not otherwise. Similarly an effect having cloth-
ness (patatva) is produced out of a substance that has threadness
(tantutva) inherent in it. Now this law of precedence and succession
between things having *clayness’ or 'threadness and 'jarness or cloth-
ness' is violated if we do not accept their relation of causation as
refering to *jatis\ As the Kusunianjali puts it: — NiTTf?
To make it clear. A particular effect having jati invariably comes
out of another substance having another jati. That is so because
there is an invariable relation of sequence between particulars having
specific jatis. That is why it is maintained by the Naiyayikas that
the relation of causation obtains between jatis. And if it is held that
the relation holds good between particulars and that it has nothing to
do with the universals then this necessary or invariable relation of
sequence, which we just noted, is violated and there arises the contin-
gency of either all the effects having all the jatis or all the effects
having only one jati. This goes quite conti*ary to our experience.
For if it is held that an effect jar does not come out of something that
has 'ciayness' inherent in it or in other words if it is said that the
clayness* of clay does not determine the effect being a jar and that it
is only clay as such that determines the effect in a particular case then
we might as well say that a jar could be produced out of anything and
everything which is absurd and which leads to the position that the
jar will have all the possible jatis inhering in it, an anomaly of greatest
magnitude. And if it were said that the contingency of all the effects
having all the jatis does not arise since there is no ground for saying
that there are different jatis even as there is no ground for saying that
there are different jatis like ghatatva and kala^atva then there arises
the difficulty of all the effects having one jati only, an equally incre-
dible thing. In other words whether we hold that whatever the jati
of the cause, it is its nature to produce an effect of a specific jati or
whether we hold that it is the nature of the effect that it has a specific
jati no matter what happens to be the jati of the cause, in either case
will arise the contingency of either all the effects having all the jatis
characterising them or all the effects having only one jati. In either
case the nature of an effect having a specific jati is impaired.
To this the vyaktivadi may retort by saying that it is not the
nature of an effect of a particular jati to emerge from a cause of one
specific jati only. For instance, fire can be produced from heated grass,
flint or from solar rays reflected through a lens. In this case the
plurality of causes is evident. So it is useless to argue that in case if
.were granted that the causal relation holds between particulars as
AN ASPECT OF CAUSALITY ACCORDING TO UDAYANACARYA 325
such there will be violation of nature of effects ^belonging to a specific
jati. For even if it be conceded that it is the nature of an effect
characterised by a particular jati to emerge from a cause having an-
other specific jati the concession is invalidated by another fact namely
that fire can be produced out of the three alternative causes just
mentioned. To meet this objection the mimaihsakas may step in and
say that the plurality of the causes is only apparent, it is not a fact.
The cause of fire is only one, viz. the sakti or power favourable to the
production of fire, which is shared by all the three things. The flint,
the heated grass and the solar rays reflected through a lens are not the
causes of fire but are vehicles of sakti favourable to the production of
fire and thus the rule of the cause and effect belonging to their respec-
tive specific class is not compromised. The Naiyayika or for the
matter of that Udayanacarya has his own explanation to offer in this
case. But first he explodes the one given by the mimaihsakas. The
difficulty in accepting the mimaihsaka explanation is as follows: —
In case things having different class- character are thought of as
capable of producing effect of one specific jati then we cannot infer
the existance of one of the alternative causes by seeing the effect. For
instance we cannot infer the existence of grass, flints or solar rays
reflected through the lens by seeing fire. Tn other words we cannot
determine whether in this particular case of fire which of the three
causes produced the fire. Similarly in the absence of one of the alter-
native causes the non-existence of the effect also cannot be inferred.-
And this is surely a great predicament. As the Acarya puts it «
Why does this difficulty arise at all? It arises because if flint is
non-existent there may be the possibility of the fire having been pro-
duced from grass or from solar rays reflected through a lens, or may
be from some other thing which may have the fire-producing power but
which we may not be aware of. To obviate this difficulty the mimaih-
saka says that power is not such a thing as would exist anywhere and
everywhere, thus impairing any chance of inference based on causal
relation being valid. In fact the causal relation is postulated only after
such relation has been ascertained on unbreakable grounds. (
%?j;) In reply Udayana asks : But how is the
causal relation to be ascertained? Causality is to be ascertained on the
strength of the ascertainment of i^akti: But according to the mlmaih-
saka the Hjsakti itself is a super-sensible entity. What we actually
perceive Is the mere antecedent and not the basis on which we can
postulate sakti. Thus the postulation of sakti leads to further problems
instead of solving the original problem. This sets aside also the
326 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
explanation that explains the emergence of an effect from one and
subtle jati.
r
The mimamsaka had so far tried to explain away the problem of
plurality of causes by pointing out that grass, flint etc. are not the
alternative causes but rather the alternative vehicles for the power
favourable to the production of fire. This explanation having been
shown to be fraught with difficulties he now makes an attempt to save
his position by saying that the cause of fire in this case is only one vis.
the atoms of fire. Grass flint etc. are nimitta causes. So the difficulty
pointed out by the vyakti-vadin that here is a case of an effect emerging
from causes having different jatis or difficulties pointed out by the
Naiyayika are not palpable, hor what determines the (jati-bheda)
difference in the Karyajati is the jati of the material cause and not the
nimitta and asamavayi causes. But this is also fraught with insuper-
able difficulties. If the nimitta or asamavayi causes do not matter it
is meaningless to consider them as causes. Their very causality is set
at naught. It is not that the presence of nimitta and asamavayi is
antecedent to the production of the effect but the fact is that it is only
when the nimitta and asamavayi are present along with the sainavayi
that the effect comes into being. That is in the absence of the nimitta
and the asamavayi the effect is not produced at all. In other words
the nimitta and the asamavayi as much determine the characteristics
of the effect as the samavayi. In fact the whole collocation of the
causal items is equally significant. Had it been that the samavayi-
karana were only the determining fact in settling the karya jati then
it would have been impossible to account for the fact that guna and
karma having different jatis inhere in the same dravya. As Udayana
says : —
I nra: i sr
Finding himself under a predicament the Mimamsaka might modify
his statement and say that what he says about the material cause
determining the nature of the effects refers only to the effects that are
dravya and not those that are guna and karma. That is, in case of
effects that are dravya their jati is determined by their material cause.
But the Naiyayika says that even this much cannot be granted for both
milk and curd as effects have the same material cause but their jatis
are different. The atoms constituting milk and those constituting curd
are same yet because of difference in nimittakaraija the effects differ
in jati having said so much, says Udayana, one can easily understand
AN ASPECT OF CAUSALITY ACCORDING TO UDAYANACARYA 327
that the invariable concomitance between two things cannot be estab-
lished in the Apohavada view also. For according to this view invari-
able concomitance can be established only on the basis of causal relation
or the relation of ‘ladatmya’, of which the latter itself is based on the
former. And thus causal relation between two things cannot be estab-
lished if we acc(!!pt the Apohavada view. According to Apohavada
‘fire* means something that is different from non-fire’. Now the cause
of smoke would be something different from that which is non-fire
which does not necessarily mean fire. For example, stone may be
looked upon as ‘not fire* and something from ‘not fire’ Le. stone may
as well be a brick ; and to say that smoke is produced by a brick is on the
very fare of it absurd. Thus according to this'method causality cannot
be ascertained and explained in case of a singfe cause, not to speak of
alternative causes. Such being the position, an Apohavada cannot
ascertain invariable concomitance between two things. This leads to
the most lamentable position of their being deprived of the use of
inference as a pramana.
To sum up, therefore, if we accept any of the three views regarding
causality just mentioned vis. vyaktivada, ^aktivada and apohavada,
there follows inevitably the breakdown of the nature of the cause and
effects belonging to their respective jatis. And as to the objection
raised by the vyaktivadin that the break down of the nature of things
is already a fact which is indubitable, the Naiyayika says that there is
no such breakdown. I'he effect ‘fire’ produced from grass is different
from the one produced from flints and so on. Just as there is difference
ill the modes of producing fire there is also difference in the fire thus
produced. Fire is produced from heated grass by blowing, from drills
by drilling and from solar rays reflected through a lens. As the modes
of producing fire from heated grass etc. are specified so the fires thus
produced are specific in character, or what we may call, they are
characterized by an ‘avantara-jati. Therefore a difference in the
subsidiary cause leads to difference in the species of the karya also. And
if we postulate sakti in grass etc., as the mimamsakas have a wont to
do, we must extend the postulation of 5akti to blowing and
drilling etc. also and the contingency would thus arise that fire will have
to be looked upon as capable of being produced from flints by blowing
and from grass by drilling. As a recent commentator of the Nyaya-
kusumanjali puts it—
So though the atoms of fire are the cause of ths generic fire, grass
etc., are the cause of the difference in the species falling under fire.
We find that even though there is difference in fire, a lamp illuminates
the whole apartment of a mansion, not so the fire from burning wood
though throwing out a cluster of flames and still less so the cow-dung
328 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
fire. So by experience we infer difference of species in the fires
produced by different modes. The syllogism can thus be stated : —
The fires produced from grass etc., belong to different species
For they have been produced from different causes just as fires
produced from wick— a burning wood and cow-dung are characterized
by different jatis or species.
For as a rule the effects produced from different causes differ
in jatis.
Thus the relation of cause and effects obtains betv\''een jatis. Asa
rule an effect having a particular jati has only one cause having another
particular jati. But where there are alternative modes of producing
effects having the same generic characteristics such effects will have
their own specific jati 3frt^) besides the common genus. One
who cannot make out such specific jatis had better infer only the
generic cause from the generic aspect of the effect. The Nayayika
does not frown upon such a position : —
qqwm
Here a difficulty may be pointed out that if we accept that the fires
produced from heated grass etc., have different species characterizing
them then the different smokes-produced by such fires will also have
some specific differences which may not be detected. As a result one
cannot infer generic fire from generic smoke. Similarly we cannot
infer non-existence of generic smoke from non-existence of generic
fire. This means that inference becomes imposssible, for the relation
of invariable concomitance cannot be established, the relation of cause
and effect and identity having become unascertainable. This
objection, says, the Naiyayika, has no force with him. It can only
stagger the Bauddha who establishes his relation of cause and effect on
the basis of sometiiing imperceptible which he calls and who
does not accept the rightful place of and in ascertaining
causal relation. But for the Naiyayikas the relation of cause and effect
holds between universal which itself can be ascertained on the basis of
AN ASPECT OF CAUSALITY ACCORDING TO UDAYANXcXRYA 329
and I Even if in any case there is some specific peculiarity
in the cause there will have to be postulated some specific peculiarity in
the effect also. And if the respective peculiarities are detectable then
the inference of specific cause and specific effect is also possible and if
otherwise, the inference of cause in general and effect in general is
always possible. The presence of an undetected peculiarity does not
interfere with the general inference.
Only one possible question in this connection remains to be answer-
ed. It is this. If heated grass flints and sun's rays reflected through a
lens determine the peculiarity in the fires thus produced, what is it that
determines the generic character of fire therein. The Naiyayika says
that in the production of mere fire wind is the incidental cause, the
combination of atoms of fire is the asamavayi cause and the atoms
themselves are the material cause. This self-same causal aggregate
along with substances possessing weight is the cause of solidified fire.
Again the same aggregate having acquired perceptible touch gives rise
to burning fire and even so conjoined with water becomes atmospheric
fire and with what is earthly becomes terrestrial and on conjoined with
both becomes gastric fire. Thus the causes of specific changes should
be made out.
(41) The SvKtantryavXda of Kashmir and the Voluntarism
OF Schopenhauer
by
Dr. k. c. Pandey,
Lucknow University.
The Voluntarism of Schopenhauer arose under Kantian influence.
It accepts the view that the object of knowledge is nothing more than
an idea; because the subject, the knowing being, is so conditioned by
the forms of knowledge, space, time, causality etc., that it can
never know any object as it is in itself, but only as modified by the
subjective conditions.
Kashmir ^aivaism agrees with Kant and, therefore, with Schopen-
Iiauer that what is known at the empirical level is only a phenomenon
or idea. F'or, like Kant, it also admits that the knowing subject can
know the given, not as it is in itself but as it appears through the
limiting conditions: (I) temporal relation (Kala) (II) causal rela-
tion (Niyati) (111) relation to personality (Raga) and (IV) rela-
tion to other phenomena (Vidya).
Significance of the Ideas.
A natural question that every one asks is whether this world is
merely an idea or whether it is also something else, something more
than an idea, and if so, what? This something that we seek for, as
the question implies, must be completely and in its whole nature
different from idea; the forms and laws of the idea must, therefore, be
foreign to it. It cannot be arrived at under the guidance of the laws,
which are the forms of the principle of sufficient reason.
This something, the noumenon, as opposed to the phenomena, in
Kantian philosophy, is called the thing-in-itself. Schopenhauer agrees
with Kant that the thing-in-itself is objectively unknowable. But when
Kant asserts that it is simply inferred, Schopenhauer differs on similar
grounds as those on which Kashmir ^aivaism differs from the Anume-
yarthavadi Bauddha, who holds that the objective world is a matter of
THE SVATANTRYAVXda OF KASHMIR
331
inference only. He asserts that we are immediately aware of it in our^
action and emotion and that it is Will. *
On this point also Kashmir ^aivaism agrees with Schopenhauer.
For, it admits that the principle of freedom (Svatantrya ^akti^,
Vimaria, or Spanda) is immediately present to us in states of intense
emotion such as those of anger or fear, in which all external affections
of mind disappear.
The Will as the Inner Being of Everything,
Schopenhauer’s view that the world apart from being idea is, in
its inner nature, Will, is based on the analysis of voluntary action as
follows : —
The body is given in two different ways to the subject of knowledge,
who becomes individual only through identification with the body.
(I) It is given as an idea in intelligent perception as an object
among objects and subject to the laws of object.
(II) It is also known in a quite different way as that which is
immediately known to every one and is signified by the word WilL
For, every act of Will is also at once and without exception a
movement of the body. The act of Will and the movement of the
body are not two different things objectively known, which the bond
of causality unites, but they are only given in two entirely different
ways: (I) immediately and (II) in perception for the understanding.
Thus, the action of body is nothing but the act of Will objectified i. e,
passed into perception.
Here again there is agreement between Schopenhauer and Kashmir
Voluntarism. For, the latter also holds that action is nothing but the
WiU2 externalised. (Cikirsa bahisparyantatam prapta kriya itya-
bhidhiyate).
He enters into lengthy arguments to establish that not only our
action but also the whole body itself is nothing but objectification of
WilL He accordingly suggests that the double knowledge, which the
1, S. Dr. 11 and S. K. 39.
2. I. P. V. Vol. II. 183.
332
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
individual subject has of the nature and activity of his own body and
which is given in two different ways, be used as a key to the nature of
every phenomenon in nature: and that if we follow the analogy of
our own bodies in judging what the objects are apart from being mere
ideas, we have to admit that just as in one aspect they are ideas, just
like our own bodies, so, in another aspect, they, in their inner nature,
must be the same as that in us, which we call WilL For, besides Will
and idea nothing is known to us. If, therefore, we wish to attribute
the greatest known reality to the material world which is known to us
as a mere idea, we have to give it the reality, which our own bodies
have for each of us. For, we can nowhere find another kind of reality
which we can attribute to the material world.
Thus, if we hold that the material world is something more than
our own idea, we must say that it is, in itself, in its inmost nature^
that which we find immediately in ourselves as WilL
On the basis of analogy of what goes on in a human being, when
the body performs an action, Schopenhauer recognises the inscrutable
forces, which manifest themselves in all natural bodies, as indentical
in kind with that which in human being is the Will and as differing
from it only in degree.
Schopenhauer holds that the fourth class of idea, in which there
is no antithesis of subject and object, which comprehends only one
object, the immediate object of inner sense, the Will, and which is
experienced as identical with the knowing subject, is the key to the
knowledge of the inner nature of the first, comprising those complete
ideas of perception, which form a part of our experience, which are
referable to some sensation of our bodies and which are capable of
being perceived under the forms of space and time.
In the case of man this inner being is called character. But in
the case of stone it is called quality. In both the cases, however the
inner being is the same. When it is immediately known it is called
WilL But when it is a mere presupposition it is called natural
forces.
This inner being is the strongest in the case of man. For, in man
the subject in volition becomes the object of knowledge only to inner
sense. In stone the objectivity of Will is the weakest, because there
is no awareness of Will, because the Will is blind. Thus the Will in
Schopenhauer's system denotes that which is the inner nature of every-
Ihing in the world and the one kernel of every phenomenon.
Schopenhauer holds that the thing-in-itself is not altogether directly
unknown and is not simply inferred, but that it is immediately known
THE SVXtaNTRYAVXda OF KASHMIR
333
and that it is IVill. The Will, as thing-in-itself, lies outside the princi-
ple of sufficient reason in all its forms and consequently it is groundless
in itself, though all its manifestations are entirely subordinated to the
principle of sufficient reason.
In self-consciousness the Will is known directly and in itself. In
this consciousness, therefore, lies also a consciousness of freedom. It
is free from all multiplicity, though its manifestations in time and
space are innumerable. It is one, not in the sense in which an object
is one. For, the unity of an object can only be known in opposition to
a possible multiplicity. It is not one in the sense in which a concept
is one ; the unity of a concept originates in abstraction from multipli-
city. But it is one as that which lies outside time and space and is the
possibility of multiplicity.
Philosophical Wisdom
He asserts that the truth ‘the world is my idea’ holds good for
everything that lives and knows, though man alone can bring it into
reflective and abstract consciousness. The philosophical wisdom is
nothing but bringing this truth into reflective and abstract conscious-
ness.
This is another point of agreement between Voluntarism of Scho-
penhauer and that of Kashmir. For, according to the latter, the
liberation in life (jivanmukti) is nothing but the realisation that ‘the
entire universe is my manifestation^ (Sarvo mamayam vibhavah).
Fundamental Difference Between Voluntarism of Kashmir and that
of Schopenhauer.
Schopenhauer holds that, in general, nature signifies that which
acts without the assistance of the intellect and that nature is identical
with what we find in ourselves as Will, The possibility of this funda-
mental knowledge depends upon the fact that in us the Will is directly
lighted by the intellect, which appears in us as self-consciousness. If
the Will were not lighted by the intellect, we could just as little arrive
at a fuller knowledge of the Will within us as without us and would
have stopped at inscrutable forces of nature. We have to abstract the
Will from intellect if we wish to comprehend the nature of Will in
itself and thereby penetrate to the inner being of nature.
Schopenhauer holds that unconscious Will constitutes the reality
of things, and its development must advance very far before it finally
1. I. P. V. Vol. II. 266.
m
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
attains in animal consciousness to the idea and intelligence. He
starts by doing away Vvrith the presupposed simplicity of our subjectively
<;onscious nature, the ego, the soul. He shows that the intellect is
physically conditioned, that it is the function of the brain, the material
organ and, therefore, depends upon it. Without the material organ,
he holds, the intellectual function is as impossible as grasp without the
hand. Intellect, therefore, belongs to mere phenomenon. The Will,
on the contrary, is bound to no special organ, but is everywhere present
as that which moves and forms. It constitutes the metaphysical subs-
tratum of the whole phenomenon. The intellect as a mere function of
the brain is involved in the destruction of the body. But the Will is
not. The two are heterogeneous. This heterogeneity of the two and
the subordinate nature of the intellect explains why man in the depths
of self-consciousness feels himself to be eternal and indestructible;
but can have no memory beyond the duration of life.
Schopenhauer’s Will, the metaphysical substratum of the whole
phenomenon, is an abstraction from that identity with which alone
he can justify the use of the word ‘Will’. He was under the influence
of the result of the researches of the scientists, both his predecessors
and contemporaries. He wanted to identify the presuppositions of the
various sciences, with something that was immediately known to him
at the empirical level. He accepted the Kantian doctrine that pure
consciousness of the subject in total isolation from the object is impos-
sible. His system arose in antagonism to that of Hegel. He had a
positively low opinion of Hegel. For such reasons he could not
admit the ulimate reality to be mind or thought. He, therefore, abs-
tracted Will from mind. He calls this originally blind force, Will,
because he holds that it is identical with what we are immediately
aware of in voluntary action and emotion.
The Kashmir Voluntarism, on the other hand, arose at a time,
when the beautiful land of Kashmir was the land of Yogins. Every
one of the main writers on this system was a Yogin. To them the
self-consciousness in isolation from the object was the most indubitable
experience. They knew that a great Yogin could create the objective
things by sheer force of his Will. Howsoever ridiculous such a
possibility may appear to modern minds, with materialistic bent,
the Kashmir Voluntarists admitted it and they had reason^ to
do so.
They, therefore, did not feel complelled to abstract the Will from
self-consciousness. They admit the Will to be an aspect of the mind.
This view is in consonance with the experience of Will, as even
Schopenhauer admits. This is the aspect of the mind, which constitutes
the metaphysical substratum, of the whole phenomenal world. This
Free Will is essentially Universal Self-consciousness. It is the starting
point of the concrelisation of the Universal Mind as Self-luminous and
THE SVXtANTRYAVXda OF KASHMIR 33 S
Self -conscious Reality. It differs from the Universal Self-conscious-
ness in so far as the Universal Self-consciousness is free from objective
reference, does not involve the antithesis of the subject and the object,
the Freie Will has the objective reference. The object, however, to
which the Will is related is the Universal *this* which is its own mani-
festation and lacks all determinacy exactly as does the mental picture
in the mind of a great artist a^ the time of inspiration. It is like the
imperceptible stir in calm water before the rise of waves. It is like the
internal stir that precedes the perceptible movment of a physical
organ. It is that aspect of the Universal Mind, which is responsible
for the objectification of what is identical with it.
Immanent and Transcendental knowledge.
Time, space and causality are the forms of human intellect, by
virtue of which, the one being of each kind (the idea), which alone
really is, manifests itself as multiplicity of similar beings, constantly
appearing and disappearing in endless succession. The apprehension
of objects by means of and iii accordance with the forms of intellect
is immanent knowledge. But that apprehension of objects which trans-
cends these forms is transcendental knowledge. According to Kant,
the transcendental can be attained in abstract, through the criticism of
pure reason. But German voluntarism holds that in exceptional cases
this transcendental knowledge may be got intuitively.
The transition from immenent knowledge to the transcendental
takes place suddenly. The knowledge is always in the service of Will.
But in exceptional cases it breaks free from the service of the Will.
This happens when the individual subject ceases to be individual, when
he becomes the pure willless subject of knowledge. When he no longer
traces the relations in accordance with the principle of sufficient reason
but rests in fixed contemplation of the object free from all relations to*
other objects, when he rises into the object.
Aesthetic experience as Transcendental Knovtledge.
Schopenhauer seems to come nearer the Kashmir Voluntarism in
his treatment of the problem of Aesthetics. He asserts that if man,,
relinquishes the common way of looking at things, gives up tracing the
relations of things in accordance with the principle of sufficient reason, if
he docs not relate the object of knowledge to his own Will, if he
ceases to consider, the when, the where, the why and the whither of
things and looks at simply and solely the what : if he does not allow
abstract thought to take possession of his consciousness: but, on the
contrary if he sinks himself entirely in the presented and lets his whole
consciousness be filled up with quiet contemplation of it; if he forgets
even his individuality and exists only as a pure mirror of the object
336 16th ALL*IND1A oriental CONPiSRENCE
so that the the perceiver and perception become one: if the object is
free from all relationtto what is not itself, to what is outside itself and
if the subject is free from all relation to Will then that which is so
known is no longer the particular thing as such, but it is the Idea, the
•eternal form, the immediate objectivity of the Will at this grade, and
therefore, he who is sunk in this perception is no longer individual but
he is pure willless, timeless and spaceless* subject of knowledge. The
aesthetic experience is, therefore, nothing else than apprehension of
relationless object, the Idea, by pure subject. r
I n aesthetic experience the subject, which passes into the c»bject,
that is free from all relations, becomes one with the object: for the
whole consciousness . is nothing but perfectly distinct picture of the
object. In it the subject and object' are no longer distinguished. They
interpenetrate each other completely. Similarly The knowing and the
known are undistinguishable.
(42) Karma-Yoga Tradition
by
Sri Prahlad C. Divanji, Bombay.
I, — Statements in the Gita as to the previous history of the Karma-
yoga doctrine; II. — Those as to its early history corroborated by
accounts in the Matsya Purana and Yogavasistha ; III.— Partial
clarification of its subsequent development in the Gita itself and
corroboration thereof by accounts in other works; IV. — Other
accounts in the Upanisads of Brahmanas approaching Ksatriyas
for instruction in the Adhyatmayidya ; V. — Concluding remarks.
I . — Statements in the Gtia as to the previous history of^ the Karma--
yoga doctrine.
The Bhagavadgtta contains in its third chapter^ a statement that
the Lord had formerly communicated to the people in this world
instruction to keep faith in two ways of approch to himself, namely by
the Jnana-yoga of the Saiiikhyas and the Karma-yoga of the Yogins.
Then as for the latter, which has been elaborately expounded in the said
chapter, there are statements in Chapter IV2 as to its divine origin,
subsequent traditional transmission amongst the royal sages, its deca-
dence after a long period and revival thereof by §ri Krsna when he
imparted knowledge thereof to Arjuna. It is an interesting point for
investigation, whether and if so, how far those statements receive
corroboration from the other extant works in Sanskrit on the Adhyat-
mavidya. Having kept it in mind for some time during the course of
my studies I have come across some similar statements in several
works bearing on that point and therefore I propose to place the result
of my critical examination thereof before this learned audience for its
consideration.
1. B. G. III. 3.
2. The said stanzas run thus : —
’Tin I nrf ihn
n«i Ttnnnl Prj: i n mfnr nlnl n«: nrnn U’^n
^ wn wn ^sn nln: 3?T?rn: i nnsls?^ ft
338
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
II . — Those as to its early history corroborated by accounts in the:
Matsya Pur ana and Yogavasistha.
2. The first statement in the fourth chapter of the Gtta is that
the Karma-yoga had. in a previous age been, expounded by the Lord, i. e.
the Prajapati, to Vivasvat. Allied to' it the Matsya-Purdnaf which, as
narrated by Suta, purports to reproduce that which had been narrated
by Kesava or Narayana in the form of a miraculous fish to Manu
Vaivasvata a hundred years prior to the Great Flood, contains a chap-
ter3 in which ther^ is a ehlogy of the Karma-yoga being superior to
a thousand Jiiana-yogas and further statements that knowledge had
arisen from the Karma-yoga, that it is therefore the “Parama Pada'%
,that Brahman (the Veda) had arisen from Karma-jnana and not
‘'jnana'' (knowledge) from '‘Akarma (inaction), that therefore one
with mind composed attains the knowledge of the constant essence while
engaged in action, (for verily) the whole of the Veda and the conduct
of those who know it have Dharma as their _source. This Dharma is
further said to consist predominantly of 8 ‘‘Atmagunas** (qualities of
the heart or moral virtues) namely: — (1) compassion towards all
beings, (2) forgiveness, (3) protection of the weak, (4) absence of
jealousy towards others, (5) internal and external purity, (6) mainten-
ance of an attitude of pleasantness towards actions (duties) coming up
without being striven for, (7) absence of stinginess in spending wealth
for the needy and (8) absence at all limes of covetousness towards
the wealth and wives of other s^. It is thereafter added that the said
qualities had been called ‘‘Atmagunas’’ by those well-versed in the
Puranas, that the cultivation thereof itself constituted ‘‘Kriya-yoga'^
which acts as the means for the attainment of the Jnana-yoga, that no
one is found to attain knowledge without the help of Karma-yoga and
that^therefore one should by effort discharge the duties prescribed by
the Sruti and Smrtis. The next 13 stanzas explain what those duties are
and what are the effects of their discharge and the last, 26th stanza,
winds up the topic by saying that whoever is devoted to the vedantasas-
tra and the Smrti is ever afraid of neglect of duty and is intent on the
practice of the Kriya-yoga has nothing left to acquire in this or the next
, world.
3. Reading the whole chapter through one finds that there is the
same emphasis in it on adhering to the life of a householder and conti-
nuing to discharge one's appropriate prescribed duties and promise that
one who does so attains knowledge for the attainment whereof the
Jnanayogins resort to a life in action, as in the 3rd, 4th, 5th and the
18th chapters of the Bhagavadgita. That the subject-matter of this
3. Mat. Pu. LIL 5-7.
4. Op. cit. 8-10.
5. Op cit. 11-12.
KARMA-YOGA TRADITIOI^ j 33?
chapter in the Pur ana is not based on the Gita is clear froni the subse-
quent chapter because it is stated therein<5 that in the other Kalpa there
was only one Parana, whose extent was “featakoti*^, that Brahma had
first recollected it and that it was thereafter that the Vedas came out
of his mouths. It is also stated there that assuming the form of Vyasa
in each Dvapara yuga the Lord abridges the Parana so as to bring its
extent to '^Caturlaksa'* and divides it into 18 Puranas for use in this
earthly region, although in the Devaloka it continues even now to have
its original extent, and that is the reason why it is said that there are
18 Puranas here at present. Besides the difference in the sources of the
tradition we also notice that whereas according to the GUa it was his
father Vivasvat who had imparted the knowledge of this Yoga to Manu
according to the Matsya it was Kc^ava or Narayana himself who had
done so and secondly, that the special necessity and efficacy of singular
devotion and self-surrender to Vasudeva, which is set forth in the Gita
at more than one placed while emphasising the performance of disinte-
rested action and the cultivation of moral virtues is conspicuously absent
from the passage from the Matsya Pur ana. These points of difference
suggest to my mind that the authors of the two works had access to the
same tradition of Karma-yoga but through different sources containing
two different versions thereof.
4. This Yoga had been taught by Manu to Tksvaku according to the
passage in the GiUl Chapter IV quoted in foot-no^e 2. Corresponding to
that assertion I have found in the Nirvana-prakarana of the Yogavasistha
an account by Vasistha of a '‘Manu-Iksvaku Samvada^. It is a short
account in 99 stanzas as contained in the Nirnaya Sagara Press edition.
It is remarkable as to its extent that the Devanagari transcript
of the fearada script version of the same work (Ms. No. 8771 at the
S. A. A. Library, Srinagar) contains the dialogue in Sargas 122-29, the
total number of stanzas wherein is 356. As to the importance of the
dialogue in the work it is also remarkable that Gauda Abhmanda had
considered it so important that whereas he has made out an abridgement
of the work, the total number of stanzas wherein comes to 5013, as
printed in the N. S. P. edition, 1937, including some not forming part of
the text at all (e. g. the first 4 of Chapter VI 16) and those not found
in the N. S. P. edition of the bigger work (e. g. the next 30 in the same
chapter and Sarga) as against a few more than 29,000 in the latter, he
has in Chapter VI. 13, containing the said dialogue, included no less
than 98 stanzas, appearing to have been taken from a different version
of the work than that on which the N. S. P. edition of the bigger work
is based.
6. Op. cit. L III 3-11.
7. B. G. III. 30-32; V. 29; VI. 29-32, 47 ; VII. 12-30 VIII. 3-lS;
IX. 10-34; X. 1-11 ; XI. 52-55 ; XII. 6-20; XIV. 26-27; XV. 14-20; XVIIL
48-62.
8. Yogavasistha VI/1. 117-22.
340
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Although these 3 sources differ amongst themselves as to the-
wording of several stanzas common to them they agree in the main as to
the substaiKe of the dialogue. In all it begins with an introductory
remark by Vasistha that Iksvaku, the propositus of Rama’s family,
from whose name the dynasty ruling at Ayodhya was known as
the ^'Iksvaku dynasty”, furnished a good illustration of the statement
in the last stanza of the previous Sarga, namely that the greatest
remedy for one who desires to attain adequate peace of mind and to cross
the occean of rebirths, which is a mine of long-continued miseries, is to
think over the problems, “Who am X” “How must this universe have
come into existence” and “Who may be free from it?” It thereafter
goes on to state that Iksvaku, having once failed to solve them although
he did think over them in solitude, put the same questions to Bhagavan
Prajapati Manu, who had come to his court from Brahmaloka. The
latter’s answers are, as could be expected in the YogaT/asistha, that all
this phenomena, which appears to the senses and the mind to exist, does
not in fact exist and is like a will-o’-the-wisp or a mirage, that which
is beyond the organs of perception is indestructible, that is what really
exists here and that is the real self, the “Atman” of the perceiver. The
rest of the episode consists of explanations of the possible doubts, arising
from the answers which are in direct contradiction to the experience of
an average human being based on and of an advice to cultivate an
opposite tendency of the mind step by step sensual perception. The last
stanza winds up the discourse by the concluding remark of Vasistha
that saying so Bhagavan Manu repaired to his home in the Brahmaloka
and that Iksvaku also having had recourse to that way of looking (at
the phenomena) became steady,
6. Reading the episode as a whole the first difference, between the
Karma-yoga as expounded in the Bhagavadgtta and the teaching here
of Manu, that catches the eye is that whereas the former is based upon
a realistic view of the phenomena the latter is based on an extreme
idealistic view thereof appearing to have been based on the Karika of^
Gaudapada interpreted in terms of Kashmir feaivism which is based, on
the Malini Tantra, and which is the view consistently advocated as the
true one throughout the work. This should not however frighten us
away and would not justify us in concluding that except for the occur-
rence of the same names of the participants in the discourse there is no
common ground between the two. For seeing whether there are any
such grounds we must read carefully the latter part of the episode con-
sisting of the last 60 stanzas, wherein the remedy for the eradication of
the false sense of reality of the diversity of the sense-objects has been-
mentioned and an advice given as to how to train up the mind to adopt
the right attitude towards the said objects. When that part is closely;
examined we find that except for the substitution of the Cit i. e. Atman,
in place of “Aharh” or Vasudeva” or “Bhuta-Maheivara” etc. indicating
the highest essence, which is the same as the "‘Cit” of the Yogavajsi^ha,
there is no difference between the practical side of the teachings in both
the works. And that is what should be the case because the teaching
KARMA-YOGA TRADITIOW 341
of Vasistha was intended to better equip Rama for the life of a house-
holder of the ruling class, which he begins to lead subsequent to this
initiation, made at the age of 16 years before he commenced his career
under the guidance of ViSvamitra. Owing to the limit set upon the
papers to be read at such gatheirngs I cannot enter into a detailed
comparison of the similar passages in the two works after quoting them in
extenso^ However for the knowledge of those intending to thrash out the
point for their satisfaction I mention the passages in the foot-note
below.®
The statement in the concluding stanza as to Iksvaku having
become steady on adopting the changed outlook towards the sense objects
as advised is also significant and negatives the possibility of his having
retired to a forest and implies that he continued even thereafter to attend
to his duties as a king, just as Arjuna began to fight on hearing the advice
of §ri Krsna and Rama showed his readiness to accompany Viivamitra.
for the protection of his sacrificial ground and subsequently adopted*
the life of a house holder.
7. It is very doubtful whether for this account the author of the
Yogavasistha had depended upon a tradition derived from another earlier
source because it is quite clear that he had drawn largely upon the
Mahabharata and the Markahdeya, Visnu and other Puranas for the
names of the characters in the nearly 4 dozen Akhyanas and Upakhya-
nas contained therein, upon the Mdlint and other T antra works besides
the Gaudapada Karika for its main doctrine and even on some clas-
sical works such as the Meghaduta and V air agy a- Pataka for the
models of his descriptions etc., and above all, there are scores of
stanzas and half and quarter stanzas in the Arjunopakhyana^^ which
appear to have been borrowed from the Bhagavadgtta, as shown by
me at length in my paper on “Yogavasistha and Bhagavadgita"' read
at the first Delhi session of the I. P. Congress in December, 1936.
On the other hand there are certain episodes such as that of the AkaSaja
in the Utpatti-prakarana which appear to have been the inventions of
the author, and some such as that of §ikhidhvaja in the Nirvana,
whose characters, though appearing to be historical, cannot be traced
to any known source. I have however mentioned this dialogue bet-
ween Manu and Iksvaku because its contents seem to support the
statement of the author of the GJta that the Karma-yoga tradition had
been transmitted by Manu to Iksvaku.
9. Cf. B. G. IV. 20-21 and L. Y. V. VI. 13. 99-100; B. G. XIL
15 and L. Y. V. VL 13. 103 ; B. G. III. 27-28 and L. Y. V. VI. 13.
51-52; B. G. IV. 41-42 and L. Y. V. VI. 13.53; B. G. XVIII. 14-16
and L. Y. V. VI. 13. 76; B. G. XVI. 14-16 and L. Y. V. VI. 13. 85;
B. G. XI. 54. and L. Y. V. VI. 13. 109 and so on.
10 L. Y. V. VI. 5 which is an abridged version of that contained
inY.V. VI/1. 52-55.
342
16th ALL-IHDIA- ohiehtau jconference
III. — Partial clarification of its subsequent dei/elopm^nt ^in , the Gita,
itself and corroboration there of by accounts in other works. ^
8. The first stanza in chapter IV of the QJta narrates the trans:
mission of the Karma-yoga tradition for two generations only. The'
second therein says only roundly that the said Yoga thus handed down
from generation to generation was known to the royal sages but that
after the lapse of considerable time the tradition about it was broken,
and the third says that it was rexrived by ^ri Krsna when he imparted
the knowledge thereof to Arjuna because he was iiis devotee and friend.
It is therefore a point for investigation who were the royal sages who
had kept alive that tradition for along peri>d after the death of
Iksvaku. As to that the Gita itself contains at another place^^ a state-
ment that “Janaka and others’’ had attained ‘'Samsiddhi ’ by Karma
itself. We cannot however get from that much definite information
even as to one individual because “Janaka’' was the family name of
the kings of Videha from Mithi onwards according to Pargiteri^, who
relies for that statement on Vayn 89. 23 and Brahinahda HI. 61.24,
and cites the instances of several named individual kings of that
dynasty who have also been called by the generic name ^'Janaka”
there and in the Mahabharata and the Visnu Purana^^, We also
know that the father of Sita, whose personal name was Siradhvaja
has been called '‘Janaka’' several times in the Ramayana, With regard
to all the kings of Videha having their caplial at Mithila, founded by
the said Mithi^^, the Bhdgavata Purdna says^s that all those kings of
Mithila were well-versed in the ‘‘Atmavidya’* (Science of the Self)
and free from the *'Dvandvas” (pairs of opposites such as attachment
and hatred) through the grace of the Yogesvaras. JThe Yoge^varas
there referred to are the 9 of the sons of Rsabha, the Adinatha or first
Tirthafikara of the Jainas, whose names were Kavi, Ilari and others
as given in another Skandha of the same Purdna, where it is also
stated that the king of Mithila whom they had instructed in the Bhdga^
i/afo Dharma wa.o Nimi, son of Iksvakui<5. Here then we have apart
corroboration of the statement in the Gltd, It cannot be said to be a
complete one because Nimi, though a son of Iksvaku, had not come to
know Karma-yoga from his father but from the Yogesvaras, who were
Ksatriyas who had devoted their lives to the realisation of the true
seif of man and to the good of mankind by imparting knowledge there-
11. B. G. Ill, 20.
12. Ancient Indian Historical Tradition, p. 96, f. n. 5.
13. Op. cit. f. n’s 6-13.
14. Bh. Pu. IX. 13. 13.
15. Op. cit. IX. 13. 27.
16. Op. cit. XI. 2. 15-27 read with IX. 13. !•
KASMA-.YOGA TRADITION-
i4$
otf atid of the means for its realisation - to the deserving. That if >^as
Karma-yoga, not jnana-yoga which emphasises the necessity of physi-
cal renunciation, which they had expounded to the King is evident
from the nature of the questions and answers recorded in the Bhaaa-
vata}f, and from the concluding remark of the sage Narada^ who had'
narrated the dialogue, to the effect that on hearing the exposition of
the BhSgavata Dharmas the king accompanied by his family priest
adored the sages and that thereafter the Siddhas disappeared into an
inner plane while those present there were looking on and that the
king having followed the Dharmas (rules of conduct) attained
“Parama GatiiS”. The geimral statement that the Kings of MithilS
were all well-versed in the Atmavidya is also borne out to a certain
extent by the occurrence of dialogues on philosophical topics between
Janakas of the names of Karala, Vasumana, the father of DevarSta
Devarata, Dharmadhvaja and a king of Videha who had become the
instructor of $uka Yogi, because before retirement he had been advised
by his father to go and meet the king, given in the Moksadharma of
the ianti-parvan^^. From amongst those, two of the Janakas whose
personal names have not been given but who appear to be the father
of Devarata and he himself, who were contemporaries of Yajnavalkya
are mentioned in the Bxhadaranyaka Upanisat-O. And Pargiter raen-
tions2i that there are stories about several of the Janakas in the Vaii-
nava Puranas, Visnu, Garuda and others. From these sources then
it is clear that proficiency in the Adhyatmavidya had been inherited bv
the descendants of at least one of the sons of Iksvaku. ^
9. It is not clear to me who except two were the other Aiksvakas
who exerted themselves to keep alive the tradition and who we're the
other Ksatriya rulers meant to be understood to be included in the same
category as the Janakas. The one exception from amongst the Aiksva-
kas is that of Brhadratha, in the Maitrayam Upanisat^^^ wherein there
is an account of the teaching imparted to him by the sage Sakayanva
and the other is that of Ramacandra to whom, according to the Yoaa-
vasistha, the sage Vasistha, who was his contemporary, had expounefed
the Adhyatmavidya. ^
17. Op. cit. XI. 2. 15 to 5. 42.
18. Op. cit. XI. 5. 43-44.
19. MBH. XII. 3. 130, 137, 138, 146, 148 153-54.
20. Brhad. An Upa. III. 1-9; IV. 1-4.
21. AIHT. p. 95. f. n. 5, p. 96 f. n's 5-13.
22. Mai. Upa. 1-5.
344
IdTH ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
iy.--^Other accounts in the Upanisads of Braf^manas approaching'
K^atriyas for instruction in the Adhyatmauidya,
10. It is remarkable that the instructors of all the Videhas except
the first were Brahtmai^a sages, there being Vasistha in the case of
Karala, Bhrgu in that of Vasumana, Yajnavalkya’in those of Devarata
and his father, Panca^ikha in that of Dharmadhvaja and Vyasa in
that of his contemporary Janaka. It is therefore not proper to take
their instances as supporting the statement in the Git^ as to the tradi-
tion having been earned on by the Ksatriyas amongst themselves.
There are however some instances in the Upanisads of the opposite
character i, e. to say, instances of Brahmanas, versed in the Karma-
kahda but totally ignorant of Brahmavidya and Adhyatmavidya
approaching royal sages for instructions on topics connected with the
latter on the ground that they had been thinking about them. Thus for
instance, there is that of Pravahana Jaivali in the Chahdogya and
Bthadaranyaka^^, that of Asvapati Kekaya in the Chahdogya-^, that
of Ajata^atru Ka5ya in the Bxhaddranyaka and Kausttaki^^ and that
of Citra Gargyayani in the latter^^. These are no doubt stray instances
and it is not possible to determine with any degree of confidence in
which age those Ksatriyas lived and whether or not they were in any
way related to one another and who were their ancestors. What they
however help to determine is that whereas many of the Brahmanas,
though learned in the Vedas and accquainted with the sacrificial rites,
were not able to solve the problems of metaphysics which others put
to them or which arose in their own minds, Ksatriyas were able to do
so at some period in the development of philosophical speculation. The
fact that Uddalaka Aruni, who later on evolved27 the famous Mahava-
kya ‘^Tat tvam asi’% which is one of the four such formulas on which
the Vedanta doctrine of the identity of the individual with the supreme
soul is based, who also established the equally important Vedanta
doctrine that which exists could not have been produced from that
which did not exist and that the reverse of it only can be true^s, and
who acquired the miraculous power implied in the account of the Man-
23. Chan. Upa. I. 8-9; V. 10. Brhad. A. Upa. VI. 2.
24. ChSn. Upa. V. 11.
25. Brhad. A. Upa. II. 1-3; Kausi. B. Upa. IV.
26. Kausi. B. Upa. I-II.
27. Chan. Upa. VI. 8-15.
28. Op. cit.VI. 2.
KARMA-YOGA TRADITION
345
tha doctrine29 was once ignorant of the reason for and course of
transmigration and of the Pancagnividya^o, which formed part of the
Karma-yoga and had therefore to go to Pravahana Jaivali to learn it,
and also of the true nature of the VaiSvanara^i, for learning which he
had to go to ASvapati Kekaya. Above all, it is very significant that
Jaivali reminds Gautama Uddalaka before instructing him that the said
Vidya had never before been communicated to thp Brahmarias, the
Ksatriyas alone having command over it in all the regions^^.
V. Concluding remarks,
11. It is thus apparent from the above investigation that the asser-
tions contained in stanzas 1-3 of chapter IV of the Bhagavadgtta as to
the origin and transmission of the Karma-yoga doctrine for a long
period amongst the Ksatriyas alone are borne out substantially by the
ancient Pauranic and Vedic literatures. The further assertion therein
that some time prior to the time of Sr! Krsna or to that of the composition
of the Bhagavadglta the tradition had become interrupted also appears
to have been borne out by the fact of some of the Janakas and Brhadratha
being required to take instructions therein from Brahmana sages*
Lastly, the inference of Garbe^^ that this break must have occurred
between the times of Buddha and Patanjali cannot be deemed to have
been born out by the said evidence because King Brhadratha, who was
instructed by ^akayanya, after he had renounced his kingdom according
to the Maitrayant Upanisat, ^4 must be the well-known founder of the
Brhadratha dynasty and because even the last of the Brhadrathas, of
whom Jarasandha, contemporary of Sri Krsna was one had preceded the
advent of the Sai^unaga dynasty on the throne of Magadha, and
Bimbisara and AjataSatru of Magadha were the contemporaries of Lord
Buddha. ^5 The said inference also appears to be not well-founded when
we remember that the time of decadence of the doctrine, which the
author of the Gita has been referring to, is one prior to the age of §ri
29. Brhad. A, Upa. VI 3,
30. Chah. Upa. V. 3-10.
31. Op. cit. 11-24.
32. Op. cit. 3. 3.
33. Introduction to the German translation of the Gita, translated
into English by N. B. Udgikar, p.33.
34. Mai. Upa. I. 1.
35. History of Indian Literature by Winternitz, Vol. I, pp, 474,
524; Outline of Ancient Indian History by R. C. Majumdar, p. 92.
16th ALL-»Kt>IA 0|tfb«ti:t'.CDimREKCE
•C^auEndi th^ P,a9dav$(8,, jwho obviipiusly Jiyed ioi^ ^efor% tord Buddha. ■
That time theiftstore gops beyond 11th to li>th B. C. at least. WHicH it
nust 1 havt: been cannot be determined wjtl^nt going at length into the
liatoiy Qt,the:Bhagavata. religion, whpse prigin^goes baclc to the age In '
which were composed some of fAe hymns in the 10th Mapdala of the
Rgveda,. as shown by me in my paper on that subject and on the Origin
of the Jain. religionJfi.
36; Xhh^s of thVl^ d Rl t- Vol.^ XXIII. pp.- 107-25; -
( 43 ) VmTTi OR Psychosis
by
Dr. p. t. Raju, ph.d., Sastri,
University of Rajputana.
The present paper deals with the doctrine of psychosis, as upheld
by the advaitins. Affain, it deals, not with all kinds of psychosis, bv^t
■only with that involved in ordinary perception. Psychosis further is
to be understood in the sense of the normal function of mind, not i^n
that of the abnormal. In short, this is a paper on epistemology.
In spite of a healthy realistic epistemological attitude on the whole
in their doctrine of illusion, the advaitins give also a psychological
explanation of perception. They are not prepared to treat the object
of illusion as a mere object of imagination, not even as an object
remembered, bur as an object having a peculiar kind of existence called
the anirvacan’iya or inexplicable. Yet they say that, in perception, the
vxiti of the internal organ (antahkarana) goes out to the object and
takes its form, which is known as the object. Again, when the ques-
tion is raised about the relation between the vttti that assumes the form
of the object and the object whose form is assumed by the vxtti th^y
say that it is tadatmya, which, when properly translated, would mean
identity in self or essence. Hence it becomes difficult to understand
how a psychological process can be identical, even in essence or atmyam,
with the object, which we regard as physical. Hence some amount nf
psychologiom appears to have entered the eoislemology of the advaitin,
which one may find unjustifiable.
. But this unjustifiability is only apparent; for no one would ^ay
that the problem of truth does not have its psychological side as well.
Perception involves the workings of the senses and mind; and so the
•admission of the role of these psychological processes would not turn
one’s epistemology into psychology. The advaitins themselves are pot
willing to turn their epistemology into psychology, as shown by their
theories of illusion.
What could they mean then when tney say that me takes, on
the form of the object? Are we to understand that there is an object
with- all its qualities existing independently of the vxtiit and is contacted
348 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
by it for taking the form? Indeed, the advaitins are not clear on the
point. Yet their realism obliges them to say that there is an object
independent of the vrlti.
Should we then interpret the vrtti as taking an objective form
rather than the form of an object? In the former case, the form is
psychological but with an objective intent; and in the latter case, there
is already an object with a form of its own to be assumed by the vttti
different from the object and its form. We know that the qualities
supposed to belong to the objects do not completely belong to them
and that the qualities, though attributed to the objects and not to the
mind, are not completely independent of the mind. So if the object
with its qualities is, in a sense, a product of the mental process or
Wtti, it would be less untenable to say that the vxtti assumes an objec-
tive form than to say that it assuhies the form of an object inclusive
of its qualities. For, if the object, in some sense, is a product of the
vxtiif in that sense it cannot be independent of the vxtti and so far it
would be unreasonable to say that the vxtti assumes the form of the
object, which is other than itself.
But if the form of the object is not other than the vxtti, the very
foundation of realism would be lost. If this objection is true, we
should have to say that the object with its form exists independently of
the vxtti and the vxtti assumes the form of the object.
How then is realism to be defended, while admitting the role of
Vxtti? The advaitin's answer can be found in their doctrine of the
dream. In the dream the vxtti divides itself into the subject and the
object. The subject possesses the dream body, and through it sees the
dream object. And so long as the subject passes through the dream,
he does not feel that it is a dream and a mere fabrication of mind.
But when he comes down to the waking state, he realizes that both his
dream body and his dream objects were the products of his mind, that
is, of its vxtti.
The importance of dream for epistemology has not yet been fully
recognised. The feature of dream that is of significance in this con-
nection is that, though the objects are products of the vxtti, so long as
the dream lasts they are not experienced as imaginary and subjective, but
as independent of the dream subject and affecting it in spite of itself.
That they are not independent of the mind is realized by us only when
,1ve come out of the dream. Nay, there is something more ; not only
the dream object but also the dream subject is a product of the vxtti;
and both are the products of the same vxtti splitting itself into the
subjective and the objective poles of dream experience. And this fact
is realized by us when dream is transcended. Tne dream is subjec-
tive not from the stand-point of the dream subject but from the stand-
point of that of the waking consciousness, the mind of the waking
subject then is the unity of the dream subject and dream object.
V?TTI OR PSYCHOSIS
34 ?
Can we explain waking experiences also in a similar way ? The
advaitin holds that we can and should. Just as th^ underlying unity of
the duality of the dream subject and dream object is realized by us in the
vrtti of the waking subject, the unity underlying the duality of the
waking subject and its object can be realized at a still higher level, which
has therefore to be postulated. A spontaneous vrtti breaks itself up
into the subjective and objective poles of experience at the waking level
also. Just as the underlying unity of the dream duality cannot be
generally realized at the dream level itself, the unity underlying the
duality of the waking consciousness cannot generally be realized at the
waking level itself. This is an implication of the vxttVs spontaneity.
That is, if the subject of the waking consciousness knows that its mind
is creating the form of the object, then the object will cease to be a
perceptual object and becomes an imaginary one. When we say that the
belongs to the subject, we do not mean that it is worked him
deliberately, but that it works through him.
The vrtti and the antahkarana to which it belongs are generally
regarded as belonging to the body, the subject, the person or the centre
of experience. But there are serious ambiguity and vagueness in all
these expressions. The very word antahkarana is misleading. It means
the inner sense: but inner to what? we tend to jump to the conclusion
that it is inner to the body. It was this tendency that led to the location
of the mind in the pineal gland, the heart etc. For a similar reason the
Naiyayikas treat mind as atomic, capable of flying with infinite speed
from sense to sense within the body. But we should not forget that,
according to the advaitin, mind is vibhu (alFpervasive) and not limited
to the body. Then how can an all pervasive entity be inner to the body
It would be truer to say that the body is inner to the mind or antahkarana.
Here again we have to say that just as a self-same mind comprehends
both the dream subject and the dream object, a self-same mind
comprehends both the subject and object of the waking consciousness
also.
It is this spontaneity of the vrtti and transcendence by th e antahkarana
of the physical body, with which the subject is generally associated, that
enable the advaitin to retain the objectivity of the object of perception
and its independence of the subject associated with the body. That is,,
the subject associated with the body is not free to give whatever form it
likes to the object, the form is given to the subject by the vrtti working
through him. The objective existence of the object is forced on him:
he has no control over its existence ; otherwise, perception would not be
different from imagination.
We have next to ask the question if the vrtti working through a
certain individual divides itself into the subjective and objective forms,
and then appears to the individual as an object, why is that object seen by
another individual as the same object seen by the first individual? Ta
answer this question, we have then to postulate not only a unity underlying
any subject and its object but also a unity underlying such unities.
^350 16th ALt-iNDiA oriental conference
Such a unity of unities is postulated by the Advaita in accordance^ with the
Mandukya Upanis^ad, It is the cosmic person, ^hich again has, Itk^
'^he individual, the three states of waking, dream and deep sleeps called
respectively Virat, Hirapyagarbha, and livara. Virat is the cosmic
unity working through the individuals in their waking state;
garbha is the same working through the centres in their dream state ;
and ISvara again the same working through the centres in their deep
sleep, in which all the vasanZs and samskdras lie latent. '
We may summarize as to how the advaitin retains his realism, while
yet treating the objects as due to vxiti- First, though the belongs
to him, it is not worked by him, but works through him So it is diffCT-
ent from imagination, which is worked by him voluntarily. Vxtti forms
images, if by images we mean the forms possessed by the objects.
It has, therefore, something in common with imagination. In fact,
imagination also is a form of vxtti. But the peculiar objective attitude
we have in perception Is lacking in imagination. In imagination, we
do not feel that the object is forced upon us; but rather we create the
object with bur imagination, which is a voluntary power. The vx'tii of
perception assumes a peculiar individuated form, not at the choice of the
individual, but even in spite of him. Secondly, even the spontaneous
vxtti of the individual assumes not merely an objective form or a form
towards which the individual adopts an objective attitude, but also the
/orm 0/ an : which means that there is a factor controlling the
activities of even this spontaneous vrtti, and is supplied by the princi-
ples of Virat, Hiranyagarbha and livara.
So far as the spiritual atmosphere of the Advaita is concerned, the
above account of the vxtti is consistent and reasonable. But one may
ask: Why should the spontaneity of the vxtti of the individual be
-explained in terms of spiritual entities like Virat, Hiranyagarbha and
ISvara? One may as well say that this spontaneity is natural or due
to Nature. But then this is a question of the spiritual versus the
naturalistic views of the universe; and to answer it we have to go
beyond the scope of the present paper.
XIIL— TiGHiN/CAL Sciences Section.
(44) Indian Art and Ideology
( by
Sri Asit. k. Haldar
The historians and art-critics of the ’West had to acknowle dge that
-"Indian art had fallen into undeserved neglect in the Victorian Era' and
a ,true appreciation of its spiritual meaning was due to the work
of three pioneers — E. B. Havell, Anand Coomarswamy and D r. Aba-
nindra Nath Tagore. As regards the apathy of the early European
art-critics. Professor Wilkinson writes : -“the main reason for this is
simply that Europe would not lift its heavy eyes and look beyond its
borders", (vide ‘Indian Art’-essays by H. G. Rawlinson, K. de B.
Cordington, J. V. S. Wilkinson and John Irwin. 1^48). Another
reason for such misunderstanding, he points out, "it was difficult for
the European to see with Indian eyes without Indian guidance. Indian
paintings were accordingly under-estimated and misunderst ood.”
Dr. Coomarswamy and Havell were hardly unders tood by our
Indian scholars of old generation and they never cou Id take their
works as authoritative versions. Among a few others , who took up
their pen in India, were those who looked at it as a part o f the national
awakening and as such found an opportunity to make the mselves known
by advocating renaissance in Bengal. They in fact look ed at the outer
fringe of Indian art and began writing on it in a s cholarly manner
without understanding much of its inner meaning and ideology. This
accounts for the utt.er negligence by our countrymen of the good work
done by Dr. Abanindra Nath Tagore and his pupils for over quarter of
a century. We now notice that some of our modern artists, (like the
artistif of the early Victorian Era) have again begun to brush aside
the traditional art of India to achieve something new by deliberately-
imitating the Surrealist or Dada School of Art in modern Europe.
Tradition to these artists n^eans imitation of .the past and as such,
intrinsic value of the past experience lost all significance to them.
When we praise Kalidasa we should know how much he was indebted
to Valpilki for producing his epoch-making ‘kavya'. Indian art which
continued for oyer two thousand years, up to the early 19th century
in Cochin, Travancore and also subsequently thrived in the folk- art of
Bengal up to the beginning of the 20th century, received- a great blow
dnd-losl its distinctive ideology and dignity.in tfie hands of out so-called
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16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
modern artists and art-critics. After Havell and Coomarswamy, we have
•unfortunately got no one to throw more light on the meanings and vitality
of traditional art and possibilities of its adoptation to suit the
modernist's outlook.
If we, on the other hand, trace the development of European art, we
would see that it continued for a long time (^after Gothic and Byzantine
period) developing realistic aspect of pictorial composition in a most
scientific manner with multifarious Christian romantic conception.
With the advent of photography and the two successive wars, the
ideology of European art, painting and sculpture lost all its charm due to
the scientific approach in all sphere of life’s activity. Europe left its
pure form of art of painting long ago in Gothic and Byzantine art. A
modern European art-critic, Maurice Dennis describing the ideology of
some df the modern art of Europe unwittingly defined pure form of
traditional Indian painting and said, ’^a picture is a plane surface
covered with colours assembled in a certain order." Indian art does not
differ fundamentally, but only when he advocates that it should not
convey any emotion, romanticism or traditional bias. According to an-
other art-critic of the West, Claude Journot, "the painters of Europe
have tried new experiments, taken lessons from the East and from
Africa and turned towards the middle ages."
According to Indian conception, a painting 'citra' literally means
a creation which evokes surprise (‘a^carya'). Therefore it never meant
to be a photographic likeness of Nature. Moreover to understand art
of both Oriental and Occidental countries in their true perspective, we
should know about their historical development and ideologies. Art
developed along with the increase of interest in life and growth of
culture. Art, like religion, therefore can never be devoid of life’s
ambition and as such it is impossible to make it secular. Fundamental
differences of Oriental and Occidental art therefore lies in their
respective approach. Secular and personal art can only appeal to
cliques and like fashion can disappear, but a hieratic art unites a whole
race in one spiritual foundation. In this respect what Hindu-Buddhist
and Christian art did to Asia and Europe can well be ascertained through
their continual achievements of several centuries. The inner significance
of the religious form of Oriental art can be explained through their
multifarious examples. Hokusai, a great Oriental artist (of Japan)'
-explaining the function of an artist said that he must identify himself
with his subject which he paints in a spiritual sphere; and it should be
an insult to credit him with observation ; for to observe, implies a
separation from that which is observed. It is likewise a test of art, that
it should enable spectator to forget himself and to become its object, as
he does in dreams. But this procedure is not really a short one. "Only
when", he said, "I was seventy-three had I got some sort of insight into
the real structure of Nature ; at the age of eighty shall have advanced still
further; at ninety I shall grasp the mystery of things ; at a hundred I
ahall be a marvel and at a hundred and ten every blot and every lin e
INDIAN ART AND IDEOLOGY
35i
irom my brush shall be alive." This mystic experience bears the ^reality'-
the Eternal truth, which has been explained* in Hindu - Buddhist
philosophy. Oneness of things was felt in *5kaia'- (space) and in
^srsti'-( matter). Artist can feel oneness with the object he depicts in
his* works, provided he can understand the symbolism and ideology which
framed the whole structure of our ancient Indian philosophy.
Indian artists never ventured to copy Nature realistically and
therefore sometimes invented awe-inspiring symbols which a man could
hardly visualise through his senses. In ‘Bhagavad Gita', the Vi^va-rupa,
is an artistic conception of the ‘Virata- Purusa' — ^the infinity, ever-
expanding all permeating force, — the abstract and absolute truth.
Symbols are concrete expressions, much easier to disseminate the
spiritual value in human mind. The ceremonial symbols of Pauranic
types were evolved to convey more meaning in a greater vividness
within a simple structure. Indian mythology with artistic symbolism
can claim much scope for concrete interpretations, of human mind.
Rossetti or Blake, however strong they may have been in their allegorical
conceptions, they had to invent deliberately symbolism of their own to
express respective mental images through paintings. But an Indian
artist can express such allegorical meanings in their work provided he
can utilise symbolisms after understanding them from common ritualistic
objects, expressing multifarious aspects of manifestations of divine
spirit. These symbolisms had sound meanings and were understood by
the man in the street; but due to our secular form of general
education and also for the unwillingness on the part of the
orthodox priests to explain, their inner significance remained a closed
chapter for us. Otherwise infinite variety of allegorical and abstract
form of original paintings, with the back-ground of high-class scientific
education of the artists were possible. If we have to live as a nation,
we shall have to thrive just as other nations of the world with their
respective cultural heritage and are genuinely proud of their distinctive
art tradition and its ideology. Some of them are making experimental
efforts to bring about a solution for a secular form of art. In all these
diverse outlook of the nations blossom variety of art-forms, just as the
flowers of different land thrive in their own particular soil. Such unity
in diversity can be traced all over the world in music, painting, dancing
sculpture, architecture and also in languages, physiognomical character
and dresses. We all can tolerate and understand their value and respect
them. Similarly our own distinctive culture, which has got a great
traditional background, cannot be ignored.
All ceremonial symbols convey more meaning in a concrete way and
with greater vividness than in any other verbal formulae. Symbols are
Ijinguages much easier to understand and learn in order to express the
spiritual reality through them. Some aspect of the divine can be clearly
defined. In India such symbols (Mahgalika) are to be found in abun-
dance. ‘Sahkha* , (conch) ‘Cakra' (wheel) and ‘Padma' (lotus) and
Wajra' (thunder^ are constantly employed in both art and religion. Of
354 16th al^-india oriental (jp^iference
all syinbols the wheel of a chariot, which is the emblem of alL progress,*
took great significaiice in both art and religion. The kings and priests
were called 'Chakravarti’. Sorrows and pleasure of life have been
constantly compared to a wheel movement. The chariot stands for the
psycho-physical vehicle as which or in which according to our knowledge
of ‘who we are' we live and move. The steeds are senses, the reins their
controls, the mind the coachman and the spirit (Atman) the charioteer
(Sarathi). Lord Krsna preached ‘Bhagavad Gita' standing on a
chariot. Buddha turned his wheel of Eternal Law Divine (Dharma).
In early Indian art when making images of Buddha was forbidden, the
wheel took its place to symbolise his dynamic teaching. Aesthetic and
religious experience burst forth with an exuberance of manifestations
through the symbolic representation of the wheel in ancient India. The
“Svastika" symbol (though invented much earlier than Hindu
Buddhist civilisation) took root in art and religion as it also came
from the wheel pattern. In this pattern the infusion of ‘Purusa'
(energy) and ‘Prakrti* (matter) is^ expressed in two opposite curva-
tures out of which all creation was possible. In another way, the
constitution of worlds and individuals is compared to a wheel in India.
We therefore find that early Indian art, in caves and temples, human
figures and numerous scenes of life carved and painted, bore this effect
of the wheel, and a rythmic and dynamic wave persisted. It can easily
be traced in the composition of sculptural panels and in paintings. A
warm current of mystical consciousness, the forces of the ‘wheel of life',
cdn be observed in all Buddhist Hindu art. The ‘wheel-order^
is evident in the circular composition, the gestures of the ‘Ksana-
bhafiga' and ‘Ati-bhafiga' poses of the human figures of Ajanta, in the
Bagh caves, Sanchi and Bharut paintings and sculpture. The curve of
the limbs and poses of the figure apparently indicate the wheel-movement
which was ultimately adopted in all Hindu Buddhist art of the
Asiatic countries: Khotan, Miran, Tarfan to China, Java, Cambodia
and Japan, through the infusion of the Mahayana Buddhist religion,
in early days.
In this way, Indian artists were rich in symbolical motifs in art and
not isolated examples like Rossetti, Blake and few others to evoke
symbolical and spiritual meaning ‘deliberately. Artists of India could
therefore afford to be visionaries and mystics. The central abstract and
spiritual aspect of all undifferentiated creatures of this earth have been
defined by them through multifarious symbolism. The central philoso-
phical ideals found definite scope in visual art of this country. We can
find this ideology of Indian art through the analysis of the inner spirit
of human mind and its nature as described by the Indian sages. Accord-
ing to the Hindu religion, which primarily aimed at philosophy the
creative power of God Eternity is ‘Maya* ultimately transformed itself
into ‘Kama* (desire) and ‘Sahkalpa* (determination), which are essen-
tial aspects of all human activities. ‘Prakrti* (Nature) consists of three
distinctive forms of virtues (Gu^ias) and all human beings are subject
tq their ifluence; they remain active in the psychological sphere in.
INDIAN AM AND IDEOLOGY ’ 3S‘S
'^.attva’-purity ; ‘Rajas’-activity and passion; ‘Tamas’-apathy and dark^
;ness. ' '
According to Bhagavad Gita, Sattva', ‘Rajas’ and ‘Tamas’
are nature-born-‘gunas’ (virtues), which bind fast in the human body
of which ‘Satlva’ forms its stainlessness, luminous and healthy expres-
,sion bound by attachment to wisdom. Whereas, ‘Rajas’ having the
nature of passion, is the source of the attachment to the thirst for life,
that binds the dweller of the body by the attachment for action; but
.‘Tamas’ born of unwisdom, indolence and sloth. In other words, ‘Sat*
tva’ attaches to bliss; ‘Rajas’ to action; and -Tamas’ having shrouded
‘wisdom is attached, on the contrary, to negligence. When the wisdom
iight streams forth from all gates of the body, then it may be known
that ‘Sattva’ is increasing. Greed, outgoing energy, undertaking of
action, restlessness and desire these are born of the increase of ‘Rajas’;
darkness, stagnation and negligence as well as delusion are born of
-increase of ‘Tamoguna’. All artists and poets of our country observed
these ideologies in classifying their art and literature. 1 had the good
fortune of meeting the last of the indigenous ‘Pat’ artists (Folk artists)
of Kalighat (Bengal), who used to classify their works in the same
manner. All paintings depicting Gods and Goddesses were classified by
them as work of ‘Sattva-guna’. Rajogupa type of paintings were gene*
rally birds, animals, fish or a lady in toilet, etc. ; and ‘Tamo-guna’ type
pictures were unhappy married couple beating each other, a demon de-
vouring a lady and such other hideous scenes. If we analyse the art of
Europe through our ideology, all types of Biblical paintings including
Madonna can be classed as ‘Sattva-guna’ type of work ; all landscape and
portraits, as ‘Rajas’ and all ultramodernist’s experiments in art in Europe,
which contained the element of pride and destruction, can be classed as
‘Tamas’ art. These reactionary art-forms obviously originated due to
the two successive world wars.
We can now, according to the ‘Sanskrit Kavya-Alahkara feastra’
divide these three elementaiy virtues (gunas) in nine different types
of Rasas ‘Bhavas’.
Sattva-Guna essentially contains the following three virtues:-^
(1) ’?Danta-rasa' (the quietistic) which brings peace in mind with the
philosophical outlook on life; (2) ‘Karupa-rasa (the compassion) evoked
through the death and calamity of the fellow-beings; (3) ‘Vatsalya-rasa’
(affection for all creatures).
Rajoguna contains :--(l) ‘Vira-rasa’ (the heroic expression and
courage with which people fight for their country, patriotism, charity and
all other works containing ethical morals ; (2) ‘^rhgara-rasa’ or ‘Adi-rasa'
(the Tender) which evokes love in man and woman essential for
biological reproduction; (3) ‘Hasya-rasa’ (provoking laughter and
humour).
356
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
In Tamo-Gnna we find: — (1) *Adbhuta-rasa' (surprising and un-
balanced element in our mind) ; (2) *Bibhatsa-rasa' — (the disgusting) ;
(3) 'Raudra-rasa' (the fearul expression). These three Rasas are all
psychological unsophisticated and primitive expressions of a child or a,
cave-man. It contained anger, pride and destructive elements. No
artist can therefore escape from the above mentioned ‘gunas* and ‘bhSvas^
whether he prefers modernist ideology of Europe or spiritual abstractness
of Indian Art. Valmiki wrote about them in his epic 'Ramlyaria' ex-
plaining the aim and object of his ‘kavya’.
The Artists of ancient India never considered that reality of
existence, is based on its apparent seed of origin. It went further to
the absolute — the centre-point of the wheel of life. In one of the Ajanta
frescoes a wheel of life is depicted in -.vhich all aspects of human life
and activities are shown between the axles of it.
With the abstraction of various aspects (gunas) of the life-expres-
sion, civilised man invented many symbols and patterns of art. Of course,
such symbols depend upon the range, depth and exactitude of his
apprehension. He should have an analytical power to discriminate and a
trained mind and habit to hold the sequence of individual definitions in
thought and imagination, compare them with each other, determine just
where and how they focus sharp and clear meanings, ideals and attitude.
JThe following chart may further explain it
perception Consciousness Awareness Impression transmitted
(Cittarupajg (BoTdha) (Jnana) (Abhivyakti)
INDIAN ART AND IDEOLOGY
357
>
c/J ^
^ ci
*> S iS 2
> S §• 5
tj ^
-5 CJ cd o .
C «» c C-S
4-* J3 5 ^
trt rt
D
*4^ ^
- u -O
(« 3
b4)
c rt
Vh
II
- bJD rt
.512 xi
StS
PQ
v ^
e« eg
be y 2
'.S §5
.S2’S 3
*5
fa 3 ^
» <
u e«
W TS
*o o 2
I "I s
* |2>
in
Quietism Compassion Affection and
||[<Santarasa^^ (Karui^^rasa) sympathy^ ( Vatsalya)
16th ALL-INDU ' ORIENTAL' CONI^RENCE
Sattva : Imagination, i. e., bringing the image within. A very sensitive
person can 6nly possess such a faculty of experiencing para-
normal phenomena and r-ealise the supreme truth of “Self”
(Atma). Psychic phenomena— phenomena of the soul are
revealed to him.
All works of art done out of imagination, subjective,
objective or abstract which bring peace.
Rajas,: Focussed towards worldly activities and bringing materialistic
gains. , ■
All works of art with commercial objectives: landscape and
portrait paintings included.
Tamas: Representing unbalance of mind: vague, inchoate representa-
tions.
All art of primitive immature imagination, and perception.
(45) The Origin and Evolution of Geya Natakam.
by
Mr. P. Sambamurti
Concerts heard in India can be classified into
1. Those belonging to the realm of pure music; and
2. Those belonging to the realm of applied music.
In the former, music is qnjoyed for its own sake, irrespective of the
ideas contained in the sahityas. A krti like Koluvaiyunnade in Bhairavi
raga is enjoyed because of its admirable musical construction and the
tana style of development. When Vina or Nagasvaram is played we
enjoy the music in all its fullness. Instrumental concerts are concerts
of pure music. Ganarasa or aesthetic pleasure is the feeling experienced
on such occasions. In concerts of applied music, the music serves as a
vehicle for the effective portrayal of the ideas contained in the sahitya.
The music in combination with the sahitya produces the desired rasa.
In applied music, music is used for a specific purpose. Music herein is
only a means to an end and not an end by itself. Through instrumental
music, solo or orchestral, it is possible within certain limits to create
the nava'rasas and feelings like loneliness, forest life, detachment from
the worlcl, affection, mystery, repentence, tenderness and devotion. The
Geyanatakam or opera belongs to the sphere of applied music.
Concerts belonging to the sphere of applied music are "many, The
Katha KSlaksepam of the South corresponds to the Kirtan of the
North; this and the Bhaj ana provide examples of concerts of sacred
music. In the purana pathanam, the verses are sung to wellknown
ragas like Kedaragaula and Anandabhairavi and they have a mass
appeal. The Nrtya Natakam inclusive of the Bhagavatamelanatakara,
ICuchipudi Natakam, Kuravanji Natakam, Yaksagana and Kathakali come
under applied music Bommalatlam (Puppet Show), Nizhalatfam
(Shadow Play), Terukkuttu (Vithi Natakam or the Street Drama)
are instances of folk plays wherein music plays a prominent part. In
360
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Kummi, KolSjtam, Pinnal Kolat^am, Kaikottikali, gobbi, garba and Rasa
some of the finest specimens of folk music can be heard. Recitals of
Ballads, Warsongs and performances of martial music come under
concerts of secular music.
Concert Parties are of the mobile or stationary type. A Nagas-
waram Party performing before a Deity in a temple procession, a
tevara bhajana gSsthi following the deity on such an occasion, a
military band performing while marching are instances of mobile
•concert parties. A party of musicians performing in a concert hall
and a dance performance in a theatre are instances of concerts of
stationary type. Bhajanas when performed in mandirs or temples on
Ekada^I and other sacred days furnish examples of stationary concert
parties. Bhajana parties going along the streets singing sacred songs
furnish examples of mobile concert parties. These are concerts which
can be given in open air and concerts for which a hall with good
acoustics is required. The Sahglta Mahal in Tanjore is an ideal
concert hall. When one performs there, he is reminded of the pleasant
acoustics of the famous concert hall Gewandhaus in Leipzig in
Germany. There are open air theatres in Ginjee and other places in
South India.
The Natakam or Drama, Nrtya Nataka or Dance Drama and
Geyanataka or opera are popular in all civilised countries. In the
nataka, the interest is principally in speech and action. In the Geyana-
^aka the interest is in speech, action and music. In the Nrtya Nataka
the interest is in speech, action, music and dance. Music is an
integral part of the Geyanataka just as dancing is that of the Nrtya
Nataka.
Natakas and Nrtya Natakas have been in existence from ancient
times. They were staged either in properly constructed theatres or in
threates improvised for the purpose. In a drama, the presence of
music is just incidental. On account of its literary value, a Nataka
is also read and enjoyed. Recitals of Natakas are also given. In* the
Geyanataka, the music forms a vital part of the play. The fullest
enjoyment comes only when we witness an opera properly enacted and
with proper musical accompaniments. On account of their musical
and literary value sometimes even recitals of Geyanatakas are given.
Not infrequently a Bhagavatar takes up an opera and gives it as a
musical discourse. His problem is simplified since the required songs
and verses are there ready for him. In the history of Indian
Music, Geyanatakas come after the Nrtya Natakas, though strange it
may seem. Geyanataka as an art form can emerge only when the art of
music has been developed to a high degree of perfection. The art of
dancing loomed large in ancient times. The terms Sahgita in eaidy
times connoted Gita, Vadya and Nrtya. It is only in later times, that
THE ORIGIN AND EVOLUTION OF GEYA nXtAKAM
361
with the development of Music we fined the art of dance treated
separately and Sahglta taken to mean Gita and Vadya. Almost all the
standard works written on music till the Ocginning of the 14th century
had chapters on dance. The later works written on Sahglta dealt with
music alone and not with dance.
The nucleus of Geyanajaka is seen in the Gita Govinda of
Jayadeva. The Astapadi hymns of Jayadeva constitute ideal dance
laksyas. Even now astapadis form the stock repertoire of prominent
dancers. Works on the model of Gtta Govinda like the ^ivastapadt of
Sri Chandrasekharendra Saraswati and the Ramdstapadi of Ramakavi
were written in later times.
The first work approximating to a Geyanataka to be written in
Sanskrit is the Ki'sna Lila Tarangim of Narayana Tirtha (17th
Century). In this work, the songs intended for being danced to are
few. Such songs have invariably sequences of jatis or rhythmical
Mnemonics. The works of the later composer, Merattur Venkatarama
^astri (18th and early 19th Century) are all dance dramas. The great
composer Tyagaraja (1767 — 1847) attended these dance dramas staged
in Merattur and later developed the pure Geyanataka. The Geyanataka
reached perfection in his Prahlada Bhakti Vi jay am and Nowka
Charitram, The former in an opera in five acts and the latter an opera
in one Act. The slokas, padyas, Curnika and the darus ( Varnana darn,
Svagata daru and Samvada dam) figuring in these two operas make
them highly enjoyable.
The Nandanar Charitram ol G5pala Krsna Bharat! is a typical
opera in Tamil. Works like the Ramanatakam of Arunachala Kavira-
yar (1711-1776) and Bharata Natakam of Muthuramaldcavirayar may
be produced as operas.
The Geyanataka is an indivisible music drama. Shorn of its music,
the play will lo.^e much of its charm. There is no prose. Beautiful
songs and verses abound in them. Every character sings and acts his
or her part. As the creation of rasa is important, only rakti ragas
capable of producing emotional eflfects are used in Geyanatakas. The
talas used in them are of the simpler variety. Rare ragas, complicated
talas and difficult sahgatis have no place in Geyanatakas. The patra
prave^a darus of Rhagavata mela natakas arc absent in Geyanatakas.
Whereas in Geyanatakas, classical music of a vivid character with
an occassional sprinkling of folk tunes is used, in Yaksaganas
Kuravanji Natakas and Terukkuttu, folk tunes predominate. The
sahityas of songs m Geyanatakas are simple and straight. Their
meanings are readily understood. The choral accompaniment is a
362 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
necessity in nrtya natakas but not in Geyanatakas. A properly consti-
tuted orchestra, capable of producing tone-colour effects can provide an
excellent accompaniment. Mukha gitas (overtures) can usefully be
composed for Geyanatakas. To v^rite a good Geyanataka one has to.
be a poet, composer, dramatist, student of psychology and human
nature, possess gifts at melody — making, have capacity for effective
characterisation and conceiving musical dialogues and soliloquies and
finally possess the sense to perceive how the whole thing will shine
when produced on the stage. This accounts for the paucity of
Geyanatakas.
(46) Aidqka
by
Dr. Priyabala Shah
The word Aiduka is explained in Amarakoi^a as
(2-2-4) that which has bones in its interior. Monier
Williams Sanskrit — English Dictionary equates Aiduka with
Buddhaiduka and compares it to a Buddhist Stupa. The late Dr. K. P.
Jayaswal also in his ‘‘History of India (150 A. D. to 350 A. D.)’', while
discussing the passages from Mahabarata (Vanaparva Ad. 190 ) men-
tioning Aiduka takes it to mean a Buddhist Stupa.
This identification, however, cannot be accepted in the light of the
description of Aiduka given in Visnudharmottara (Khanda III, Ad.
84). This Purana (circa 500-700 A. D.) after describing different
deities as various aspects of Vaisnavl Trimurti in the preceding
adhyayas, devotes a whole adhyaya to its description. This description,
which I shall discuss later on, leaves no doubt that Aiduka was a
Brahmanical structure of worship. It would, therefore, be interCvSting
to find out the origin or proto-type of Aiduka in Vedic literature.
The explanation of the mistaken identification of Aiduka with a
Buddhist Stupa must be sought in the probable similarity of their
shape. The origin of stupas is traced to the tumuli or sepulchres
raised over the dead and containing the relics of the dead. (History of
Indian and Indonesian art by Dr. A. K. Coomaraswainy, p. 30).
As I mentioned in the beginning, according to Amarako^a,
Aiduka means a Kudya which has bones in its interior. This goes to
prove that Aiduka and stupa had similar purpose. We should, therefore,
try to find out whether there is anything resembling tumuli or sepul-
chres in Vedic literature.
In Satapatha Brahmana, we find discussions about various things
:.pertaining to SmaSana or burial mounds. As this is a matter bearing
on our subject I quote below relevant passages from that work pertain-
ing to the disposal of the dead.
w«Treflr v^innr i w»!inr f4f5>5r i sr^isr*
364 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
•ag: i iiTaitq?*ir i ^ aig?T««4?Hr-
^sf^r: w«T4?5TWwr srsrrag: ait
^intrnfiFa ar wgav ni^ar^iad ?a?<rf5OTH«wrfa ir*
I
ar^avrW t% i ursfiTiirr i
^ ar^«?i*r?aTswr5!5ara?m-irtw^?s'a awmr ^«a: u-iir arasafcaiftr
ai: :f?RrT5nfVr fa^s*T ar argif: ar^ar^iwa* ?aisaf?fari>r ^ aiar
iafrf^eaa:«
Julius Eggling translates the above passages as follows—
‘They now do what is auspicious for him. They now prepare a
burial place ($raa§ana) for him to serve him either as a house or a
monument’ (K. XIII Ad. 8. B. I. Vol. 44. Page 421.1
‘Four-cornered (is the sepulchral mound). Now the gods and the
Asuras, both of them sprung from Prajapati, were contending in the
(four) regions (quarters). The gods drove out the Asuras, their
rivals'and enemies, from the regions, and, being regionless, they were
overcome wherefore the people who are godly make their burial places
four-cornerd, whilst those who are of the Asura nature, the Easterns
and others (make them) round, for they (the gods) drove them out
from the regions’ (S. B. E. Vol. 44, p. 424).
Now. some bank up (the sepulchral mound) after covering up
(the site). The gods and the Asuras, both of them sprung from
Prajapati, were contending for (the possession of) this (terrestrial);
world. The gods drove out the Asuras, their rivals and enemies, from
this world, whence those who are godly people make their sepulchres,
so as not to be separate (from the earth), whilst those (people) who
are of the Asura nature, the Easterns and others, make their sepul-
chral mounds) so as to be separated (from the earth), either on a
basin or on some such thing’ (S. B. E. Vol. 44, Page 429).
(The translator takes the word ‘Camu’ to be a shallow stone basin
or trough, either solid or consisting of masonry (bricks) in the manner,
of stone-lined graves).
From the above passages of Satapatha Brahmapa the following three-
points may be noted : —
(I) There were two types of SmaSanas, one used by DaivyaJj
PrajSh and the other by Asuryah Prachyab Prajih.
AIDUKA
365
(2) The SamSana or the tumulus of the Daivyal:i Prajah was
four-cornered while that* of Asuryah Pracyah.
etc. round
(3) The remains in the Daivyah Prajah type were placed
directly on the earth while those in the
Asurya type in a basin or a Camu ^
These points clearly show that the featapatha Brahmana recognises
two types or varieties of burial mounds-one of the Daivya people and
the other of the Asurya people, easterners etc.
Now the question arises who were the Daivyah Prajah and who
were the Asuryah Pracyah etc. The Daivyah Prajah can be easily
identified with the followers of the Vedic cult. But who were the
Asuryah FVacyah etc? Eggling takes Pracyah as distinct from
Asuryah but we can take Pracyah as qualifying Asuryah also, and can
say that they were the follow^^rs of non^vedic cults prevalent in the
Eastern parts of India. Now it is well kn )wn to scholars that there
were many such non-vedic sects in Magadha and other eastern parts of
India before the time of Buddha and Mahavira. In fact they were the
forerunners of the later ^ramana sects, such as Jains, Buddhists, Ajivikas
etc. As Prof, D. R. Bhandarkar says in his work, ‘Some aspects of
Ancient Indian culture’, ‘the Sramanas were an unbrahmanised non-
vedic sect of recluses. It also appears that the people of East India
upto the 3rd cent. A. D. had a socio-religious fabric of their own.^
(Page 53).
If this identification is correct, we can say that the §masana or
tumulus of Asuryah, Pracyah etc. was one which was used by the
eastern people following non-vedic cults. In fact, we can say that the
Smaiana of Asuryah, Pracyah people was one from which the stupa
of Sramanas might have developed. This is proved by two details of
its description given in Satapatha Brahmana viz. that it was round in
shape and the remains in it were placed in a Camu or a basin. The
similarity of this type with stupa is obvious.
The Satapatha Brahmana describes the Daiva variety as four-
cornered. Visnudharmottara gives as the basis of Aiduka a Bhadra*
pljha which is also four-cornered. Thus the basic identity of this,
form with Daiva femaSana is quite clear.
I must, however, confess that I have not suceeded in finding any
mention of the word Aiduka in either the vedic Mantras or the
Brahmanas. But the philological origin of the word Aiduka would
366
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
connect it with the Vedic root to praise or worship. Aiduka can
be grammatically explained as I
I may here mention that the word also is derived from a root
meaning to praise viz. Another interesting point in connection
with Aiduka and Stupa is that both Amara and Hemacandra do not
give the word Stupa m their Ko^as, while both give identical definitions
of Aiduka. Dr V. S. Agrawala, however, regards Aiduka as ‘an old
Prakrta word for terrace derived from Eluka or Eduka meaning
‘raised terrace’ In the text of Ray Paseniya Sutta edited with the
commentary of Malayagiri, by Pt. Behardas the reading in the text of
R. P. is 1 ^ 5 ^ while in the commentary of M. is
It is explained by the commentator as Dehali— ‘the threshold of a
door or a rmsed terrace in front of it according to M Williams
Aiduka and Eluya can no doubt, phonologically be connected but the
meaning of Eluya or Eduga is not identical with that of Eduka
given by Amara and Hemachandra. A word which has a connotation
similar to that of Aiduka mentioned in R. P. is meaning a
round casket. The casket contained the thigh-bone of a jina as relic
It is said in the same text that this is an object of
and goddesses (R p
pp. 224-25). So Eluya of R. P., to Its author’s mind at least, is not'
the same word as Eduka of Amara and Hemacandra If the Fluva
of R. P. were the Prakrt form of Aiduka meaning a receptacle con
taming a bone-relic, Hemcandra at least should have given the
meaning of Dehali in his Abhidhana Cintamani or Anekartha kosa
So I think that in spite of phonological similarity, we should for thp
present, regard the Prakrt Eluya and Sanskrit Aiduka as two ’ditferent
words or merely homonyms.
So if we can ignore the absence of reference to the word Aiduka
in early Vedic literature we may say that Aiduka refers to’ the
tumulus of the followers of the Brahmanical cult, ju.st as stupa refers
to that of Sramana sects. The word must have come into vogue when
these Smalana structures must have become also places of wor'ship.
The femaSana provides another link also. The description in
Visnudharmottara which starts with a Lihga in the centre of its
Bhadrapitha, as we shall see presently, clearly shows that thouc^h the
Aiduka which finds place for all the principal gods and cosmic elertents,
is in form basically a lihga, a symbol of 5iva. The association of iiva
with 5ma55na is well known Kumara Sambhava Sarga
AIDUKA
367
5 ilo. 77). This association might have been responsible for the use
of the word Aiduka for a structure sacred to §iva and as the concept
of ^iv3L developed into a god signifying the whole cosmos and harmo-
nizing all dualities or contradictions, so his symbol lihga was subli-
mated from being an image of a phallus into a symbol of the whole
cosmos.
Now let us consider the description of Aiduka as given in
Visnudharmottara (Khanda 3 Ad. 84). The first thing, that is men-
tioned, is its Bhadrapitha. It (/. e. Bhadrapitha) is furnished with
four beautiful stairs corresponding to the four directions. This
bhadrapitha is surmounted by two other bhadrapifhas. On the third,
a lihga form should be placed. This lihga should not be accompanied
with the Rekha. In its middle should be raised a four-sided
immovable (Dhruva) staff. Above it there should be thirteen bhumikas
i. e. floors. On it (i e. the thirteenth Bhumika) there should be a
rounded staff. This should be decorated by a medallion representing
in its two halves, the sun and the moon.
The thirteen bhumikas with the amalasaraka represent the fourteen
worlds. The lihga represents, of course, Mahe^vara. The rounded
staff represents Pitamaha, while the four-sided staff represents the
god Janardana z. c. Visnu. The three Bhadrapilhas represent the
Gunas probably referring to Sattva, Rajas and Tamas. The gunas are
to be known as the three worlds containing the movable and immov-
able objects (Trailokya-sacaracaram). Below the bhumikas (floors)
but above the lihga, should be placed in the four directions the Loka-
palas carrying Sulas in their hands. Their names are Virudha,
DhrtarasUa, Virupaksa and Kubera. All of them should have* the
dress of the sun and should wear armours. They should be adorned'
with ornaments, Virudhaka represents Sakra, the lord of Devas;
Dhrtarastra, Yama — the leader of the worlds; Virupaksa Varuna — the-
lord of waters; and Kubera is the lord of the Yaksas.
In the first verse of this adhyaya, it is stated that by the worship*
of Aiduka the whole world is considered as worshipped. This probably
signifies that Aiduka represents some sort of cosmic form embracing
all things. This interpretation is supported by the fact that Aiduka
finds place for all gods and the whole Trigunatmaka world.
The vedic origin of Aiduka which I have suggested above would
justify its inclusion in V. D. because, if it were a Buddhist form, it
could not have found a place in it. We, however, find the word
Aiduka used in the Buddhist MahSvastu to indicate a Buddhist stupa.
As it happens in the case of other words like Caitya etc. this word and
Aiduka also must have been used in course of time, in a general sense^
as a synonym of stfipa.
368
J6tH ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
It would be appropriate to consider at this point the verses from
the Vanaparva (Ad. 90) of the Mahabharata. They are as follows —
:tj^ai 5T fg:3rr: iMtr
«rtst^3 w?4fitri artfran«rfr^ ^ i
snnmnn^g =9 ii
qf«r^ SI ii
Three points emerge out of these Slokas —
(1) Aidukas and Devatas are contrasted,
(2) Aidukas were more numerous then Devagrhas or temples,
(3) Aversion is shown to the Aidukas.
Let us take the third point first—
As I said in the beginning, the late Dr. Jayaswala takes these
Aidukas to mean Buddhist stupas. He regards these verses of the
M. Bli. as describing religious conditions of India in the Kusana age,
in which according to him there must have been numerous Buddhist
stupas indicating prevalence of Buddhism and decline of Brahmanism.
In fact these verses are supposed to lament this state of affairs.
The first thing to be said against this interpretation is that there
is nothing in the verses themselves or their context to suggest a
Buddhist or even non-brahmanical reference. Secondly, we might ask
what is the evidence to suggest that these verses of the M. Bh. apply
to the Kusana age? and thirdly assuming that these verses refer to the
Kusana age, we might say that there is no reason to believe that
Brahmanism in its Saiva and Vaisnava aspects was in decline in that
age and that the Buddhist cult had become so powerful as to throw into
background the temples of Brahmanical deities by its more numerous
stupas. If anything, there was a revival of vedic cult in the preceding
Sunga period and there is evidence to assume that Saiva-worship and
Visnu-worship were as prevalent as Buddha- worship, if not more.
So, in my humble opinion, the aversion to Aidukas must not be
explained by interpreting Aidukas as Buddhist stupas. We might find
some reasons for this aversion in their association with inauspicious
AIDUKA ^69
^maiana, — and in their uncouth shape which would suggest a n^agnified
lihga or remind one of a ^maSana-mound.
There is also another noteworthy point in the description given in
V. D. The description of Lokapalas as wearing armours and dresses
•of northern style and as carrying sulas would imply that the Aidukas
probably were more or less influenced by foreign uncouth styles. It is
well-known to scholars that the Indian rulers belonging to foreign
tribes followed not any particular cult of India but according to their
inclinations worshipped Siva, Visnu or the Buddha and built temples
and stupas in the styles which appealed to them. So the foreign Siva
worshippers might have built Saiva Aidukas in their own styles. This
would explain the disparagement of Aidukas in the M. Bh. It may
be that when these verses of Vanaparva were composed this strange
aspect of Aiduka was repugnant to the orthodox followers of Brah-
manical cult and that they were alarmed at the rapid spread of the
practice of building Aidukas to the detriment of artistic and auspicious
Devagrhas. But in course of time this aversion might have disappeared
and the strange foreign features might have been assimilated or
Brahmanized, so much so that by the time of the Gupta age they must
have become so important a Brahmanical cult as to deserve a whole
adhyaya in V. D. The epithet prajahitakhya applied to Aiduka by
V. D. is significant. It means ‘having the name of Prajahita’ ‘good of
the people.’ This might suggest that there might have been other varie-
ties of Aidukas and that Prajahita Aiduka was the approved type.
Thus the verses of Vanaparva and the 84th ad. of the 3rd Khanda
of V. D. give us a glimpse in the process of assimilation of religious
•elements which are in the earlier stages regarded as inauspicious or
strange but which somehow become popular and get a place in the
Brahmanical cult. It is one more illustration of the assimilative nature
of Hindu culture.
Now let us lake the first two points viz. the Aidukas and Devatas
and Aidukas and Devagrhas. These two points can’be treated together.
They raise the issue whether the Aidukas were images or temples. In
modern terminology whether they are sculptural or architectural? The
verses of Vanaparva imply that they were something of both, image
and temple. TJjf V. D. gives its description in the last part of
Pratimalaksana, which is followed by Prasadalaksapa, as if to suggest
that Aiduka is something of Pratima and something of Prasada.
Now if our theory about the origin of Aiduka viz. Vcdic Smasana
or tumulus, is right, we can say that it was primarily an architectural
form containing a relic, but as the thing to be worshipped was hidden
in the mound, it was the mound which got worship ; the mound in the
course of time, symbolizing and representing the interred object of
worship. But the tendency of Indian religious art has always been to
370
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
decorate the plain ^surfaces of its architecture and this must have
worked in the case of earlier plain Aiduka mounds or tumuli. We see
from the description of V. D. that images and symbols of all sorts of
gods find place on Prajahita Aiduka. But its primary form seems to
be a square with a flag-staff in the middle and an amalasaraka and a
disc at the top.
The fact that the first thing to be placed on the Bhadrapltha is
Lifiga, suggests that Aiduka must have first passed from its original
tumulus stage to the stage of being associated with Siva. I am almost
tempted to suggest that the worship of Siva in the form of Lihga has
something to do with Aiduka, and though the phallus theory is
generally accepted, I wouid venture to suggest that the word Linga
should be interpreted as a Cinha ( ) and that Aiduka with
or without Lihga was the Cinha of the god of Smasana.
According to Dr. V. S. Agrawal ‘an actual specimen of eduka
monument having three terraces and Siva lihga at its top has been
unearthed at Ahichchatra in Bareli district during the recent excava-
tions of the department of Archaeology.
(47) ''A Study of Textiles and Garments as Depicted tuis
Kharoshtht Documents from Chinese Turkestan/'
by
Sri Ratna Chandra Agravvala, m.a, Banaras.
The discovery of Kharoshtht documents by Sir A. Stein at Central
Asian sites (Niya, Endere and Loulan) some iifty years ago ushered
a new era in the history of the region. These documents^ mainly
written in Praki't of N. W. F. Provinces, are a store house of infor-
mation regarding the political, social, administrative, economic and
religious conditions of Chinese Turkestan in the first three centuries
after the death of Christ. **lt seems strange that ruins far away in the
barbarian north, overrun by what Hindu legend vaguely knew as the
'mythical ocean of sand' should have preserved for us records of
everyday life older than any written document (as distinguished from
inscriptions) that have as yet come to light in India itself^/'
The documents at our disposal are mainly of a secular nature,
dealing mostly with disputes and decisions concerning lands and pro-
perty, complaints to the king by ordinary people, deeds of purchase
and sale, collection of royal taxes, agreements between private indivi-
duals, presents, sending of royal envoys and messengers, instructions
from the king to the state officers and some occasional references to the
Buddhist monks and the sahgha. The whole record is available to us
in the shape of small wooden tablets, some leather fragments, silk
pieces and a few paper manuscripts too.
I, Materials of Textile goods,
(i) Wool i. e. umna (or omna, doc. 318) or tirna doc. 345) =
skt. urna, Iranian varna or varnava, Avestan vardna [Bailey, BSOS,
XI, p. 793].
(ii) Hemp i. e. shamna (doc. 318)=N. Pers. san (Burrow,
BSOS, VII, p. 787), skt. iawa. Hind? sana [cf. saniya in LAI,
1. Numbering 782 in all. Of these 764 were published in three
volumes. [See abbreviation 7] of KI, and 18 in BSOS, IX, p 111-25.
2. A. Stein, Ancient Khotan, (1907), Oxford, p. 369.
372 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
p. 128; Jani and idna in A Skt-English Dictionary, 1899, Oxford,
p. 10b3 by Monier Williams],
(iii) silk. The documents refer to different varieties and colours
of silk as : —
(a) Pata. Interpreting the word pafa sls a. ‘'roll of silk"' [Trans;
Language, p, 102 J, Burrow refers to similar views of Dr. LUders
[Textilien in Alter Turkestan, APAW, 1936, p. 24 ff]. But, Prof.
F. W. Thomas (BSOS, XI, p. 546-7) interprets the same as "perhaps
a muslin cloth'" (cf. Act. Or. X//, p. 62 note 5), similar to Tibetan
kha-blags. The Nanaghat cave Inscription of Naganika too refers to
300 patas [Sircar D. C, Select Inscriptions I, 1942, Calcutta, p. 188],
A first century A. D. silk strip from Tunhuaiig with a Brahmi ins-
cription on it records a pata forty gishti^ in length [Stein. A, Serindia,
1921, Oxford, p, 701-4]. A Kharoshiht note on a silk piece found in
the Lop Nor region and deciphered by Sten Konow [Sino-Swedish
Expedition reports, vii, j cited in BSOS, XI, p. 549] actually reads
pada.
(b) Yirka or iirka of doc. No. 697, interpreted by Stein (as
cited in KI, III, p, 308) as representing Chinese word from which
were derived greek (^rjpiKav and our silk, is still quite obscure.
(c) Prigha (doc. No. 316, 318).
Dr. LUders, op. cit., p, 30 (as cited by Burrow in Language,
p. 108 and by Dr. V. S. Agrawala in I HQ, 1951, XXVII, p. 15-7)
identified prigha with skt. prhga of Mahavyutpatti (232. 26) and
explained it as “flowered silk". Dr. W. B. Henning [Transactions of
the Philological Society, London, 1945, p. 150-7 cited by Agrawala^
ibid] thinics that prigha denotes "a monochrome damask or unicoloured
figured silk". He also referred to variants in Mahavyutpatti as pxhga,
pzngu and prhga [cf. pimga of doc. 416, pimgha of doc. 264; pi^ahga
pihgaih of Bana's Harsa Carita; pvhga of the Fan-Yuts*ien-tyu-wen
quoted by Agrawala, op cH., p. 15; Pasto prang, syric. 1. w. prng,
BSOS, XL p. 782]. Archaeological discoveries in China and Central
Asia have brought to light silk damasks in numerous colours of Han
age [cf. Andrews. F. H. Descriptive Catalogue of Antiquities from
Central Asia, 1935, Delhi, p. 18,20],
(iv) Leather ie. chaiha [doc. No. 17, cf. O. Stein in BSOS, VIII,
p. 778] =skt. charma. Also according to Thomas (Act. Or. XII, p. 46
note 3), churorma needs to be compared with skt. charma or wool.
3. Some measurement, cf. aishtasya pata gishti shaparisa.
**A STUDY OF TeXTIl-ES AS DEPICTED IN khoroshthl DOCUMENTS'* 373
(v) Cotton. The documents do not refer to any word fdr cotton^
^r some such material though cotton rugs and carpets were found at
Niya and Endere [see Ancient Khotan, p. 13/, 374, 134; Serindia,
p. 221,379].
//. Size of Textile goods.
Both monks (doc. No. 489) and laymen were fined in shape of
patas, the number of which ranged from I to 15 in case of the former
and 30 in case of the latter (doc. No. 345, cf. 41 patas as price of a
woman). Perhaps patas were of some standard length and fixed price.
Our documents [published in KT, TITIII] fail to refer to the size of
the Patas but as stated in footnote 3 above, shaparUa gishti refers to 40
gishti as the length of a pata, F. W. riioinas (BSOS, XI. p. 547)
equates gishti with dishti of our documents while A. Stein [Serindia^
p. 702-3] lakes it to mean 46 spans on the presumption that a silk roll,
with a Chinese inscription of first century B. C. on its, records the
width as 2' 2" (Chinese) and length as 40' (Chinese) and that 46
gishti were identical^ with 40 Chinese feet. In fact the phrase should
be taken as referring to 40 [^ditld of doc. No. 589, 592; tithi
of doc. 415, 437 — In Panini VL 2. 31 there is reference to dishti and
vitasti together; also dishti m Kaithka sutra and commentary on
Katyayana sranta sutra as cited by Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 480].
Like />ata.y other textile go xls as kojavas, lastugas, rajis, urnava*
ramde, thavamne or thavamnac. namatas^ kavaji etc., were numbered
with the exception of arnavajis, lastugas (doc. 728), kajaliavamnaga
and tavastagas which were all measured in hastas^ (ie. cubits; One
hasta=^lS").
III. Dyeing and Printing
The science and technique of dyeing and printing must have
reached the zenith of eminence as is evident from a combination of
colours as : —
(i) While ie. speta (No. 318) or ipedaga {Language, p. 21), or
ipeti (No. 83) =skt, sveta] Av. spaeiita, spiti\ Mid. Pers. sped
(BSOS, VIIL P- 900) ; spytyy of an unpublished Manichaen Sogdian
document (Henning cited by Agrawala, op. cit., p. 16).
4. Of course skt. word karpasa (—cotton) travelled into Uiger
as k* p* z (Bailey, BSOS, XL P- 779, also Bailey referring to another
word kapaysa).
5. cf. BSOS, XL P- 547 even for prices etc., of such rolls.
6. A conjecture indeed; cf. Iranian distay [KL III, P- 350].
7. cf. umnamae hasta 5 in doc. No. 318.
374
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(ii) Pamdura (doc. 660) is skt. pandura [= white or yellow; cf.
Bailey, BSC5S, XI, p.781; J. C Ray ia JBORS, ///, pt //, p. 225],
Khot. saka ysidai {BSOS,-VIII, p. 141, cf. p. 136].
(ill) Sanaprii (doc. Mo. 650) or s^napru ‘‘vermiUioa’*, cf. Old
Pers. sinkabriis [Bailey, BSOS, XT, p. 782].
(iv) Yellow pita or peta (doc. 318 = skt. Pita, cf. Trans,
note. Kasara (doc. 606) means the yellow robe of a Buddhist monk.
It is identical with skt. kasaya, Toch. A. kashar [Language, p. 82;
BSOS, XIII, p 389) ; Agnean kashar, Kuchean kashar a, sogJian
karaya garment etc., as discussed by Bailey in BSOS, XIII, p. 130,
389].
(v) Blueie. nila (doc. 3 18)== skt. nila.
(vi) Red it. rataga (doc. 3l8)=skt. raktaka [cf. Bailey, BSOS,
XI, p. 782]. In connecting rayaga of doc. 660 with rataga we can
well account that doc. No. 660 is a record of various varieties of pat as
as also opined by Bailey {ibid, p. 781).
(vii) Red Blue i. e. nila rataga kigi in doc. No. 318.
(viii) Kremeru (doc. 660).
Bailey (BSOS, X/, p. 782) compares the word with Zor. krmyr^
Pazand xermera, Arm. karmir Hebrew karmtl, Bud. Sog karm*yr.
New Sogd. kirmer (=red), skt kirmtra^ and thus opines that it
‘ denotes particular colour as "‘crimson rtd*\
(ix) Palagavarna (doc. 660). Varma is skt. varna, Av. vardnah
IBSOS, XI, p. 782, cf. Tavadia. ],C., Indo-Iranian Studies, 1950,
Vi^vabharati, I, p. 72], in the sense of ‘‘colour'' [cf. also puspa varna
in doc. 510, suvarna varna in doc. 511, khara varna in doc. 3)8 etc.]
Palaga has been interpreted to mean “variegated and compared with
Mid Ir. pal of Zor. Pah., N. Pers. palang etc., (BSOS, XI, p. 782).
(x) Ass colour ue, khara varna (doc. 318) = "grey* colour.
(xi) Printed and multicoloured doihts wtvt also in use as is evi-
denced by phrases as chitraga lyokmana (doc. 318), chitrapatamae
8. A demon’s name in Mahabharata, III. 368 ff. as well ; cf.
Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 284 also referring to this word in Bana’s
JHarsa Carita in the sense of “variegated colour".
“A STUDY OF TEXTILES AS DEPICTED IN kharoshtht DOCUMENTS^' 375
lastuga (doc. 566). In Sanskrit we have ciVra^a=: painter and citra-
ya= represented in picture (Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 227 ; cf*
Citravastra, citranta of Indian literature as referred to in JBORS,
III, pt. 11, p. 227, vichitra patolaka of Lalitavistara, PBVB, p. 95,
modern Indian C/i«wta=^^].
IV. Art of Weaving and Embroidery
Tht KharoshtJ docnmtnts also refer to embroidered garments^ cf.
sujinkirta vidapa and similar lyokmana of doc. No. 318. The form
sujmakirta was compared with Arabic susanjird, N. Pers so::ankard
by Luders (cited in Language, p. 131 ; HSOS, XI, p. 535-6) while
R W. Thomas (RSOS, XL, p. 535-6) disagrees with Liiders and traces
its derivation from skt. words. lie refers to sueikarman, siicyas-
rayam karma of Z?r/ia^ samhiia and Asvaghosa’s V ajrasuci for the
use of Slid (=needle).
F. Carpets^^ and Blankets
(i) Tavastaga (doc. 583), tavastaga and thavastae (doc. 714)
meaning ‘^carpeU* have all been taken as Iranian words derived from
taften [KI, III, p. 348; cf. Arm. 1. w. tapast and iapastak
N. Pers. fringed carpet as referred to by Burrow in Lan-
guage, p. 94 and BSOS, VII, p. 512], Bailey (B30S, XI, p. 793)’
thinks that thavastae = ^*csirpQt cloth"'. The documents refer to various
sizes of carpets in cubits as 4, 6, 8, 9, 11, 12, 13.
(ii) La an object nothing very costly {lahu mansigara matra
in doc. 184) was frequently sent as present. It was also a printed one
(Chitrapatamae) in doc. No. 566. Burrow (BSOS, VII, p. 786)’
connects it with N. Pers. das tar (= towel, handkerchief) while D. C.
Sircar with skt. lastuka (—string, a fillet, a child's top as cited in
Select Inscriptions, p. 243, p. 243 note 2). But from doc. No. 728,.
lastuga, fas suggested in Kl, III, p. 366] ^s state! to have been 7
cubits in length. Hence any identification with a napkin or handker-
chief does not seem to be plausible. It was perhaps some shawl or
some such object [Act. or. XII, p. 66 note 11],
9. For the discovery of textile pieces woven in "warn rib", chain
stitch" ‘‘satin twill patterns etc., see Andrews. F. H., ap. cit., p. 19, 20;
Burlington Magazine, London, July September, 1920, p. 6 ff ; Serindid.
p. 897 ff.
10. For Central Asian carpet industry in ancient days, consult
Ancient Khotan, p. 134; Megovern. W. M, Early Empires of Central
Asia, 1939, Chapelhill, p. 53; Andrews, op, cit., p. 19.
376
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
(iii) Kajahavamnagfl (doc. 583) was some table cloth or small
carpet, 2 cubits in length. In the existing document it is associated
with a carpet 4 cubits long [cf. Language, p. 81 about Luder's inter-
pretation].
(iv) Kojava^^, ko^ava (also kusava in doc. 345, Trans, p. 66 note,
Language, 1) need to be compared with Pali kojava=^r\xg, cover
with fleecy hair [cited in Rhys Davids's Pali Dictionary, p. 55 s. v. ka\
or koyava of Jain literature (L. A. /, p 129, p. 129 note 78). Ooc. No.
432 refers to while kojava. These objects were counted in numbers.
Khotanese rugs [cf, khotamni kojava iti doc. 583, khotani kojava in
doc. 592, kliotamni kojava-alena^^ in doc. 519] were objects of fancy
in Chinese Turkestan. Kancapaka, a variety of kambala in Artha^as-
ira (II. 11. 100, cited in Language, p. 80) which was identified by
Burrow {Language, p. 80) with kojava, was perhaps a name given to
rugs made in Kucha country.
(v) Akishdha (doc. 207) or agishdha (doc. 431-2) or agishta
(652) or agishga (doc. 152), closely associated with kojavas, were
perhaps blankets or rugs [cf. Trans, p. 28, note of doc. 154] p. 135,
note of doc. 652; KI, III, p. 329]. Avalika (doc. 575) and avale
(doc. 431-2) too seem to have been of a somewhat similar nature [cf.
skt. ava^/l^=::to hide oneself in; Language, p. 78].
(vi) The Indian word kambala ( = rug) being quite conspicuous by
its absence in our documents, Bailey (BSOS, XI, p. 793) thinks that
arnavaji (doc. 59, 83, 113, 385, 433, 714) represented “the kambala
cloth (?)"'. Doc. No. 83 refers to a white arnavaji. These objects
were usually counted in numbers and it is only in a solitary record
(No. 83) that reference is made to such an object 8 cubits long.
(vii) Raji (doc. 655, 714) was perhaps somewhat approaching razal
{=:quilt). Amila [cf. raji amila in doc. 655] in Jaina literature
[PBVB, p. 149-50] was “made of fleecy hair“ and its use was prohi-
bited for a Jam monk IL A I, p. 129], Also Dr. Jain [LAI, p. 129
note 75] refers to ii/an^a according to whom awii/a=: camel. Since in
<ioc. 655, the award of two raji amila was made along with a camel,
the fornier was perhaps prepared from camePs skin [cf. ushtra
kambalas quoted in PBVB, p. 97; covers made of camel's and lion's
skin, PBVB, p. 153].
11. cf. Thomas, Act. Or. XII, p. 54; O. Stein, BSOS, VIII,
p. 778 ; Bailey, BSOS, XI, p. 793 interprets kojava as ‘Woollen cover’.
Phrases io (rarya) kojava 1 (doc. 728) and kusava aadha (doc. 345)
are quite obscure.
12. Burrow [Language, p; 77] feels that ale na is “ah epithet of
rug or blanket = a/ay awo i. e. rug for lying down in?''.
"'A STUDY OF TEXTILES AS DEPICTED IN hharOSh\h% DOCUMENTS" 377
(viii) Namata^^, namati, namataga. namatae, namamtaCt namadaga
meaning ‘‘felt" need to be campared with N. Pers. namad, Pahl. namat^
Pali namataka, Anglo Indian numdah, Tibetan snam-mdah etc. Felt
making was a prosperous and flourishing industry of Central Asia even
as early as the times of the Scythians and the Sarmatians [cf. Me-
govern, op, cit., p. 52-3; Ancient Khotan,^. 134, 410; Andrews, op. cit.,
19-20].
VI. Cloth in general
Reference to pata, shamna pata and omna hasta has already been
made above. Tavanaga, ihavamnae, thavamnaga, (cf. thavanagamae,
thavamnamae, all refer to ‘cloth in general' perhaps, cf. saka thauna^^
^cloth. Burrow (Language, p. 9A) feels that thavamnaga is derived
from the Persian base taftan and tabam. Since in doc. 207, 149, 141,
they are all counted in numbers as 3, 4, 6, 1 5, it appears that they were
perhaps of some standard size and dimension. Documents refer to the
use of wool for these objects (No. 149, 318). KataAhavvmne (doc.
149) was perhaps some cloth woven in the design of a mat’ (cf. Skt.
iata=mat, Monier Williams, op. cit., p. 243). In case we associate it
with kali, the phrase will denote a cloth for tying round the waist [cf.
ka\a sataka of the jataka literature].
Astarana vastarana (doc. 439, 187) or astaramna vastaramna (doc.
431)= ‘‘clothing and bedding" [for details see ’Thomas, BSOS, XI,
p. 536. Also pravarana vastarna in doc. 565 compared by Thomas with
pravarana astarana of Kautalya's Arthalastra].
VII. Garments
(i) Prahuni (doc. 318), read as pro/iowi by Burrow (Trans p. S9
note), was perhaps some term for a stitched garment. Our document
refers to some such as petavamnidaga kuvana prahuni, kharavarm.
prahuni and kremeru paliyarnaga prahunu Burrow (BSOS, VII,
p. 514) derives prahoni from saka garment (Khotanese
prahona in BSOS, XI. p. 535, 786; BSOS, XIII, p. 121, 391; Actor
XIV, p. 232; BSOS, VIII. p. 128).
13. Language, p. 30, 78. 100; Ancient Khotan, p. 367; KI, III,
p. 352; JRAS, 1934, p. 475.
14. cf. Language, p, 96-7; BSOS, VII, p. 512; BSOS, XI, p. 535;
Actor. XIV, p. 232; Trans, p. 105; BSOS, VIII, p. 917, note I of
p. 916; Trans, p. 27.
3^B " 16th AtL-lNblA ORIENTAL COi^FERENCEr'
As regards kuvana^^ prahuni. Burrow [Language p. 84J seeks,
comparison with saka kuhamthau(=chailapafta) .
(ii) Chataga (doc. 505) is taken as identical with chhadaka and
chadaka [Language, p. iOj meaning "‘cloihing'\ It is certainly an
object for being used as a garment for in the document it ‘‘stands in
opposition"' to a particular article of dress (cf. BSOS, VII, p. 783}
i. e a kavaH is designated as chhataga^^.
(iii) Headdress. Veda [cf. China veda, doc. 353]=:skt. veshta,
Pali vefhana or vetha [K I, 111, p. 344] =turban.
(iv) Robes and cloaks : —
(a) Chodaga (doc. 19, 506, 722; chotaga in 316). They were
prepared (doc. 722) and demanded by ladies in exchange for some
textile goods (doc. M6). We do not know whether ladies used them
or not (cf. choda or chola in skt.=jacket, bodice; chodaka or cholaka^
jacket, Monier Williams, op. cit,, p. 402]. According to Burrow
(Tra«.y. p. 144 note of doc. 722), chotaga=:*'co'dV\ They were also
given to slaves and servants along with meals and wages [
in doc. 19; in doc. 506]. Central Asian people
used to wear long cloaks [cf. cinacolaka of Harsa charita, PBVB,
p. 161; if 7, III, p. 345].
(b) China chimara (doc. No. 149) indicates Chinese robes {Trans ,
p. 27; cf. ctvara, the dress of a Buddhist monk as cited BSOS, VIII,
p. 427; Language, p. 21; BSOS, VITT, p. 608). It is not certain
whether chimara has any connection with skt. cimi^^'a plant from the
fibres of which cloth is made" (Moiner Williams, op. cit , p. 398).
■sj
(c) Kasara i. e., Yellow robe of a Buddhist monk (doc. 606).
' - (d) KavaH {doc. 505 ; cf. 4tt7/a;7, doc. 581, 432 ) has been identi-
fied with skt. kavacika [Language, p. 82; BSOS VII, p. 783; Baliey in.
'BSOS, Xlf P- 795; cf. skt. kavaca or kavasa^* armonv^'^ , Coat of maiP
in Monier Williams op. cit., p. 345].
15. It is interesting to note that in doc. Nos. 272, 292, 236, 435;^
kuvana is used as an epithet of corn too,
16. Chotaga of doc. 161 seems to haVe no connection with this
ehhataga. The former was perhaps the same as chotaga or chodagm
(=robe).
17. For the discovery of sorhe KhhroshthJ records wrapped up in
ancient armour textiles from Loulan, see Serindia, p. 379. «
''A STUDY OP *f EXTIDE6 AS.DEPICTED |N DOCUMENTS*' ^^9
(e) Pothi E:kavara (doc. No. 534). O. stein (BSOS, “ VIII,
p. 778) interpreted the phrase as /'garments m’ade of one piece of
cloth** and that pota^ according to Halayudha AbJiidh., II, 393 meant
■♦'cloth'* while z/arafta= cloak, stuff etc., (BSOS, Vlfl, p. 778, note 8).
]BurrOvW ( Trow.?., p. 106) puts forth its meaning as ‘*pothi,ori one
occasion*’ [i. e. «rc].
(f) Puchhama (doc. No. 534), in O. Stein’s opinion (BSOS, VIII,
p. 777) "would correspond to skt. puksama which seems to be
unknown. In modern Eastern Turkestan, bodyuma^^^knoU bundle as
referred to byRadloff. Perhaps connected with that is potsh (pochhu) =
long night-gown like garment worn by Kashmiris, when made of
cotton cloth is called potsh*\
(g)Cliamri (doc. 714; chamdri, doc. 272). In Bailey’s opinion
(BSOS, XI, p. 793), the phrase=*xhadar cloth," well compared with
Iran, c/tarfar, N. Pers. c/tarfar ( =:cloth). Associated with kamamta
(=trouser, as will be discussed later) it"may refer to some upper
garment as opposed to lower one. ft does not seem to be plausible
to agree with Burrow {Language, p. 89) who suggests to connect with
skt, candrakam (=ginger).
(h) Karchi (doc. 357 i. e. 6 karchi kamuta). It is very interesting
to compare it with Av. kdrdti, Asi. kaerch ( = furcoat). Thus the
phrase means "trousers made of karchi material" [Bailey, BSOS, XI,
p. /94J but it is more appealing to take it as denoting both upper and
lower garment together^**.
(i) Garments for the breasts,
Kamchuli (doc. 149, 318; kamjuliya, doc. 343)=skt. kancuka or
jfeonrii/iifea=bodice or jacket worn by the ladies. Such jackets^^ were
made of wool (doc. 318), while unicoloured silk (doc. 318) and
hampen cloth (doc. 318). speiaprigha (doc. 318) is the same as
spytyy pryng of an unpublished Manichaen Sogd. document [Henning
cited by Agrawala, op. cit,, p. 16).
(j) Garments for the Waist i. e. kayabamdhana (doc. 149) cf.
kayabandhanam oi the jataka literature [Mehta R. L , Pre-Buddhist
India, 1939, Bombay, p. 262 ; ci.PBVB, p. 147; Serindia, p. 636-7
about an ancient girdle from Miran].
(k) Trousers,
18. Cf. chamdri kammamta (714) as a parallel phrase. Tavadia
{op. cit., p. 80-81) identifies karchi with modern A #4^/5?= shirt.
380
I6th all^imdia oriental conference
Kammamta or kaptamta [doc. 272-714] have been compared with.
Khotanese kaumadai, kammada [=suthamna^ivous^r; cf. BSOS, IX,
p. 532, XI, p. 793 quoting sunthana of the Mahavyutpatti] meaning
‘‘trouser*'. Thus Bailey disagrees with Thomas who [J of Greater
India Society, XI, p. 64] interprets chamdri as “jade" (cf. also Act.
Or., XII, p. 46 note 3).
Equally obscure is the phrase somstamni (doc. No. 149) which
has been suggested as an equivalent of Khotanese words for trousers
[i. e. Bailey BSOS, XI, p. 532 compares with The use of
trousers was a typical central Asian device [see Mcgovern, op. aV.,
p. 48-9 for the introduction of trousers in other parts of the world and
that too from central Asia [cf. modern sutthana=tro{iSQr].
(1) Miscellaneous garments and textile goods,
(i) C/rwroma (or r/iroma or c/uV(?rmfl were compared with Iran.
Chtrorma or chihravarma, old Iran, chioravarma (= facing* covering
veil, Bailey in BSOS, XI, p. 794). Burrow [Language, p. 90], on the
other hand takes it as some “agricultural commodity".
(ii) Rotamna (or rotarn) is closely associated with churonna,
Bailey (BSOS, XI, p. 794) identifies the former with ro-dvanna
derived from Iran, rauda-banda ( = face binding veil; cf. N. Pens.
ruy-band = veil). Bailey does not agree with Burrow's views (BSOS,
VII, p. 787) and also those of his own propounded earlier in BSOS,
VIII, p. 913. But, since in doc. 387 rotamna is measured in milimas
and kills like corns etc., it does not seem plausible to attach any impor-
tance to Bailey's latest views.
(iii) Sadi or radi) of doc. 431-2 has been taken to be the same as
raji (of doc. 655, 714) by Burrow (Trans,, p. 88 note of doc. 431-2)'
while Bailey (BSOS, XIII, p. 389 ff ) and Thomas (Act. Or. XIII,
p. 79) prefer the reading sadi as equivalent of sadi of Jaina literature,
fata, fat? and sataka of skt. texts etc.
(iv) Pamsavamta (or pamjhavamta' of doc. 316) or posamvamfa
(doc. 534) taken to be identical by Burrow (Trans,, p. 106 note) were
made of prigha and wool in docs. 316, 534 respectively.
(v) Vidapa was an embroidered garment (doc. 318).
19. cf. ladies and their dre‘=s printed in the frescoes of Miran
temple in Chinese Turkistan, Serindia 516-9; Sung Yun's description
about women of Yu-tien in Ancient Khotan, p. 170.
**K STUDY OF TEXTILES AS DEPICTED IN kh^roshihl DOCUMENTS” 381
(vi) Lyokmana was both embroidered and printed (doc. 318).
(vii) Kigi {or bhigi) is referred to as some blue-red (doc. 318)
garment while Thomas (Act. Or. XIII, p. 72) suggests an identification
with fr/irn^ I —vessel.
(viii) Urnavaramde (doc. No. 345), enumerated in association
with some textile goods, was perhaps some garment made of urna
(wool) but Rapson [X/, III, p. 335] prefers to take vartade (instead
of varamde) and compares with vartataka of Lokapraka^a (ed. Weber^
p. 98).“
(ix) Shoes. Kavajinamata (doc. 432; only kovaji in doc. 581)
may be interpreted as ‘*shoes prepared from felt”. Like kajava and
ko^ava, kavaji may be taken as kavaii while kavashi in Fan-yu-tsa-
(cited by Tavadia, op. n7., p. 84) and N. Pers. kafs both mean
^'shoe, slipper” (cf. Tibet kahasa cited by Tavadia, ibid; khapusa in Jain
literature, LAI, p. 133; PBVB, p. 178).
(x) Ropes i. e. raju (doc. 288, 264, 534=:skt. rajju) or rasamna'
(doc. No. 175, 345 — skt. ra^and, N. Pers. rasan cf. Language, p. 114,
BSOS VIII, p. 786) were frequently sent as presents (doc. 288) and
taxes (doc. 264 ) 21 . The text u rasamna (doc. 175) corrected a,s unu
rasamna by Rapson [KI, I, p. 70] may be taken as una rsaamna
suggesting ropes prepared from wool. In doc. 345, rasamna is associa-
ted with namatas and nniavardam de. Burrow {Language, p. 13) also
suggests that vadlii (doc. 264) may be taked as rope.
(xi) Sacks. Goni (doc. No. 154, 207) needs to be compared with
skt. gona, Pali gonaka, both meaning a ^'woollen rug”. But the context
of the Niya documents (No. 214) clearly indicates that it denoted some
*sack for the lucerne of horses^ [i. e. dui gomyammi aspi-stave, cf.
Trans., p. 40]. In skt., ^ona or ^owafarT= sack [Monier Williams, op.
cit., p. 367]. It is much more interesting to note that document
No. 756 is in itself a silk bag with a kharoshthJ note on it [cf. Inner-
most Asia, 1928, Oxford, p. 223]. Bailey, (BSOS XI, p. 767) suggests
that guna of an unpublished document from Khadlik may be traced in
the goni 'sack’ of Niya documents.
20. Use of long boots by Central Asian people, Megovern, op. cit.,.
p. 2,252; Ancient Khotan, p. 372.
21. Cf. Tibetan documents from Chinese Turkestan about the
collection of hair for rope making, JRAS, 1934, p. 504. Certain
KharoshthT documents were found tied with gots’ hair, Ancient
Khotan, p. 238.
3)1^2 16™ ‘AtL'^mbiA ORIEf^TAL CkyNlFteRENfcE-^ I ^ “
VIII. Use of Textile ^oods. ' ^ ^ ^
(i) ^As wealth and paperty [doc. 149, 534^ 318, 345, ,187]. . Proper
account was also maintained (doc. No. 660.) . i
(ii) As media of exchange : —
(a) Paying hire charges of a camel (doc. 83) as arnai/aji.
(b) Purchasing land, girls, women, cornel, wine22.
(c) Price of a girl partly paid in rugs (doc. 592).
(d) Price of a women as 41 papas (doc. 32).
(e) Price of land payed in shape of rugs etc. (doc. 579, 322,
655).
(f) Price of a Ao/az/fl (as 5 or 10 carpet 13 cubits
long for 12 muli etc.
(iii) As objects to be paid as laxes : —
i. e. agishda, namata, kojava, goni, raju, kamumta, arnavaji, raji
^tc. (doc. 207.* 714, 264. 382, 154).
(iv) As objects of gifts and presents c,, chhotaga, lastnga,
■chinaveda, tavastaga, kojava, raju, pamjhavamta prighamaga etc.
(v) As objects of debts and loans:— Dtht of silk is recorded in
doc. 35 [i. e. papa xna cf. vasandrna of Panini VI, 1.89 Varttika [cited
by Monier Williams, op cit., p. 932.]
(vi) As subsistence for servants and slaves. Both persons em-
ployed on work charge basis (doc. 19, 403) and household slaves (doc.
506) were given clothing along with food and wages (no wages for
slaves in doc. 506).
i
(vii) As objects fines.
Reference to fines of papas prescribed for monks and ordinary
people has been made above.
21. Mote king's eagerness to purchase one kojava lor royal corn
(doc. 448) cf. doc. 622.
22. Wine to be sold for clothing and bedding (doc. 431-2).
22a. 1 muli being ^yh of a gold stater, [cf\ doc. 419 where 1 gold
stater 2 muli = 12 muli].
STUDY OF TEXTILES AS J>EP/CTfiDiIN kharOshthtTtaCiUMENTS^*
^ (viii) For binding of tablets : —
Strings served the purpose of binding wooden tablets in order to
avoid unauthorized inspection. Fibres or hair mixed with clay seals
have also been recovered. A Kharoshthi document, after being sealed
afresh was tied in yellow silk [Serindia, p. 229, cf. Ancient Khotan,
p. 356].
(ix) As writing material : —
(a) Leather — doc. Nos. 665, 349, 341, 371, 379, 376, 385, 387, are
documents on leather [cf. also chama pothi of doc. 17, Act. Or. XIII,
p: 78]. The use of leather for writing purposes must have led to the
slaughter of animals on a grand scale. It is indeed strange that reli-
gious ideas did not militate against the use of animal's skin for writing
etc. {Ancient 'Khot any p. 347).
(b) Silk> Just like leather, silk too was utilised for writing letters
and sending communications. Doc. Nos. 697, 703. 756 are records on
silk23.
(x) As objects of votive offering : —
Some inscriptions on finely woven buff silk streamers
from Milan refer to the use of such objects for offering in temples.
At the end of each of these is the phrase arngha dachhinae bhavadu
[Serindia, p. 495, 542]. Even a fourth century A. D. Chinese document
on paper [Serindia, p. 379 \ records a tribute of various pieces of silk
ofTered by a certain barbarian.
(xi) As objects of Export and Import,
The documents refer to Chinese goods fi. e. china chimara^
chinaveda] and Khotanese rugs [i. e. khotani kojava, khotamni kojava,
hhotamni kojava, alcna\ being used by people in the region of
Kharosh\hi records. Not only that the early visit of Indian merchants
on the borders of Western China is attested by the discovery
of a first century B. C. inscription in Brdhmt script on a silk
piece [Stein, A, Asia Major, Hirth Ann^iversary Volume, 1923,
p. 367-72]. Indeed records on silk, both in Brdhnil and Kharoshthf
came from ruined watch stations along the ancient trade route connect-'
ing Central Asia with China, Persia, India etc.
23. cf. For the use of silk for writing in early centuries of B. C.,
consult, Journal.uf American Oriental Society, [Lxi, 1941, p. 73] ; also
Chine.se documents on silk, Serindia, p. 700, 763, 681 cf. ibid, p, 677.. ^
384 16th ALL-INOiA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
The documents under survey thus throw a good deal of light on
the dress and garments of slaves and servants, monks and laymen etc.
It is interesting to note that slaves, who could own land and all sorts
of movable property are no where referred to in the documents as
wearing gala dresses either made of prigha or chitraga cloth. It is
equally interesting to see the monks being fined up to 15
(doc. No. 489) and prohibited from joining the posaiha ceremony in
a householder's dress. Is it that the monks were not used to puling
monkish robes all the twenty four hours a day and that they were
expected to be in the prescribed dress only on special ceremonial
functions? It is very sad that the existing documents fail to refer to
strictly royal articles of dress and decoration. It is only from doc. 448
that we know that a king showed great anxiety for the purchase of a
kojava for royal corn. Also a certain queen accepted a carpet 13
cubits long (doc. 431-2). Beyond this there seems to be nothing note-
worthy to be referred to in this connection.
This is in nutshell the account of textiles and garments as
depicted in the Kharoshtht documents from Chinese Turkestan.
Foreign influences, both Indian and Iranian were rapidly working in
the heart of Central Asia, in the field of textiles as is attested by the
use of various technical terms denoting fabrics and goods. Nay, even
Indian patterns24 of svastika and stupa have actually been found on
textile pieces recovered from ancient sites of Niya, Endere and Loulan.
In the words of A. Stein [Ancient Khotan, p. 334], “not only the
sculptured and pictorial arts of Khotan, but also the more decorative
branches of its textiles industry had from an early date received their
models from India".
23(a). cf. A Record of the Buddhist Religion by Using, transla-
ted by J. Takakusu Oxford, 1896, p. 218-9, 67 ff about the dress of
Buddhist monks in seventh century A. D.
24. Also tapestry type carpet pieces resemble modern Indian dart
{Andrews, op. cit., p. 19; Ancient Khotan, p. 334], Indians also on
their part began to make use of priqha of Central Asia cf. Agrawala^
op* cii., p. 16.
“A STUDY OF TEXTILES AS DEPICTED IN kharoshtht DOCUMENTS” 385
Abbreviations used: —
1. Language=T. Burrow, The Language of the Khar oshthi Docu-
ments From Chinese Turkestan, (1937), Cambridge.
2. Trans =:T, Burrow, A translation of the Kharoshtht Doch*
ments from Chinese Turkestan, (1910), London.
3. PBVB = Motichand, Prachtna Bharatiya Fes'a Bhusa,
(Hindi), Prayaga.
4. LAI^Jagdish Chand Jaina, Life in Ancient India as depicted
in Jain Captons, (1947), Bombay.
5. ESOS^BuUetin of the School of Oriental and African Studies,
University of London,
6. lHQ=/«diaw Historical Quarterly.
7. Act. Or. — Acta Orient alia.
8. Kl I, JI, III— -Kharoshtht Inscriptions discovered by Sir A.
Stein tn Chinese Turkestan, Oxford, Vols 1, tL IH (Text only ).
9. Only No, of the documents of KI will he referred to.
( 48 ) Indian Mitsic
by
Principal SfiRi Krishna Ratanjankar
It is a happy augury that music has come in for discussion in. the
sessions of the Oriental conference as a part of culture. In spite of
the fact that music forms not only an important but. a necessary part
of culture, that it is a part of the mental equipment of man it had been
neglected by us in India so many years. May be, there were reasons
for this unkind attitude towards the art. But now that we are recast-
ing our culture once more and looking forward to some sort of cultural
Unity among us* Orientals, a cultural brotherhood between nations aiid
between races, inclusion of music in our discussions is a very hopeful
index of our success in our efforts. Is not music after all a universal
language? Music deals with the prime medium of communication
between man and man, I mean the human voice and its sweet mov-
ments up and down, which touch the very soul of the listener, just as
the sweet smell and sweet look of a flower, the soft touch of a spring
time breeze. The sweet flower, the soft breeze, the sweet passage of
music have all their own language which is understood everywhere.
These do not need word of language to cany on their conversation, and
as such, are of universal appeal. A good passage of music, a good
painting, is a forceful and ever memorable dialogue on goodness bet-
ween man and man. After all the aim, the effect of culture is a
sympathetic understanding and adjustment of thought and action,
getting into tune, so to say. Touching the senses, the sense of hearing,
the sense of vision, the sense of touch with their respective sweet media
will go a long way in bringing us together into an unbreakable brother-
hood.
What is music then? This is one of the words such as 'ART',
'RELIGION', ‘POETRY' that defy definition. The word music is
derived from the Greek mousike which is equivalent to the Sanskrit
word Sahgtta expressing the corporate idea of musical recital
playing of musical instrument and dancing, either taken
singly or in group. These arts considered individually are called gita
or gay ana, vadya or vadana and nrtta or nartana respectively. Gita
stands for singing, vadya or vadana for instrumental music and nartana
for dancing. Rut taken together, all these arts are called Sahgtta.
INDIAN MUSIC
387
Thus song f orms th^ bc^sis of the art of music in India. The word
music, however, technically refers more to expression pf sweet sounds
oil instruments than vocal music, if I mistake not. This difference in,,
the/oot idea of the art. makes all the difference between the music of
the .West and Sangtta of India. This is a fundamental distinction
between the, two., The emphasis on. instrupiental music has led wester-
ners to invent a large ystriety of correctly tuned, musical instruments
of various sizes ^nd shapes qualities and strengths of tone, utilizing
ail ^mds of nt^lerial capable of producing musical tones. It has also
led them tp.deyelpp the possibilities of poliphonic music, i.e. music in
which. several tones of different degrees are sounded together, simuj-r
taneously on instruments. The simultaneous sounding of a number of
different tones, is technically known as harmonisation and the effect of
the music is called Harmony. This Harmony is a basis of all music in
the West.
^ In India and all over the East the human voice being the basis ojF
all Music no harmonisation was thought of. It is not possible physi-
cally to produce more than one tone at a lime by one single human
voice, unless it is cracked. Even in group singing the human voice
cAfthot b6 expected to express pin-point degrees of correctness in
pitch, necessary to fulfil the conditions of harmonisation. Instrumental
mu.sic in the East is a reproduction of musical passages occurring in a
song. In the case of instruments in which the. strings are plucked by a
plectrum and musical solids such as metal tubes, bells, China cups, and
\yooden plates which are struck by a ' striker, rhythmic patterns of
various lengths and shapes set to music more or less to the composition,
of tones of ja song are played. All bow and blow instruments repro-
dpee yocal music. All these instruments have a song as their basis^
Thus melody alone remains the basic principle of all Oriental music.
Melody as against harmony is a musical passage in which the tones are
expressed one after another in succession and not simultaneously
as. in harmony. The Orientals have developed melody almost to per-
fection. l^ar)ia, Raga, Dhun, Jaii, Naghma, whatever you may call
a musical passage, is a melodic pattern in which a number of musical
tones occur in .succession, one after another. Arrangement of the order
off ifeOceeSsion of these tones so as to make them musically effective
demands a musical sense of high order. This gives the passage all
the 'musical value it has. Reproduction of these by voice or on an
instrument in an effective manner is another condition of the musical
value of ^ melodic pattern. A passage of tones must be musical in
and^ft must be rendered Well enough so as to produce the desired
effect; These two points refer to the ‘what* and ‘how*, the matter and
manner of music. Let us examine a few examples here.
V'.' TKe melqdies Jai|aivanlii Jauupuri *and Bhairavi are known to
opry. listener of Hindustani. Music. They are all intrinsically musical
.it is. their correct rendering which makes them 4iving, turns them
intQvappealing passages of an .Universal language. A composition of '
388
16tU ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
musical tones can by itself be a thoroughly disgusting specimen. For
inslarrce a passage' like this (illustrate S, M R DH G DHS). Each
and every one of these is a musical tone recognised as Svara of which'
music is made and yet however much we may attempt to render this
strange passage musical it will succeed in defeating our purpose.
Weeping, moaning, crying are done *n musical tones, but it is not
music. A musical passage, on the other hand may be by itself highly
musical. But the rendering thereof is at times so poor that it fails to
make its desired effect and falls flat on the ears of the listeners. Me-
lody alone if studied and practised well gives enough scope for musical
expression. It is melody which leaves the musician free to express his
own personality. He can make adjustments and readjustments in the
manner of interpretation and even at times the intonations of his me*
lody on the basis of the general outline thereof.
Whatever the nature or provenance of ancient civilizations this
much is certain that the oldest books of knowledge now available are
the Vedas. We get our earliest information about the beginnings of
our music from the Vedas. Whatever may be the age of the Vedas the
knowledge they contain refers to things most ancient, almost going
back to the beginning of civilizatioiL
Music, for us, is supposed to have been created out of the 5*Sm(i
Veda. This Veda is most of it RgVeda itself when chanted in more
or less musical intonations The human soul, wishing to speak out
«'\wakens the mind, which, on its part awakens the fire, i. e. the energy
fn the body. The energy in the body goads the life breath stored in the
Brahma-Granthi, the breath thereafter rises up by degrees through the
wind pipe and expresses the higher and higher degrees of pitch.
A musical tone is called ‘Mada’. Our musicologists explain this
word as follows : —
NAKARAM PRAMA NAM AN AM PAKARAM ANALAM VIDU^^
TENA PRANAGNISAMYOGAN NADA ITYABHIDHIYATE.
*The letter' ‘Na* stands for life breath, and 'Pa' for the heat of
the body. Thus by the co-operation of physical energy and life breath
1 . e. air, a musical tone is produced." Considering the ancient times
when the above Sloka was written it seems a rational explanation of
production of sound. After explaining the causes of production of
Nada, the ancient Pandits proceed to analyse the primitive attempts at
musical expression. Arcik Gana or monotontc chanting, GBthik or
bytotiic, Samik Gana Tritonic and Svarantara or quadrutonic. Arcilf
Gl&na ts chanting in one single tone, Gathik is chanting in two tones
of high and low degrees of pitch, Samth is chanting tn three tones of
INDIAN MUSIC
389
different degrees of pitch and Swarantara is a. fourtoned chant. It is
not possible to define the actual intonations recognised in those ancient
days which these four types of chantings refer to. We, however, find
in some books on music an attempt at illustrating these in terms of
modern intonations. It is true that we do even today hear such chant-
ings in the course of religious recitals. Let me demonstrate these one
by one in their order.
S
MANGALAM BHAGAVAN VISNUR-MANGALAM
MADHUSODANAU
S
MANGALAM PUNlpARIKAKSO MANGALAM
GARUpA-DHVAJA^
All this is chanted in one single tone. There is no transition low
or high in this,
A Gathik or two toned chanting will be like this; —
N S
PORNASYA CA-AVAHANAM KUTRA SARVADHARA-
SYA CA-ASANAM
N S
SVACCHHASYA PADYAM-ARGHYA?5CA
SUDDHASYA CA-ACAMANAM KUTAIJ
In this there are only two degrees of pitch between which the voice
moves up and down, namely N and S.
SSmik Chanting is of three tones and is done something like this.
RRR— R R SRR RGRRS
MANO buddhi—ahankAra CITTANI NAHAM
RRRR SRRR G R RS
NA CA ^ROTRA JIHVE NA CA-AGHRANA NETRE
m
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
RR RRS, R RRGRRS
; NA CA VYOMA BHuMlR— NA TEJO NA VAYUIJ
R R R R S R R R G R R S
CIDANANDA RuPAI.I ^IVOSFIAM bilVOSHAM ■
Here there are three degrees of pitch, iianieiy R,S and G. Let
us now take the Svarantara or four toned chant. The sjoka concerned
is a benediction uttered by the wedding priest wishing well to the bride
ciiid bridegroom.
H M M G R G R R S S M M iM G R RG
R R S S
• ; Vighnesa No Vighiia Vidilra Karl NirVighnaKarye Sakalartha
Siddhih
M M M Cx R R G R R S S U M M G R R G R.
D S S
Vighnesvaro Vighna_ Naresa Pujyo Vadhu— Varabhyam Subha-
ma Dadatu.
Whatever value these chants may have as regards their historical
authenticity they arc good enough to give us some idea regarding the
primitive attempts at musical expression. The main object in setting
words time measure and some sort of musical murmur was memori-
sation of the subject matter of the verse The Vedas, PuVanas, l’)arfia-
nas are all written in verses. They were to be learnt by heart and
hence the necessity of their versification. Pwen a chihl learning his
TitimberS'i or rules of grammer chants his lessons in musical chants
punctuated in time beats.
The recitation of the Vedic Hymns was done in , three movmcnt^.
of the voice ‘Udatta', Raised, ^Anudatta the lowered" and ‘Svarita’
the circumflex. These movments were probably not meant to be in
any definite musical intervals as such. An ‘Udatta' syllable Was to be
pronounced in a high pitch, without reference to any definUe degrees
of pitch in comparison to the other movmerits. The syllable in
'Anudatta’' was to be pronounced in aHow pitch and a ‘Svarita’ sy^able
was to be pronounced with a slur roughly covering the high and low
tones. Thus it seems that in the Vedic hymns other than those of
the Sama-Veda there was no conscious attempt at a musical chant,. It
was just recitation and no musical chant.
INDIAN Ml>H'
391
V ; Xbc Sania-Veda which is avowedly a.Oeya Veda, on the other hand,
is a book of hymns most of which were from the RgVeda itself* which
were chanted with a definitely musical expression, in fad, in order
to ntake room for musical strains the ending vowels of the words of
the hymns were prolonged and even twisted into other vowels. I have
.already observed that our music is supposed to liave originated from
the Sama-Veda. In Sama Samhita we find references to seven degrees
jof pitch m the descending order, namely K^sta, Prathama, Dvittya,
Trijlya, Caitirilia, Mandra and AiLsrara. Krsta was Ihc high-strung,
Frathavia was the first below the AV.sta, Di/iZ/ya, the second below,
Sfxttya the third below, the Calurlha the fourth below, Mandra the
loiyest and AHsi^ara the extra tonal below the M andra. There is some
reference to some degrees intervening between these seven. Thus it
seems we had already evolved a complete scale of music for the Samik
Chants. It is hardly possible to demonstrate tins scale. The actual
intervals arc not known, nor is there anything on record which may
help, us to establish these iiitervals. The Sarira Vina or tlie corporal
lute referred to in the Sama Samhita gives the places of these notes
on the fingers of the hand where respectively the thumb is to touch
them for each degree of pilch, during the chanting. Hut there are no
directions as to the sounds to be produced in the voice.
These degrees of pitch were called Yamas, 'fhe notes of music on
the other hand were called Si^aras. and these were in the ascending
brder and called respectively Sad jay Rsabha' Candliara, Madhyamay
Pdncamq, Dha'n^ata and Nisada, There are intrcstiiig explanatH)hs
oH these names.
In the Naradi Siksa wliich is technically a book on phonetics,
containing rules of pronimcialiofi of ihe ’syllables occurring in
the Vedic Hymns, we find reference to the siuirns 1 liave just now
enumerated. NSrada tells us that Gandhara an I Mhada arc Udatt'a,
Rsabhay and Dhaiifaia are Anudaita and Sadja, Madhyam^a and
Pancama are Svarlta: Just this bare statement and no explanation
of it. Narada also, tells us that the Yama known as PrqlJiama in the
S'Qinik Chant is the equiyalent of the IVfadhvama of the Venn i. e. llutc,
Dvitlya oi the Samik Chant is the GandhZira of the Venn, TriiyaXh^
e^irivalent of the Rsabhha of the flute an<l so forth. lUit what was
thi'S flutib like? What was its size?. .How many holes it had and their
spacing oile from the other? These are (pieslions which are yet to be
settled.'
.’Vi' I'l. ‘ , ' ' ' *■'
> ' The wYtira^J Siksa is considered by some of our scholars the
oldest'Work which bears a reference to music. Here is an interesting
topic which’demands tbe attention of out* scholars an I musicologists.
' Whiclr "Narada wrot^ - the Narad! $iksa and when? The -InylhOk)-
pef^Sonatities of this naitie, the famous wandering tnihstnel of the
392
16th ALL*1ND£A oriental CONl'ERENXE
Heaven, the son of (iod Brahman can hardly have written a work in
the comparatively modevn Sanskrit. Then again the work is properly
on phonetics. There are at least a dozen and a half works known as
Siksas, all on phonetics. Hardly any three of these refer to music
and its tonality so emphatically as this mysterious Naradt
All or most of the other iiksa Granihas have not gone beyond the
Udatta, Anudatta and Svariia. But the author of the Naradt Sik(a
refers to Grantas and Murchhanas, What was the purpose ? Were
the Samik Hymns to be sung in modes and melodies ? Bharata the
oldest author on the science ot music refers to Narada as one of the
musicologists. Which Narada was this? Was it the author of the
famous Naradt iiksa or was it the great mythological Narada?
Going through the Narada itksa one is almost tempted to feel that
the chapter on music in the Siksa at least if not the entire work
might have been written by a later Pandit, even one posterior to Bha-
rata and added to the iiksJjL. If at all the Saman Chants were to be
elaborated in a musical strain why is there no further explanation
regarding the melodies or modes in which the Hymns were to be sung.
Why has Narada stopped at just the mention of Gramas and Murch-
hanas without explaining their application? Porlunately some of
our modern scholars are making elTorts to trace the history of our
music back to Kasyapa Narada and other ancient musicologists. Let
us await their researches.
Until we get reliable information regarding works that might have
been written before the Bharata Natya iastra we have to look upon
this work as our first book of knowledge on music. The Natya ids-
tra is an encyclopeadic work on the art of .stage-craft, or Dramaturgy.
The exact dale of this work is not known but it is supposed to have
been written in the beginning of the Christian era. Bharata devotes
one or two chapters to music the singing and its accompaniments, as a
necessary and important part of the dramatic representation, and, only
in this way he has dealt with sahgtta. He calls his chapter on music
Atodya Vidhih, i. e. instrumental accompaniment.
Bharata in his chapter on music refers to even iaddha svaras and
two Vikxti ones. The musical intervals are measured in terms of
microtonal intervals known as irutis. Unfortunately Bharata and all
the later musicologists who have propounded the Grdma-Murcchand
and Jdti theory seem to take it for granted that the exact measure of
a iruti was a matter of common knowledge and needed no explanation
beyond pointing it out as their being equal to the difference between
the PaUcamas of the two Gramas the Sarf/a Grama and Madhyama
Grama. These two Gramas were the basic music scales of the ancient
system of Music. These were almost equivalents of each other, the
only difference between them being that the PcMcama the 5th of the
Madhyama Grama was slightly lower, i. e. lower by just one irttii
than the PaMcama the Sth of the Sadja Grama. These two scalenn
INDIAN MUSIC
393
were very common among the people aiul known to everybody and so
was the interval between the higher Pancamn of the "^adja-Grama
and the lower one of the Madhyama-Grama were and hence it was
thought unnecessary to give any explanation. I^harata asks a ciuestion
saving *Nanu initeh Kim PramanamP and })roceeds to explain the
process by which it is to be found. He asks us to take two Finas or
lutes and tune ihem in the Sad/a Gnwia «ts it was understood in his
time. The intervals of the '^adja-Grama were known to ])eople and
they could therefore tune the l/Tna i.e. hx its frets so as to produce
the "^cidja Grama. Having tuned both the Vhuis in the '^adja-Grtima
we are further asked to put one of the Vhids so tuned aside and make
changes in the other one according to his directions. The other Vtna
in which these changes were to be elfected was to be tuned to Madh-
yama GrZima by lowering the Pancama to the pitch required for it in
the Madhyama Grama. Having done this wc have to convert the
whole F'tna into Sad/a Grama again, but without touching the new
Pancama which we bad tuned on it for changing it previously to
Madhyama Grama. The second Sad/a Grama couLl be obtained by
changing all the other frets i. e. by lowering every one of them. Thus
the whole Vina would come down by one imti below the Sad/a-
Grama of the first Vina which was put aside just for reference. Then
the next step is to turn the new Sadj’a Grcwia again into M adhyama-
GrTima by lowering as before, the Pancliama by one irtifi and then
again this Madhyama i'lrama w^as to be converted into Sad fa Girama,
by keeping the new Pancama intact, i. e. by lowering all the other
frets except Panchama by one Sruti. Now in this third Sad/a Grama
we will find that the Giandhara and Xisada of the changeable Vtmi
have come down by two Srufis and have coincided wdlh the Pasbjia
and Dhaivala respectively because these are two Srutis lower from
their next higher neighbours. The Coincidence of the Rsjdjlia of the
Vtna kept for reference with the Gandhara on the C'hangeable One
and the coincidence of the I^Iiarcala of the reference VTna with Nisada
on the Changing Vtna could happen only if Srn/i is a definite unit of
musical interval, not otherwise.
Taking thus the Srud as the standard unit for measuring the
degrees of his scale llharata gives the following .t/o/ea locating the
stytnSzmras of his Sadja GrTwia in term> of Srutis.
^CATUS-CATUS-CATUJ^^CMVA SADJA-MADH VAMA-
PANCAMAIi DVK DVK NIS ADA-GANDH ARAU TRI?iTRT
RS HABTlA-DHAlVATAr\
Literally this means that Sadja, Madhyama and Pancama are
each of four irntis, Gandhara and Nisada of twv) each and
Rsabha Dhaxvata of three irutis each. Actually it means that
Sadja Madhyama and Pancama are each at an interval of four
irntis from their lower neighbours i. e. Nisada, Gandhara and
394
16tH ALL-INDIA ORIKNTAL CONriiRENCE
Madhyama respectively, than Gandliara and Nisdda are each at an
interval of two irniis from tlieir lower neighbours i. e. from Rsabha
and DJiaivaia respectively and Rsabha and Dhaivaia are each at three
irutis from their lower neighbours i. e. from, Sadja and Patlcama
respectively. Thus in terms of the numbers of Srutis these intervals
are, counting them from Sadja upwards 3-f-2 + 4+4-f-34-2+4, The
Madhyama Grama has all these intervals except the 5th & 6th
as the Panchama of this Grama is lower by one Srxiti and Dhaivata
will therefore be at four Srutis from Pancama. Thus the Madhyama
Grama will be counting the scale from Madhyafua itself upwards,
3 + 4+2 + 4-1-3 + 2+4.
These two scales were the basis of the ancient system of music.
The melodies of the ancient music in India were called Jatis. The
Jatis seem to have been certain tunes or airs which were commonly
known all over through popular songs. Even today we have in popular
music certain types of songs such as the Haul and Ilhatiyal in Bengal,
Bana-Git, Bihu-Git and Bora-Git in Assam, Rasiya, Sohar, Birha,
Goth Sawan, Hindola in U. J\, Mand Mewada, Alha in Rajasthan,
Rawanmunia in Bihar, Dadaria in G P., Garbiin (nijralh, LawanI,
Powada, Abhahga in Maharashtra. Quite a lot of these songs are
sung in tunes which are common. All together there may be about
couple of dozen such common airs of Dhuns as they are called in the
common parlance all over the country. Did the Jatis refer to these
Dhuns? It is an interesting qustioii worth investigating. Technically, the
Jatis were tlie music, the Dliwanl-Svarup, of the popular songs, of
those days The music was analysed independently without reference
to words and classified according to the Sraras occurring in them and
their treatment. Their scales, starting a id cl">^ing cadences characteris-
tic phrases and their keynotes were determined. Most of these Jatis
were named after their key notes, for example Sadji from
Sadja, Arsabhi from Rsabha, Gdndharl from Gandhdra etc.
We have already seen the two basic scales of Sadja Grama and
Madhyama Grama. Some of the Jatis were supposed to have been
composed out of the Sadja Grama and others from the Madhyama
Grama. But the Jatis were not produced directly from the Grama. The
Grama*? did not give a sufneient variety of musical intervals for the Jatis
to fit into them. These intervals were obtained by a process of key-m adu-
lations, i. e. by shifting the Sarf/a from its place to the successive and
lower degrees of the scale and this actually meant that the names of
the successive w97>'ara.y, Sa, Ni, P MA etc., were to be shifted to the
successive lower degrees of the scale. I-et me illustrate thjs point.
Supposing the Bilaval scale, the basic scale of the present system of
Hindustani Music, were considered as the Sadja Grama. This scale
is almost an equivalent of the C Major scale of the Western Music.
It runs thus: — (S R G M P DH N SV These notes
thus sung in succession make a certain musical effect. I shall now
sing this very scale starting fr mi the second note and ending it on the
INDIAN music:
395
octave of the second higher more ROMP DH N S k. This very
scale sung in open voice now : — A A A A A X A A.
This second flight of notes creates an effect totally different aid
distinct from the one created by singing the scale from the first note to
its octave. Let me sing these one after another now.
S R G M P DH N S R G M DH N S K
A A A A A A rV /V A A A A A A A A
Thus by such key modulations a number of modes were obtained.
These modes were known as Murchanas. These Murchanas are
actually so many scales of music from which the Jatis were obtained
with one Murchana starting from each of the seven Svaras of the
Grama there were seven Murchanas in each Grama. Thus all together
fourteen Murchanas were recognised for practical purposes. There
was a third Grama called the Gandhara Grama and its seven Mur-
chanas, But that Grama seems to have gone out of vogue in the
times of the ancient authors and they just make a mention of it.
No melodies if any obtained from this GVciwta and its Murchanas are
referred to in the Granthas. The Jatis of the Granthas have all their
origin in the two Gramas, Sadja and Madhyama and the fourteen
Murchanas, The Murchanas gave the flats and sharps of the Jatis,
The which are today the basic idea of tlie comparatively
modern music of India were supposed to be evolved out of the Jatis,
by means of certain modifications considered necessary for developing
the melodies extempore and independently from words.
Bharata does not describe Ragas in his Ndtya Saslra. He gives
all details of Gramas, Murchanas and Jatis, but does not say a word
about the Ragas,
Matahga who had flourished a few centuries after Bharata is the
first author on music who has referred to the Ragas in their technical
sense and defined them. PI is work is known as Brhai-DeM, It is
impossible to say when exactly the ‘Raga' came into being. The word
is a derivative of the root ‘Ranja’ to please. In literature . we come
across the words ‘Anuraga and Viraga’ which are the derivatives of
the same root (Ranja' as independant words. But the word Raga occurs
in the context of something else, c, g. Gita Raga and Mukharaga
when it means pleasing effect. It seems the word Raga was in vogue
in this sense only before it acquired its technical sense in the context
of music. Certain features of Jati which made particularly pleasing
effect were selected and developed musically and were called Ragas.
We find that names of the Ragas were formed from the names
of the /a/L' themselve=i on the one hand, an 1, on the oth:r fr)m the
396
16rU ALL-INDIA ORlLNfAL CONi‘LRE>Cfc:
style in which they were sung. There were distinct styles of singing
which were known as Cittis, in which alone certain Ragas could be
sung. These GJtis were iuddlia, Bliinnay GaudJ, Vesara Sadharant,
The names of some of the early Rdgas were Buddha Kaisika, referring
to iiiddha Gtii and Kaisikt Jati, Bhinna KaiHka Bhinna Glti and
Kaihkt Jaiif Gaud. Kaifika, Bhinna "^adja Bhinna Paheama etc.
^ Several authors after Matahga such as Nanyadeva, Parsva Deva
Sarahgadeva followed Matahga’s system and classified their Ragas under
Gramas, MTirchanas and Jatis.
In the meanwhile the Alusliin adventurers came into India and estab-
lished kingdoms and settled themselves here. During the first few cen-
turies of their rule they had little time for art and culture. They were
totally engrossed in building up and consolidating their sway over seve-
ral parts of the country. By the time, however, that Sahglta-Ratnakara
was written in the thirteenth cenlurv the Muslim empire was established
at Delhi under Allauddin KhiljT. These Muslim rulers were most of
them passionatel}^ fond of music and patronized the art though in
their own way. Along with other indigenous things they also
accepted the music of their adoptefl country. Amir Khiisrau, a great
scholar and poet at the court of Delhi, was also a great patron of
music. ITis contribution to the modern culture lies not so much in
anything new and foreign to India that he is supposed to have intro-
duced here as in the efforts he made to pojiularisc the indigenous art
and culture of India under state patronage, l)y modifying them so as
to render them easily accessible to the common people. The great
cities of those days were most of them military camps and what Amir
Khusrau did was to introduce and pojuilarise manners and customs, art
and literature of India into the military camps. Thus the common
Indian language mixed with Persian and Arabic words and phrases
became the language of military camps of l')elhi and other places.
Manners, customs, fashions, music and art resulting from a fusion of
Indian, Arabic and Persian life and thought became common.
The SehlTir was a made easy of the ancient Vind, tabl'd that of
the Mxdanga, Qaawii''dlt was a Muslim adaptation of the Bliajan and
Kirtana, the Prabandhas of the ancient Indian Music were modified
and took the forms of Dhrupads KhyTils. The Amir does not seem
to have had time to look into the Granthas on music. He seems to
have interested himself only in the practical aspect of music. He is,
however, considered responsible for a good many innovations in our
music in its practical form.
But a change also in the theory of music seems to have come in
after ^araftga Deva. The system of key modulations seems to have
given place to a new idea according to which all the flats and .sharps and
all the Murchanas or modes were brought within the range of just one
Octave i. e. Sa to octave sa.
INDJAN MTSIC
397
All the musical intervals, tlats, sharps, natural, double flats and
double sharps used in the melodies were collecUed and arranged one
al ter another in an order of succession between the key note Sadja
and its octave This was done even before Sarahga Deva and hence it
is that we find in Sangtta-Rainakara itself all the intervals which he
used in his Rcigos ranged in one single gamut. And yet Sarahga
Deva does not seem to have got out of the Murchanas. He defines
his Ragas in terms of Gramas, Murchanas and Jatis. Indeed, in some
of liis Ragas he refers to the hfurcliana just to give the starting note
alone of the Raga. The actual scale of the ^Rciga was obtained from
the Jati and the mere mention of a Jdti should have automatically
determined the Murchana because a Jati was itself derived from a
particular Murchana. lUit Sarahga Deva makes a mention of the
Murchana also. Thus the Murchana determines only the starting
note. Some later Granthakaras have also followed him in this.
The Grama Murchana and /a^j system was abandoned and the
Ragas now began to be classitied by some musicologists under parental
scales of Mclas which are known in common parlance as Thatas and by
others under the Raga-Ragxnt system. The latter was prevalent in the
north. Thata-Raga classification became more popular in the south.
It is very interesting to note that while, on the ono, hand, the Grama
Murchanas gave us the idea of the Meia-Raga classification, the
process of producing Raga<: out of the /afi\v, suggested, on the other the
Raga-Ragint process, 1. e , the piocess of producing Ragas out of
certain selected ])arts or Angas of a main broad Raga,
Ramamatya, the author of the Svaramehi Kalanidlii who can be
easily called the father of the modern system of South Indian Music
seems to have been the first man who made a list of full heptatomc
scales under which to classify the Ragas in vogue at his time. All the
subsequent authors of the South Indian system of music have followed
Ramamatya’s idea of Mela-Raga classification atid explained their
Ragas under this classification.
In the north, however, opinion was divided. Some of our musicolo-
gists here created the idea of classifying a group of melodies as
derivatives of, or related to a certain Principal Raga. They selected
six melodies and called them Ragas and under the heading of each
they put six other melodies more or less of a lighter type and called
them Raginis. It is not possible to explain why a certain melody was
allotted to a certain Raga as its Ragini because the actual musical ren-
derings of these have gone out of vogue and are lost to us, there having
been no notation system in vogue then and therefore no illustrations of
the Ragas and Raginis in terms of musical intervals are available.
Even today some sort of Raganga classification does exist in the
modern system of our music, though we do not consider the melodies as
Ragas and Ragints. The Kdnhadas, Makars, Sarangs, Kalydns,
398
IGxri ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Bilauals, Natas, Todis are classes of Ragas accorcii. g to Ragangas.
But the old Grantha classitication of the Ragas and Raginis cannot be
revived now for the reasons vve have already discussed. The Thata-
Raga classification appears to be a fairly reasonable classification, and
our Ragas are grouped under this system today. Having once grouped
the Kagas under one common heading according to their musical intervals
and calling that group a TIiTita we may further divide them into smaller
groups according to the Ragangas. Thus we have Yaman, Bhup,
Siiddha Kalyan, 11 amir, JaiR Hem as varieties of Kalyan in the Kalyan
ThZita, inddha, Alhaiya Yamant Deogiri, Siikld, Kukuhha, Laichaskh,
Nata, Sarparda as varieties of Bilaval under the Bilaval scale, the
Ragas of Khamaj Ahga and Desa Anga under the Khamaj Thata and so
forth. The /va( 7 a.y of Hindustani music of today are classified under
ten scales. The scale gives roughly the intervals that are to be used in
the Raga. Among the notes of which a Raga is formed one is called the
governing note which has another note more or less concordent to it in
the other telrachord whicli supports the governing note. The governing
note Is known as Vadi and the supporting one called the Samvddl. All
the rest of the notes are known as Anuvddls. In a proper adjustment
mutually of the .S'a/i/c'ar/r and A//m/a^/F.9 with due emphasis and
accents rests all the art of rendering a Rdqa. Let me illustrate Raga.
We .shall take the famous Darbart Kdnhadd. This Raga has the
Svaras of the .Har'ar? scale which runs as follows.
S R c; M V DH A' S
All these intervals are used in Darbari Kanhadd. The governing
note oi Darbart Kdnhada is Rsabha and it is supported by Pancliama
which is the Sami'ddl Svara. The note Komal DJia occurs only in
the ascent i. e in going up the scale. U is omitted while coming
down the scale. ddius it is always N P and never Dll P M, or
NDPIPM. This Raga is sung in the midnight when there is a
Mahfil. I am not this moment singing in a Mahfil and can be excused
for singing it at this hour. There is one special feature of Darbart
Kdnhadd. In fact it is a common and distinguishing feature of all the
Kdnhadd varieties In all Kdnhadds the Komal Ga is always oscilla-
m n”* m r»^
ted. It is never held up steady for instance G G G G Similarly the
DJia of Darbart Kdnhadd is also oscillated. The Darbdri Kdnhadd is a
favourite melody of classical musicians. It is certainly a very
solemn and effective Raga. Let me try it.
S, R d[i 1)\{ N P, M P l)\[ N S N N S N r,
SR D [f D [1 R .¥ S Af R, R S
M r r
R R, G G G RS R, G,
S Af S M R S .¥ S R DH DA AT P, M P D!J N S
INDIAN MI'SIC
309
p P in 111 m
M M F. M P G G (;, M R S iVSRMRS \\SR D:J 1)7 N P
iM P/G/ K S
P, M P, DH n'll yV s /;// V § i<, k
s in ni in m
S?iY S k l)H K P, IMB (] (i G (;, RS R G S
There are about two hundred sucli melodies in vouge today.
These are as I have pointed out a few minutes back, classitied among ten
Principal scales, These scales arc, BilTwal, Kayan, Klianiaj, KabT,
Asavart, Bhairavly Bhairava, PJirvi, Maraz'a and Todt. I shall demons-
trate these. Idle first scale known as Bilaval is called the Suddha Afela
because it ts through this scale that a student of music is initiatetl for
the first time. The notes of this scale are known as Suddha or stan-
dard This scale is, as I hivesiid before almost equivalent of
the C Major scale of the Western music. It runs as follows
S R G ]M P DH N S. Out of these seven Svaras two namely S and
P are known as Acala Svaras because they have a one fixed pitch
relatively to other notes, while all the rest are called Cala Svaras as
each of them has two pitches one higher and the other lower between
which it moves up and down. The higher variety of each of these
Cala S^Kiras is qualified as Tlvra or sham, while tlie lower one is
called Vvumn/ or fiat. Idiiis we have R Knmal, R Tivra G KomaL
G Txvra. M A'umal, M Fivra, l)h Komaf, Dh Tivra, Ni Komal and N
Tirrdi. These ten and the two Acliala Sz’aras namely S & P give us a
full gamut of twelve semitones. Let me sing the full gamii*: in Ihe
order of the notes. S A R G (i M M P Dfl DH yV N S. The
Bilaval scale contains S, R Tivra, G Tivra, M Kama!, P Dll Tivra
and N Tivra. Hence R (i DH N TTvra and M Komal are also
qualified as .Buddha as they form the Suddha scale
The Kalian Scale has Tivra H G M
DH N beside S & P K G S R ( i IM P DH N .'s
Khamaj has Komal N and the rest,
all iiiddha, S & PEG SR G M V DH S
Kahli has G, ^ N Komal, the
rest iuddha S & P E G S R G M P DH iV S
has G, DH & .N Komal and
tlie rest iuddha S K P K G
S R c; M P DH H S
400
16tII all-in l)l\ ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Bhaxravi hdiS d,\\ Komal Svaras be-
sides S & P K G S R G M P DH N S
Bhairava has R & DH Komal, all
the rest inddha E G S A’ (7 MDR DH N ^
PTtrvi has R & DH A'OMAL, M
777/rrt, the rest Siuldha E (7 S A G AI P PH N S
Man,' a has R K(^mal and M Ttvra,
the rest Suddha EG S A c; MDR DH N S
rorfF has R, i \ Sz DU /Comal, M&M
Tlvra, S & P E G S A G M P DH NT i
Ragas are formed out of these scales by omitting some notes from
the full scale or by suppressing some and emphasising others, f have
referred to the Vadi Sam7’ddt, and Anuvadt Svaras of a Kaga.
Every Aa^ga has a distinguishing passage of tones peculiar to itself.
In omitting notes totally from a scale to form a Raga a general rule is
observed and it is this 'that not more than two notes may be omitted
up or down the scale. A Rdga must have at least five notes up or
down the scale. We have therefore three kinds of Ragas namely
5'am/>urna, Heptatonic, having the full scale, Sadja, Hexatonic when
they have six notes only up or down, and thirdly the Odava, pentatonic
when they have five notes up or down. It is not necessary that a
Raga must have the same number of notes or the same notes up as well
as down the scale. It may have the full scale upwards and omit
one or two notes downwards. This gives us a very large number of
melodic patterns.
One Rayas are interpreted in two ways, namely Anibaddha and
Nibaddha Gdna. In Anibaddha Gana the melody is elaborated extem-
pore according to its rules either in open vowels or certain syllables
such as Te, Ne, Ri, Tom, Norn, in a more or less measured pace. This
Anibaddha Gana is called Alap,
Ragas are also composed in songs, closed forms as they are calle<l
which are set to a definite .system of rhythm and definite composition
of musical tones and which have words. The oldest musical com-
positions known to us are Jayadeva’s Gl^a Govindam. This a book of
musical compositions on the lines of Prahandhas which were in vogue
in the ancient system of music. Prabandhas, Vastu, Rupaknm were the
compositions of music which were mostly in Sanskrit, !^arahgadeva
devotes a whole chapter to these mentioning a very large variety of
Prahandhas Vastus and Rupakas/ The songs of Jayadeva's Gita
Govinda arc still sung though it is hard to say whether they are sung
INDIAN MUSIC
4Q1
just, as they- were composed by the famous podt. The l^agas of the
songs which are known as Asta-Padts are not in vogue today and our
musicians of today sing them in any modern Raga they like. Thus
we hear one and the same Asta-Padi sung in a number of different
Pagas,
The Prabandhas are not in vogue today in their correct forms as
they have been described in the old Sanskrit works. Our modern
musical composition are Dhurpad, Khaydl, Thumri, Tappa, Tar and,
Chatarnga in Hindustani music and Kirtanams. Kritis, Varnams,
Tildnd, Pallq,vi, Javli, in South Indian Music. If we closely study the
forms of these compositions we shall find that these are just moder-
nised and modified forms of the ancient musical compositions, the
Prabandhas, A Prdibandha had four or five parts namely Udgraha, the
opening stanza, the Dhruva, or refrain, the MclZipaka, and Abhoga
and, in some, one more stanza called Aniard. Our modern composi-
tions have four three or two parts, known as Sthdyi, Antara,
Sanedrt, Mahjha in some and Abhoga. Compositions known as
Dhrupad have some of them all these four. Most of our modern Hindus-
thani musical compositions have two stanzas only, namely Sthdyi and
Antara- These stanzas are more or less of the s>ame nature as those
of the old Prabandhas.
A Dhriipad is a serene type of song. It is a classical form of
the Kirtanas sung in our temples. The distinction between a Kir tana
sung in religious shrines and a Dhriipad of Rdgddrt Music is that
while the aim in singing the Kirtana is to create a feeling of devotion
for the deity of the shrine by repeating phrases of its praise occurring
in the Kirtana with a more or less constant cadences of music, the aim
of singing a Dhrupad is to create a musical effect by embellishing it
with a rich variety of musical cadences and rhythmic forms extempore.
The drumming in accompaniment to a Dhrupad is done on the
Mxdahga. This instrument is played with open palms and with some
vigour so that the whole atmosphere is filled with it deep and loud
sound.
A Khaydl is a sort of lyric in music. The very meaning of the
word Khaydl is a passing thought. This is a type of song which leaves
the musician free to develop his melody with all possibilities of musical
expression by human voice. It is full of miends, dldps, Behlavas,
Khatkds, Tanas Zamzamds, in fact all the graces of music are demons-
trated to advantage in a K/mval. This type of songs was popularised
by the Muslim rhusicians. The subject matter of Khavdt is varied.
Most of the Khaydls have for their theme one or the
other phase of the Alamkdra idstra particularly the Ndyaka-Ndyikd
Prakarana. There are two types of Khayals. serene and light. The
former are modelled on Dhrupads and are rendered in a slow tempo.
The light types of Khaydls are said to have evolved out of the Bhajan
and Qawwali. They are sung in a comparatively medium or even fast
402
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
tempo and are elaborated with a lot of running Tanas. The drumming
in accompaniment to a Khyal is done on Tabla,
A Thumrt is a purely amourous song. It is a very small
couplet. The words are repeated with a variety of musical cadences,
musical graces, so as to emphasize the word sense. A bit of gesture
is also resorted to particularly by professional women when they sing
a Thumrt,
A Tappa is a type of song introduced by one Ghulam Nabi popu-
larly known as Shori Miyan, These are said to have evolved out
of the Panjabi folk tunes. The language is Panjabi and the subject
matter amorous.
• XII-tHindi Section.
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404
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405
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406
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t qsi^'t s> «tT^ TTTSf If fST^ n>0 %
«r1 ’d^i^ d ?ra % snw 30% ti
t ^ irgT »T> ws sm sTsrr % i
WT Tj: Wf ^TT ?ft ^ 5TT ^tm %
ST tIsI W»TSTT WT ^ If TTO ^TTTSKWT f ^ST JfSir ^ II «> «
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mF^c sft f* ^ tTTtscfT wrf^^ ^ f" ii
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gft sail ?T> ^T^*lf gf^risnT ^r ^ ii”
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^ftsn 1 1
407
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?ftf«nr TT»n5iat f ^ firo
^S?T ^T SIHsfiwST fttsft W WVTTT Tf T ^ I silftT ftt ?TTft TFTTT ?>
1 1 ftVftrift ft ftpPT TiT«r!^ Ti5«q li«nr ft ft tt ft?i|
TTH ^*nft«TRft JT5T TTrftwrsft "fttsT ftrsft 1 1 f**# ft ipcnr^ft^r ^
w^nftTT^ s^ir^iTT ftpftt ft? TOft warftrTi ft? Tsfft? fftft? ft?? ft?^
TTTft iw'mT TT**i>f5T ft iisTT Tf *T?T I f«?rT-?^9r, ^5p9 WWT? ft ?Tgi5:i|
f*«? ft ffaift ft? s^iTTTT ft?T fftft? ft ^TtrT’r w'htt spr ^nfsr i
ft?5««i Ti^TTsft? 5rT?fft*Tf ft? ^ft? sr?;iT fftft f? f i ft?fi«T!r w
f Tft?5TT??E, ^srft? ft?®rrq, grsift? TiTift?fr, aftiftiT w infi? ?TTft
f 1 sf?f «nr TT»^ft? ft?T iT?-?rTftr?«r 1 1
f Trft ftfvff ?rr^*irH ft?? gSP«P ^ftt fwaft tf i
ft??"!? ft ftft?9rt3pT icT srwra n?PTft? ft »reer«*TTH :^*«tit ft f??iT| <Tf
TfT 1 1 8f?y«*!r ft ?T ft?fft?T wrft sTw «t tprft? f ; —
“?f< ir«riT TRfl^ ftgT? TTI?T«IT f '^ifft^TT? ft I
gift 5*r<r «r^r?T^ rs vri? aft tt^st iRranr? ft ii
irft? 8ia«ir gfft? ft? aw aa Tra afawf wfe atf aft! i
ft?a w« 5a ft ^ar ^ ft?g- 1 ?« ar ft «rra aft! ti
ft?a arw? atT? aa arft a?a a>wa ^rw aft! i
ft?a ft waft ?faa ftwft? ft?a arar ft?a f?ra aft! ii
ft?a a? azwift aft! azwz aarr afft awa fwarif? ft ii cfV aaa® ii
X
X
X
408
an ^ ^ i
^JT frt igtt ^ SIT ^ STg[lT5T 3^ >srTf M
5»r TTn iRitwt sTiT ^0 ^wr ^>3; h fsf is i
fl^TS # snsf 11^ sws't gw fifw tfT qrs ii
gw <T% fw^ If grwt ws ^ f?iTi s^rir ^fiaiits^ ^ 11 ^f*r gniTo it
wTfKsm^wiT ¥t wTwwr fjTTumftra «ts ^ it 1 1 ^wirt w??-
^urir u>»w |: —
“ww ww> wijft ^0 gwiT wrwsws % 1
f Sfl^ % 'RW wft fw? W« ^ 2 % II
WVrSH TS wwf wfws W2% I
^ ^wswr^ ITTW WWlp W2 wzi Ii
^T »WBf % Iwf 5WS ^ws ^ w;t% i
wfnwT % ^5^ w^s ^ II
fRW swTwgi^T % Rf R ( tsr ? ) ww W 2 % 11 f wl^ %<> 11
W5?wwiT wis llreffi^ww ^T sfe ^ trs wr?0 ft wW«T«rsTr
m wf <wifw w?T swnft^ f; —
“f^s ^ ^5T srw w^at wwlr g:’s % gi's wnw ww 9 bt i
ww wiw 5sf ww vr?w 5sf, 'an ^^w ligsf aw ww fwwf 11
ww sT w waw wra aw ww a? g^fa ww giir wiw 1
aw WTW wiRW ijf 3Bra wwlf ffswa w^w ww wra 11
w^t wTww W35ls waft ^fn fwsfiw ^s wfwilr 1
^ w:fs w w« ffa aO wfawf wrfa wfwra ww if f giRiw 11
wfa swTfw wra wsw wa ais wf^ wr^a fir# ww>fs ws 11 ffs« 11
wgai wf?F f«BW JiwTs fwg'm wiwai ^ ss^ t wf w'l 'Jwtw ^
wft*w I, fwjw fwf%a ^ fw'f ^f asTfsar t 1 w^wr, ?«ar wis srwwffar
wO w:ai5W3R wfts wt^atfcwsR swtwwt % w%a fwsf sfl aawrw f i
‘‘ww w»>% wr sfT ^ wiiaS #, f^gr fwwr ysnr ^st wraft »'f w>wt if i
gw wrsww.w> fasTiBTS wfWwrw'V, fus ^ wtt wwi: fa swtw wawrwt 11
WT> sTw jfta 3^ WTW wd i arTsft, ww w>ffa ^ srwwfwar 3ps wf stwI i
409
gH f’sc «*il irjf h
sT^f 5r*T?ir iTH Wtar % ^ u f^rar ii - .
X . X . ^
^ arurfjTerr ^ ’wr?, ?nr | ^ w?ft t? ^ nr^ i
gq wer ^ f w?, f ?*Tr 7 ^rr*?? 5 i> «s il
fnFc ntffr^, fn vfT ( wff ? ) ^iir srr? i
^?Tf wfsrT ST #gr>«t #, T%S( r<'?f vrgft ^srV^ t ii
?ig«ir f«ff irerf fsrg'nr ??f 9 !T % irf^^r 3 ir^ f %
ift»«r 1 1 ffsr S 'rr ?fr 1 1 h ar^ fajift aff
sTa S fa? aiT i«r t a1? a?j^? a?f a? arw 1 1 aga
fWg'nr ar?J*Tr ar «?» ^a? ^ aa^ara «Tt a^crah a1? ?j;'^ araar ar af?a'^a
«Taar 5 ?iaaT«ir ^ara ^ % a>»a 1 1
“fa ^ at? aga r?[a az%, aa faar fS ?^at? as az % i
at? aar a? f?« ^ a 2 %, ffi? atar fa^ ara g^ftn ?2 % ii
f?s^ ?a aaa ag;? a?r a^ fza, ffa ^ afaa aa faaa a$ afj % i
^ ara a^ % t ga^ az%, aa faar aaa tj;« ii
XXX
aa f¥ara ar? aaz % az %, ffa ^ Tr% ^"t^r? a>f aataz % i
fa? af? gf s afz a?^ % az a, af aaf??ft fa arfaa ara?az % ii
ara faar ft g^aaa az az a, ?j# a? aft a^? f?ft a? az% n”
f?rt aga atf t ajaf-aa ataat arsa ar af aar? } fttW araata
area af aat f i f alatatsa a'l af r ar aaar t aaifa afaaia at
aaa faaa f>«ar # t • ^ra ara aJar, a^?f?a alar,aa5ftar,
iff a>ar, ?ar alar, gfrataf^a, aar wTft[ aara fa
araarat % gaa f^a 1 1 fa araaiat % *ffa aaar al 5 tfa rrtf ar, aaara
«ff? arasf at araar g? afa?a % ?aa saa f 1 1 1 1 ara aaar a?aar
aarft fi 'at?'f afaf t saa fa f i fat llaft ar aarf faafa I, aararara
ar aff a? %a5r ff aa arraaiat ar qa ara ff aa^a faai ar a%m i
fVr»afriPaa aftf ?a ^?f?a aar ar aw f: —
^'ftra aia ara af?Ta ara a| t? 1 , 5a f?f f tf^arara w?a If t?f i
grwraa aw fst? wp faftf, a? aa?a t?> ara aff ar^ 11
410''*
wr twn ?ji|, wvm wn ^ tiYr snfJr ftrtNrr| ii
giJf’jsr w II ^ II
g»i ^suf ?r!T*5r *m«f<r wrjB 5 ^ w^ 1
fR f<CTI fW ^ ^?r wfh WTcT JUnm^RIir jf^R HR ?fHR II
JR^RnfRRIR HRRTR RRT ^TT II RT>» II
X X X
^ HR HR HRrsi sftfer fsR Rfir RTR RTH ^ RIR HRf ^ Rlti^ I
RfR^ Rfe 1% J^R ^R nfR d R? RRR rVrtH II
HfT fRRRR HRIR HRf *f II ?T>o ||
>^RRrR HRRTR RfP ffRRTT>, ffV R% # HIJ Rfr fH Rl^ I
INiR RTT) H%RR «ft? RRRT?ft, ?% ^R ^ HTR RfR RRRT^ II
f?HR RI[HR ^ gRR RRIRR II fH Rt)«> II
^HH R^fTRT g??TRIRf^R ^ SWgR fspRT HI ?fr f I
“Rttrsnr ^ ?tRiT Rr^ ftiR ^ r> rSI r^rt RfV?nRT 1
R»t ^ RR f RR RR RR^Rf, f ^ rH R PcR> RRIR R« ^ ^RT II
RgRR RR ^ JT^ ’jffRR RTR H^RT, ftlRR^ R?% srjj R>d RRR RvftRT I
5R Rf> RRT ^RT, ^ RR^ R!R 5»5TH RTRT »
gR^ Rf^ RR RR RTRT II RT R^R® II
RRRR RRTRR RfRIRT, flR^ RRfllRrRR R? RRR> fRRRTRT I
RRfR R>RR Rr% ^ ^ R!^ fRRIRT, RRT JR RTRR ^ RRT fVTRRTRT II
RftR R> R^R RTr R^ RRIRT, rI RT? fRRT^ RR«ft RTRT I
?ftR^ RTR RfR RR ft ^ R? R> RTRT II RR R>f • «
f'KT ^RT RR R> R»^ Rf RR> R^R fttR R^ RTf # J^R? I
RTsft ^ RRRT rSr RT^ sft %Rf , RR RTR 5«»ir rH RRrI RR%Rf II
R> fR ^Rir f W ^ ^TTT, R> Rft RTR f ^ ^ g^Rf I
RR g* RRRTRT II RR R>f® «”
^ RTRI'f^ R> gRR % RTR-RIR RRRT ^ Rf% RR^ g[R^ rIr HIRT
RR^ R't Rr>R R^ RRTRR R^ I RTRsftRT^ ^ RRTR ^ Rni'RgRRT RT R2 %
RftRR SRTRR ^RRR RT R?RRR ^TRRftfRT RT, RftigR RT, RIRRT ^ fR**^
RTTftc ICT RR^ J^T t I % 5TR RR Rtif
r!r^ ^ fRR^ R^ t— •
411
, “f « am ^ aw 9m anml mjc ara % ?i? aifti^ ant i
fai am t artn^rr nR maf aft aftS, aal*m nt % l[Tf Tm art n
sjfWT n arfrraT jaft f> nt afti, arfna % arw^ ^ sn^f aftJ i
far n? aft arfrim ail an| ^larrt ii am «”
4)t % if apf^^ar aft ftftam I afta ammff
aw amtw Rtm imr t <
“far a>qfyi ft ^ ^ mtnr, aparmtm ar> fftl ^ w mtm i
snr tfft 'Tfspa ^ar^r artf mr ^am, ^r ^ai war ararw warn n
nar f > wrar arma % arra ^-cram, tm ?r> §arf«> wt aianr i
fts^t wr arsif ftaft wr ft# wasar, ara # wrer n# ft ^anr ii”
fST wwfttvrftf WT ««rm ararft wftwna jT arfflat # jft w>a wftrw
aw fwa aft # wra arrm^w ^^^ma farar ft arrft | ftiJfft nrwr^ftsr arranftiw
ftirfn wla anmw fgrwrft wr <T<rr 9mm t, »T?ft niatr % araaiaw ft
wwft WT g-ww*ff ffm aiT afr t »
“nlmar ft ft arw ft# ft «rrft, f#f wf arra^ nfsrw ar tft arrft i
ar? WJi 1»T ft ftft, t art f f ftw aft^ ft f f arf^ ftft i
I w«T amt arun ft fjrft fti, gmft ftarr araarma ft f ft ftft i
arr? wanfft t wr *ft ww m«> u fft tlo n”
farar Tfwaw warftw ftarrf aft ftwaamr wr f: —
“wrft 9i> ^ ft am aaftrar % ft arf ftft warft f i
amr w> waft ^ ft wc a'lft amsrft f ii
twt ftft ftt ’BTf’T I \
mft 7ft f ft ftr^t waft 7> wrft 79rft f ii
ftw ft ^7W> n ararww Wfa n wf ft wrar 1 1
ftwm fta f fm ^r^w) war tw wrarn t ii
ft arrrasft ^ anft gauft wwr f ?{ arar t i
5 fa ftarw wa wft t fta wrrwf wrar t ii
5 ^ 1 5 ft am f*m ftft ft faift ^ farft S i
ftrft w> ftS WTWar ( garjaft ) far arfarft aiwift ft ii”
412
fuf jf*T «T««i ^
t I ipi' SWT? % «n ^ fSWT n*IT
1 1 iTit % ?nT«T ^n?t <Tf al t, 'ktt#
w wra 'irw il a?? ^ ^rf'^er ?>5rr t > xT ^ «c«xt % sral^
^ ^«T«rt»T fW »rTr I i sTtr xrf^fJTr, jT jt ^r sr*Tr^, sTu »'t »Tf 3 [Tr,
Wf^, ^fWrT, wrf^ %
ftsxrr JT«rr 1 1 jT <T^ fs?T % siw? jrar;^ ^pr n't ^^rner f ?rr t i awsf’p
9 Pr 1 1 ^ 5 T 5 rT^jftirr^ ^rri «r w«t sirsir
fip 3 -!#^ ^r ^^rna
d tj'T«ir ?TWT ftr^grr 1 ?rr»iif«ia ftj «Tr fjra't-^ai spr.
grRfjft ?ITrf.HT f»T 5 im t »
qf# iTxt ':*rT 5 rr Wlr fq ‘^rr^rt i^r’
«nfa>tr fhqr qr 3 i> 'PTqqft qwq ?|| 5 rsp f 1 wqnlq f^^TsrwT
*qi'q 3^’ «P> wsral f 1
0>
“qt qr> ^qr? qqqiqrr cqrqrr to q??
qrq 3«r «[> qrr^ «i^q t r{^f«BH^r 1
Stq qfti 5 T gq qr ^ qq q>qq qq qqqr t II
«pfT f^qrq qq xjjtqr, qf*! qt qrqqr 1 11
qrrq't^qT qnfeqr fq^r qq qqr 555! *f ^qr 1 11
qrt Jj? wq qr^r qq qqqr f •
qiq qiqwr ^ qqrqr, q^q q^ qi^ qq spt II qrq 35*10 h
qq ‘q^ q|qq’ «> q^«^^, ql? gfqq f« qf fqq qqr? a'sqt? qhft
1 1 qjTT^ft wsq S- qqfqa qrffT qlr fq=? ^ q^q-^lq ^ qff 1 1 qqr S
‘gqqfqq’ ^ qqt % T'q 5 qq qq 1
fWq f*^ qff % q^q fqi Sf %&, q? ^ 'jqrqr qqfq qr^r qq ^ 1
qq qf qq w gwrsp f" qq giq qrf««R ^ fW ^ ^r^q ^ 1
ftiq qip qqr q^qr? fqr fqqq t?>q fwr ^q ^fqqr qt f^sq ^ 1
qfP qqif ^ qfr qq* if II qr II
qt®^ 5^?c f^q # qq% t, qqrq m qq^ ?^qq J «
qft qrft f«?q qq ^ ^ qq% t, %9 q^f ^ qq qq qf® r^rl qrii% 1 1
wq*! t q^ qrqtq q? qqq ^ ^ 11 q? ^o n
X X. - - x
413
irlr^ ?WTt % sr> *r>5rr If ^ »«Tr ^ sTflf it^tt^ i
ftiT ^ gf afHW »ft ir VT? %o II
jpr qf iTHW prr % ^ ifnr-^ig^TT «n[#
5iTfif I $iT nm «T «rrf wnrjrr jpfssr t i iT jft ^ ^r|l ^ m?ar
f> I i ir^f^r t Wlf iT^ft ¥t ^
5nfl t ^1f ^?T% f^oT; «Tf ftnir^^if zs ??1 f jf«T?!Tf5rr^«i ^
arr^fh^ 5«n«nc ^Br ?ir»?i wic f?TS a-f^-f^^ ^bI ^rftHfsra
<T? «JTTsr i ^>ifl w'tr'ift % ^ »t «Tr vf r gp^
^T^TBT f:—
% wIrw tzra^. asB ^ TTjft \
«fg; ^ »T? Brr^ af^^T «rl stt^, sf?TT ?b>^ 5?t ^rarr sct m ^ I
t ff«r ^ ^r fam? $ ?ar^, Wf? ^ f ^ f ^rd i
^ arwr ^ ^rmal ii ^ agu-* ii
BTi^ ^ KKfl gnrft <Tra) «t*t%, nw ^'1 1 ^zr ilsi w*i 'a*r% »
«Bf % mg[5r srTfjTfa ^jt%, «Tf f 5rr# sira % mr % n
famf a> g^ f^^srar ii f? asr® ii
^ sTjft ‘wt# f):tr’ sT w n?at ^ fn? z>jt f fr f^, bw ?r1
15^% ^fa^iT gsT ^TRT «r^ nm i irf^TT ^ a-^ ‘mt fara*
^ f*rarr i a?T^ -ww? sfia^r nr i sTwt wla nar i ^fWar gjz bSt
iTift ^ ^=?T aa nar n?T a^T ^r srr:a ars aar —
a> t a?T fa®rt ^akft fz »i| af gPiar aira^%f^^ 5 i
ffa ^iT?[T f*aT a Sf at, a> t ai> ^ $ a*!^ w i
ar aazTT aa# faar a^r at^ ai, aftf gin ^ aa^ arr ar [
fT aaf aT^ ata>al # ii fz a^ af o h
laa aiB aar a^ af^ S arar, a% ^ ^ar ^ gata> ^ aarar—
^a ‘fza ^ »ftarO’ # af faa faaaar ar fl z^ar t i fira taar
t, a? aaa at*! f>at i
“^a aigjal ^Tf, ai«ft ?i??t.a|ifl a^, ax^ a? aza aza a? I-
. ai# afi a! aT%, art atal aaa^ at at^*i
. 45a% j^sT^ ^ 3a; an^a aland t •**
*rw ^ ‘ifhT jPwt’ ^ I % iT T» n;w
^wir <ni4itfk*v <fl!«rmHi f> >Ti^ I % ^ Wtr wr f »rf f>
aril i l^r «> f wt iT u f%*rr ^ f is v> |in«f wr^, sTift ^
«> 4^ «WK«T ^ ftniT I
^‘^fwrm WHK % iTww vi ^'tfr, ^wf 9 ;t«s% f ik ^ snar a>fi i
^ fiwnpt wj?! ftT«5rr t, f ^ ig'w't ^qr ^htst ^ »T>fr i
t Jt? 4t ww ?RW Cnrftwf, qrr *T*n hitr; % 4^ itf t ^ «f^qf i
ww ^ ?TW5« % »niT q? «iqft, Wfu with: % ^ «rrc i
# it ftw«> *TTT qft qjrqrt, in%T ^ j'wr wr?r ftjqr qft »
5w w> ^ «ff ll qr nnio h”
fiqnwqt sTf^^i 5 b> ‘^sqr’ | f«sg if fti4t
qft qf^TTf Hflf 1 1 if »ft arriT# f iq*T w % qsvrqt % g;qr 1 1
sr irf^ S «T irftarq ^ ftr?^ q? ?rq^ ^sqrt^prqr 5 1 1 «wrf5r<s
^J2«B f f%5f fimqr‘ffte«rrarr qn>i« qrqit i ^qi?n 1 1 qrhr
qftqt a I, %«iw sfqft st^ <if ?qt t —
qtsT t 5?%^! ^ ^ si^T *1915 w t i
«w# i Wtq nqrn t ^ ww t 4i ii
fwqrriiT wmnqT ^ nftwq «r> 5fit 1
mq'^ ^sr «pr ^fqr f q«iqnm 11
«w «TTltiiiK ^ nit ^ nr wnr qinr 1
TfT^ nfq ^qit t ft*?npt it qnnr 11
Ii qr«T»t wn 9 ^*fq nqi ftp qn t n> 11 wn^o h
ftp^ni 9 ipnr qt m «b> i
^qnmm nftnq ft ftp %, fftsqr swft tv «
wH gn> Hri^ wfT ^ pqft fti^nrsp «p> 1
f'ft ft ftpn iriq wr fftft ftpftt «> v« t ^ “ ^3® H”
qrwift qnft[«n ^ «nn«r%r4i «t qnnrp ^ % wrq ^
^tqft % pnrwar ft qVnrq qrs^ wmftftr^ n ^ft 1 qrmift % 5p^ %
^T»Pw ft fw *ft Wn % qrft[ft qrftft ^ nf n ijgiT ^ nrfisn fte
gwn: fthsw«n f, q^nr mft % fwq qftr «ft?i gw pw*^
^nfti % I5 9 1 ft «iqftinf i[P^ ' sr^f ftrqft nf f« mf 9« w
415
wr ftpiT wr*i \ ntsl 9 wrt w ftwnt f>irf
t, « <T?^ t Jwft« ft nr^ ^
^ ^ »?rT?ft f, f«i^ wrfsftfr^rt 4t S ^ ^<jf«T
^ f»hi ft ft»ft I
ra?T irw? «Tm<Tf ^ ^ «f«rTflE?rT ff«T^ i| 3reft uw
«l?ft # »ft f ffmft ^t ffrt «t ^TfsrTfT 1 1 ^ ^ snif f f wt^rt «t
‘f^T’ 8TSf «T ft ( fjH «lff-«R|ft ) irft»T t W^t,
^ft, tff't f^ftr, 3ft «t I ‘wtf «ft
^ fw TTf ^ t PTf5&f I ^ 5iTf at f frProfw w ff
‘3ft ft f I fs^# frrw? ar afar «n "KrT^ft w ftrar t fff
f wS -wf^ wsf ^ f 2Tf r-f f Tf T 1 1 «iTf ftf r# ^ f ^ ftf r ffTf tjji wf:qr flt^»
fiffT 3irgr 1 1 ?nf fv fa?^ wrar^ aff t —
arn far 3PT5r t S ^ai tf am i.
fTfam k. It a^ar w # mn «”
»Rr??ft % spr at aft fr^ far 1 1 aafr a^cfitit, ‘ftf ir’iftf'
w alarm? at? faar ‘af? a^?’ ‘a^? a^ar’ ^ arf ftfarrar t fu? *ft
‘aaa’ faaat^far a faafft i aft ara at? at?t % ?nam^ at ari|^fHt 1 1
f^raf^faa ar ( %aa ) arar? ‘at? gam’ t, ( a*!^ arfwrga a^
aifarga )
“aa ^ ara? aa t aft gar?r, »fnr t af a? f^r a^ ar j[t?t”
“ff? aaa aatf aa agO ?rara? f ‘afffr^t t \
gaa aaraa aaa g arf a^ aaa ara aaarft t”
( at? gararfta )
“a#ft ffr at mrift t, a»ft?t ala ftrarO t”
[ araataT?t a at? %a^ afr t, at? a^a (araa^a gara^
) f aar arar? I J
- ^ 9^ ?t t?t ars af? I
ara gad aa aft afr, ^ fra a ?ft^ ^? at aa?”
[f^ ‘aara at? aat?’ ara ffar aar t, faar arar? at?‘aTftra’ 1 1]
»TTfT, g-f nq mk ftwt fqi?r V*
“qf qsfT qrsft m qrN, <9^ st isftc i”
( »m5pft ')»3;!|;’T 'Rqt^si, ’K3;«r )
“5iT«?T W[»if fqqr ^ «TT ?5 3frSit i
q? fqq qt ft ftjqi % ?Tt^ if scrqit «” ( q|c qjrqr )
$tm ffd ^r qif t ^ qwfrq 3iw1 «ff, f^flfqrq ff
% wq “qqrir” qrsf ^it jto>*t f^uar nqr 1 1
% f^T % f rf f f ^ »Trqr|t^
qt q^ qrsf «Bf fa^ 3 it 5 qwfq qif'sr^ ^Tqrl % qrq f qrrqqq^afT
1 1 ^Tiqit^qft ^ q?ft qpfmffai % ftt f i ^ qrrqqiqrir wqr-
% f^q q;T??ft % qrs^ asr ^qrnar aR% g-?! f?p«T «
q?|qi ST *n i srff qjTTrft ^t«q ^ qqtsi prr t qff "KrT^ft % qrs^ ^
qifqq ^qrsTlfq^ ft t, ?'fT ^ wqT f f , qrgftf^?! qrl^ qqt
«qT^ I » spf1f-sp^ qT qT^ qrs^ SET sft srsftsTf s»^r t » gr^' % qrs^
SET wqr fW qspT? fqri t f% STtsT % srqif ^ q qRsp^ Hf'f 1 1 “qT?rrf % st1?Tit
^ ^ tqrqt” qrd »fm ^ ftsft # «rq>fT ^zr ^5 it ?T^at ? 1 q^ ft n't?!
$ T? q^ If 'f ^ ff ^ t ’fr?«t sft qqrqgft 1 qf^rg; qrrqq't-
»iq sETqftftrftr st qsT^ftf f«rf «t qfT^ft q^ qqqq't sft fqreft f 1 ^
«iq*ftq-qqfq ^ f ^ q'fjiiqf snf^q ^ srrqt f 1 srsTorr^fur ff^
EET t, qrq # SETqTft % qrs^ s^ qgqrqq t —
“w If qqsT qnqqrqft m vqrq, fqrr g-fl^ qg # JW jjrg i
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( 54 ) MeER A3 A MaHSIYA WpfTER
by
S. Masihuzzaman, m. a.
Lecturer Deptt. of Urdu,
University of Allahabad,
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VI. Pali and Buddhism Seciion
( 57 ) The Advent anj) Development of Tantrjc Elements
IN Buddhism.
by
Rev. Shanti liaiKsiiu.
Tantric elements were given a place in Buddhism with its popularity
in the lower strata of society in which these were in vogue in India
before the advent of Buddha.
We can know a great deal about these Tantric faiths from the
Athrava Veda and the Kau.Uka Siih'a. The Application of various
mantras in specific emergencies has been mentioned in the? Kauiika
Sutra, while the miraculous effects of various drugs and inanis has
been described in the mantras of ^Atharva Veda*. Tn the Indian
Ayurveda system of mexlicine, where drugs have been prescribed for
various diseases, the application of mantras has also been advocated.
Generali}^ the application of drugs, manis and mantras was recommen-
ded for curing mental and physical diseases, and also for obtaining
supernatural powers. The mantras and drugs endowed with divine
power of mantras were also employed as a protection against the evil
oi Bliuta, Preta Rdksasay Drahnta-Rdksasa, Asura (Demons)
Af 5(7(2 ( Snakes'! etc. We find the description of the divine properties
of these drugs, mams and mantras in the ancient literature at many
places. It will suffice to see any sample of the Atharva mantras. Of
the powers of fndramani it has been observed that whosoever wore it
could see Ihe earth, the heaven and the skies, could see everything on
all sidesb Similarly, about the influence of an other jewel Jangida
Mani, it has been described that this Jangida Manx eliminates obstacles
and keeps at bay those who devour us- It is a medicine for all
(our ills). May it save us from sin. Given hy the Gods, this Jangida
Mani gives happiness to us, and by the help of this we face obstructions
and also the ghosts that cause them^. The intluence of other manis vie.
PratisarOy Varana, Darbha, Auiumhara, iatavara, Astrta and iahkJia
have been similarly described^,
Tbus we see that in' the pre-Buddhistic age, manis, drugs mantras,
etc., were used to get divine powers to brave natural and super-natural
obstructions. Buddha himself mentioned the uses of several medicines.
488
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
but only for curing diseases, not for obtaining divine powers. The
Bhaisajya-Skandhaka of the Vinaya Pitaka describes various treatments
of diseases together withjlthe treatment of ghost troubles, but cure by
the use of medicines alone has been suggested, and there is no mention
of using any mantra or tantra or a magic formula. Only the Jtanatiya
Raksa^ has been mentioned by liuddha to get rid of supernatural
troubles, It is difficult to say when Buddha preached this Sutra but
if we consider it to be an interpolation according to some scholars,
even then this was included in the Tripitaka during the regime of
Vattagamini when W\^ Pitaka was written. Thus, after the Sthavira-
pitaka had been writt«in, it was not possible to interpolate Tanlras there
but the Mahayana Sutras whose number was not so limited by
recitation or writing tended to make more room for the Tanlras.
The Mahayana Sutras describe the difficult practices of the Bodlii
Sattvas and there was no room for interpolating all the types of
Tantrasadbana; that is why Tantric treatises had to be written
separately. But all those Tantra books were not believed in by the
people Unless they wore the stamp of the sayings of Buddha, which
was not difficult to manipulate in that age. The masses believed the
priests blindly and whatever they said was accepted. Wc can know
something of the tactics which were adopted to put Buddha's stamp on
Tantra Books, from Tibetan tradition*
There is great difference between the dates of four very significant
Buddhist festivals, celebrated under the Tibetan and Sthavira traditions
respectively^.
According to Sthavira-tradition Vaisakha Purnima is Buddha’s
Anniversary Day, but according to Tibetan tradition, Buddha preached
Tantra in Dhdnyakataka on the same Vaishakhi Purmma. So, in
Tibetan Tradition the Anniversary of Buddha was transferred to
Jyestha instead of Vaisakha and consequently, other dates were also
advanced by about a month.
In this sermon on Tantra in Dhanyakataka Buddha said, *'Aftcr
four-tzvo years of my passing away, a man will be born, greater and
nobler than myself.”^ According to Til)etan Tradition, 1625 years
after his birth this great personality, Vajraguru, went to Tibet. After
living for 55 years in Tibet he also visited Lafika (Ceylon). Thus, the
Tantric preaching certified on the one hand by Buddha in iiis sermon at
Dhanyakataka, and on the other by the prophecy made by him that a
greater man would be born, reduced the importance of Buddha and his
sayings. We. therefore, see that in the face of this mythical Acharya
of Tantra. Vajraguru or Vajrasattva, all Buddhas and Bodhisativas
appear to be insignificant.
TANTRIC ELEMENTS IN BUDDHISM
m
Why did the Tantric tendencies enter Buddhism? In order to
give a correct reply, we shall have to lake a bird's eyeview of the main
tendencies of Buddhism. In the Hinayana the three purifications have
been emphasized for the development and salvation of beings. The first
is the purification of ir/a (conduct) for which Buddha has advocated
morality in body and speech. For the maint<*nance of physical morality,
lUiddha has greatly emiihasizcd abstinauce from sexual adultary.
During Buddha's times and even before them sexual morality in India
was very much at a discount. Spiritualist Sages and seer^ also did not
attach any sin to sexual rLlations. Itihasa^ and Purayas arc full of
such examples in which the sexual exploits of sages and seers have
been narrated and they were not considered degraded for such actions,
whereas, if someone attempted promiscuity of that sort today, it would
be impossible for him to live in society. In the C hmidogyo panisad we
see the devotees of Vamadeva-saman are not very particular about
celibacy^. How people were irresponsible in such matters is clear
from the episode of the ^adzmrglya BJiikJius and Bhikhunis in the
VinayapitakaK In Vedic age such lack of responsibility had gone
beyond all limits, as we see in the dialogue of Indra with Romasa
Brahmavadint in Rgveda^. But from this, we do gather that in the
]^»uddhist age and before, sexual relations were discussed openly, and
religious people of the type of the devotees of Vam ideva-Saman existed
in whose religion such relationships held an important position. One
can, therefore, understand why Buddha laid so much stress on absti-
nence. l>esides this, wine and meat were extensiv^ely used, cattle were
sacrificed for Yagas and butchered for food. Wine had a place in
religion too and it was openly used in yajna like Sautramani,
Another purification advocated by Buddha is the purification of
mind, kor this Buddha preached the practice of Samadhi which was
not new for his age. B»efore Buddha the iramayas and Brahmanas
practised for self-realization (Atma-Saksai-Kara), Besides,
they practised Samadhi for obtaining various Siddliis (perfections).
I'eople heard I he preachings of these Sramanas with reverence and
offered worship. These penniless ascetics, T apasznns , were respected
more than wealthy princes and businessmen. The wealthy and the
poor, the scholars and the uneducated, all worshipped them alike. In
the Taiftiriya aranyaka Vatara.^ana Sramayas have been mentionedio.
In the time of Buddha there were many iramanas who yielded a great
infiuence on the people. In that age samadhi was a c mimon topic in
Ktiru. There is a mention in the Atthakathd of the Satipatthana
Sitiia^^ that ‘'even slaves and servants talk of Smrlynpaslhana, While
carrying water or spinning they do not talk of other useless things.
If woman, on enquiry as to what Smrtynpaslhana she practised did not
reply, she is scolded that her life was in vain, even though she was alive :
‘You are as good as dead'. And she is preached one of the
Smrtyupasthana. It is, therefore, quite clear that in the age of Buddha
<490 16th. ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONEEHENCE
. the practice -of Samadhi was discussed freely, not only among the
Sramana^s dwelling in \lie forests but also amidst the masses.
The third purification advocated by Buddha is the purification of
vision ( ) For this purpose Buddha divided the world into five
Skandhas and by the law of cause and effect, proved it to be not
eternal but temporal. With tlie help of this doctrine, Buddhist philoso-
phers preached that every exislance was momentary, and on the basis
of this doctrine Nagarjuna advocated that there was no natural
existence of any matter whatsoever. It was afterwards infiuenced by
this doctrine of Nagarjuna) Asahga and Vasiibandlni developed
Vijnanavada ivhich considers the external world unreal and lalse. We
shall see later that these issues had to play a prominent part in
supporting the Tantric tendencies.
Accepting these three forms of purification the jnahayana pro-
pounded certain other ideals also in regard to which lltnayanists were
almost neutral. '1 hey adopted the corya of Bodhisatfz'as 3.s their ideal
and announced clearly that the joy of ridding other people from sorrow
was enough. To attain salvation for one’s own self was useless; why
should we care for it?*!^ Thus refusing salvation for one’s own self and
' taking' a vow to obtain salvation for all beings beaiinc a cult which
warmed the heart of the people and urged them to give up their selves
‘ for the good of all beings. And it was only for this .purpose that the
'self could be protected and improved and the purification of the self
could be attained by the three purifications meniioned above. Protec-
tion and improvement are possible by means physical as well as
. spiritual. Thus, Mantras were accepted as the spiriitial means and
they entered the sayings of Buddha.
All mantras are connected with gods, whelher they weie Vedic or
Tantric. Of course, most of the Vedic gods have their inatenal
existence*^ but the existence of Tantric gods can be ically found in
adhyatma i. e., spiritual self. They can be contacted by continued
meditation. In iact, they are the developed images of oui mental
sentiments and emotions; due to the intensity of our feeling, we
might assume their images and see them objectively; yet fundamentally
they are subjective and have no material existence.
With the advent of the Maiitras, these gods in tlie various forms
and names brought their own elements of worship which were
hitherto absent in Buddhism. Wine, women and meat were introduced
in the form of means of worship and there was no room left for the
purification of conduct of the devotees. The moral or ethical distinc-
tion between good and bad, proper and improper was lost for the
devotees ‘so far as food, drink and other matenaF necessities were
concerned.
TANTRIC ELEMENTS IN BUDDHISM
491
How did this all happen? What was their true necessity? For a
satisfactory answer it may be recalled that all "these tendencies were
already present before Buddha and were not considered sinful. The
way of morality and good conduct as preached by Buddha was very
difficult in practice for the masses, and though they adopted the same
yet they did not prove easy for them to be put into action in their
purer forms, with the result that other tendencies prevailed upon the
code of morality and good conduct prescribed by Buddha. This strict
a)de of morality prescribed by Buddha for the Bhiksus could not be
called an easy way of life, especially when there were temptations all
around, and eventually it broke down. Buddhism was transformed
into Vajrayana and Sahajayana by the impregnation of Tantric
tendencies. The monks were Vajrayanins in spirit, Mahayanins in
form, and Hinyanins in their order and they were just like the Hindu
Tantrics described as iakta in spirit, Saiva in form, and Vaisnava in
society iff|; ^ %<inqT: ).
These Tantric tendencies did not enter Buddhism either in a short
span of time or all at the same time. With the passage of years, the
disciples who were not satisfied with the teachings of Buddhism,
incorporated foreign elements of worship in the name of Buddha. We
have seen that Sutras like the Afanatiya Kaksa were amalgamated
with Buddhism even before Christ. Many Mahayana Sutras were
translated into the Chinese Language in the second century A. D. which
indicates that many Mahayana works were in vogue before that and
because there were no proper checks on them, they were modified,
amended and interpolated from time to time. Many forms of Mudras
and Mandalas were incorporated in these books together with Mantras
and T>harants. From the lime of Nagarjuna to Harsha the Mahayana
was well developed and Tantric tendencies had fused themselves into
it. In the time of Harsha Sliri Parvafa in Andhra was considered
to be the centre of Tantric where they carried on their secret
practices. Tt appears that treatises propounding this esotencal form
of Sadhana had also been compiled by that time. Aftt^r Harsha,
from the 8lh to the 12th century A. D., in the period of Siddhas, these
practices were openly accepted and adopted. Acharya Indrabhuti who
lived in the beginning of the 8th century explained in his work
many Trantric terms which had been taken from Guhya-
Samaja-iautra. It is, therefore, quite clear that Guhya-Samaja was
very popular in the 8th century A. D. It will be only proper to
throw some light on the aims of the Sadhana inculcated in Guhya-
Samaja-
The object of the Guhya-Samaja-Sadhana is to bring harmony
into the functions of the body and mmd and speech, that is, therd
should be no self-contradiction or conflict in the feeling^ of the mind;
speech and the actions of the body. All should be integrated, unified.'
Such unification into one whole is the ultimate object of SaHkanH
resulting in absolute peace*"*.
16th ALL-IIfD^A ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
^3
j . Such a Slate could be attained by a process of self-mortificalion
andv.such other difficult methods according to some iramana^ a.hd
Btahmanas, But Buddha prohibited all forms of pain to be inflicted
on living beings. He could hardly endure the idea of self-mortilicalion.
The Buddhist Tatitra, 'therefore, deplored self-mortification and opened
the door for self-enjoyment and self-fulfilment in Sadhan'd^^,
'' It was quite possible thai devotees would be suffering f^oni mental
unrest caused by desire and the resultant , psychological reactions
disturbed their spirit. Repression of such, feelings could never be a
complete cure for the ailments of the spirit. Such repressed feelings,
though dormant in active life, would disturb the spirit by revising
when one became passive in sleep. In order to root them out, the
devotees thought it proper to givel vent to such feelings by recourse to
gratification, though only in a modified form. A disturbed spirit
could never attain to l^erfection S3.y s Anangavajra; therefore, one
should not allow suQlvdistUrbance to grow upu^. So long as desire exists,
the mind is natui:ally disturbed. The way to avoid such disturbance
is to keep desire as 'passive as’ ‘roasted seeds’. Such passive state
cannot be obtained- by keeping oneself away frilm enjoyments. Gita
says that peace comes ^to one who gets gratification for his desires
ii^ a natural way, just as the pcean receives the* rivers without desire,
bqt not to one who, desires gratification and does not get it'^. It was,
therfo^e, agreed th^t gratification shduld be accepted to some extent.
Jiist as a Yogi take$: food to hold together the body and does not give
himself away, for the sake of food,, in the same way the devotee
accepted gratification of animal instincts'for their ultimate new removal ;
but surely he was not to indulge in sensuous life.- Whatever may be
the fact, it is clear beyond cavil that though' 'gratification of animal
instincts was accepted in good faith later on many people exploited it
to satisfy the temptations offered by a sensuous lifers and used to
lead a hypocntic life devoted t) auimil grilificatioi as an end in
itself.
Many yogic exerpises were also compulsory in this Saditana and if
the devotees made mistakes, they suffered from many diseases. It
was, therefore, necessary for a disciple to have a teacher who would
•help him. The teacher occupied a very respectable position. When
Buddha was asked as to who was his teacher, he had replied ‘I am my
own teacher !’ But in the Guhya-Sadhana there can be no devotee or
disciple without a teacher. One who haf attained perfection must also
have a teacher, while those who are in the way of attaining perfection
must absolutely have one. Therefore according to Guhya-Sadhana,
those who are the Buddhas i. e., the Perfect ones and Podhisattvas,
whoarpopthe way to perfection, all worship a teacher’^. So it is
clear that the Acharya's position is superior to that of the Buddhas and
Bodhisativas,
TANTRIC EL4j:ME;OT.-3 IN UUDHIIISM. ' . ,
493
THc iakiis of Tathayata also worship the Acharya in the form oi
V ajrap am Tat hagat a who is an - embodiment of Vajracarya, for the
fulfillment oi their desircs^o. And he answers their prayers by
Samayacakra, The effect of such acceptance by Vajrapani of the
desires of the ^aktis was that all the living beings at that moment
became Samyak-Sambiiddha, having knowledge of the three Vajras i. e.,
Siinyala or absolute void^h
The Giihya-S ad liana aims at the harmony of the mind, body and
speech and 7'a///a^a/a^ and their Saklis occupy a proniinent position.
It will, therefore, be opportune at this stage to consider their conccpiion.
According to Huddhist Philosophy the whole of this universe is said
to have evolved out of the five SkandJia^. In GiPiyn-Sadhana these
have been taken as five Tatliagatas. The Skandha of Rupa
(form) is called Vairocaaa, ihc Skandha oi Vedana (feeling) is Ralna-
sambliavay the Skandha of Sanijiia (conception) is /IniitabJia the Skan-
dha of Sa}uskaras'^ slates) is Amogha-Siddhi and the Skandha
of VijTuina (consciousness) is Aksobhya. The philosophy of this
Guhya-S ad liana is .^unyavada i. e., the doctrine of the absfdute void and
according to this doctrine, the existence of the Skandhas is not indepen-
dent. The absence of independent existence is ‘called Sunyata i. e.,
absolute void according to Madhyamikas, This void is the nature of
all things2-2. The Vajra-satva is the embodiment of the absolute void,
and so are the V ajradhara, Vajrapani Tatliagafas etc. The Acharya is
also the symbol of the same. The term Vajra imlicates sunyata or
absolute void.
These five Tathagalas have five families (Kula). Rupskandha
belongs to Moha (ignorance) Kula, Vedana-Skandha to Ir^ya (envy)
Kula, Sanijha-S kandha to Raga (desire) Kula, Saniskdra Skandha
to Vajra (void) ku\a, V ijnana-S kandha to Dvesa (hatred) kula.
Similarly, there are the following five saktis in the same order: —
1. Moharati, 2. Ir.jvarat/, 3, Ragarati, 4. Vajrarati and 5. lAvesarati.
The names of these kulas and Sakt's are expressive of the nature of
ihe Skandhas. ¥ or Rupa-S kandha includes earth and other
material elements and its nature is to cover or obstruct; so does Moha
( ignorance) and therefore, Rupskandha belongs to Mohakula^ This
applies to all the rest respectively. Saktis have also been named accord-
ing to the five Skandhas. They are not only the symbols of the nature
of the five different Skandhas but also representative of the four Dhatus
or elements. Mo/iara/f is the symbol of Earth. Its another name is
Tara. Ragrati is the symbol of Tejas (heat), its another name being
Pandar^vasini ; Dvesaraii is the symbol of water and its other name is
M'dmakl. • All these and their ^iaktis have been described
along with their diflferent symbols and colours^i.
According to Buddhist doctrine, the mind body and speech have all
evolved from the five Skandhas as mentioned above, are void. The
16 th AUI^INDIA:- OSIEtmiJU i CONIIBicftHCB
ddCtflae^of vbi^ hagHab^realJ spdpft 'andlaigniinsatti^ ■ in \SSdhatiTt. A
dbvbtde<wh<y.vr^ttt 9 .>tb' attain < p«a6c,t iiSboulci amperatilre^. 'la^Cuih^niSbt'f
ft*^e ftbxff’all t^ifes: :«rliBtsoeydr ;! Jiife ddbtcihejiof liroid helpa .inii^^
TehbiiciaCiMf; isiiicV d^sSrexianqotsubsiat-ibrt something'
ridlHing><ol%-ilA Jolheriwbrdsi: vbidifij Biiii* itds nat.eoniebft to saijr '{that\; V q^
is'-'oiily' ihe^ationii ‘->d<r/iary 0 !'iV’o^atf««a/ihft$'..said tihat (bd3«i;»h0:)ar€
entangled in eternity can be saved by the doctrine. (»£■ yoidj but.vthdSt
who believe in the doctrine of negativism cannot be cured^*.
‘ . ll'l ',1. -.i . I /;j i- ^1. I U
' ' H’h^^'dottfitibo'P ybid/dri the ortfe hatidsitJ'rbV’ed'the.Bbfti.exbteniCiK.of
efei'hlty, ahd bh'the other destroyed- the 'whole' edifice of sociat 'thoralityf
by its mcotppi^&tioh In the Tkntrasv^ The^eode of social raoraHty ^wa^
ntit' O^l^'deisc^eSd hS^^^^^ but also pfoyed to 'be useles^, whicli, hoiw-J
eVet/did'. nbt - reStiit ini any’ good ‘la'ter 'Oii.i 'H-oWeyerj ‘ff- they .were,
prbved to’ b6 ;uSeless> ' hO one wduld- Have- adopted fhfe principles' of
Cb|iy^r-,5'«d/lprt5.‘’'* YlnS ' Wegligertce’ o/'.the'- code of'' social.; moratity.
i^CfftWl^n Ohcoittf aging cltkot'k practices, in respect of food, drink and
dth^r ^atiflcatidns- in the period of the Siddhas'^ ■ ' '• • ’ '' / ' , ' J i "
--'i . ■■ .1 '.I'.'r, -l;, , "..i’,','.
• ■' ". -. 5 ! i '.•li' r, 'I
. ' Ai 'the five sfebadhaf were changed hstoi five: Lytyani jiRsasfd'fW, .sAOll*
la'rly Other gods related toiOthepabotEinesrchanged, their forms,
eilterit wh^theydnteredi.Bnddhism. '^ffra/tmS.wos^aCtepted as theifV;o.id;
of the body, IfWo as’ the ivoid df i speech 'ind as .the, ly.oid i)9f,
rftind^a.' 'These godfe ebteredlBuddhisim 'in the igarbi'ofi Buddhist i:gp.4^.
but their fundamental character remained unaltered. Thusj the p'dl’ship,
of iltva as an emblem of creation, brought with it some of its sensuous-
qeas.iptp l^pddhi^iti which , was , espepially . susceptible to such fqpign
■ ••i*'''. u'vf, I '■ n:
v.’.'l'l S.'l' V I-;.!.''! ' 1 V l.v. ' I ; 'i ',
'' Xhltk^'^We' five',attfji:fer4JF''.of tfie'T?airtriW'enieretl Buddhism primarily
to, afeiWt’ip’ydgii tO'o.btaiA'S'tlfirf/fiOf (Htrfectioh. '^he desire’bo.ohtalmn*
sWedy'petfectiod'HvaS^aitlly r4spdhSlblfe/’for ihle’ entry of these klied
efeai'enVs 'in'','Buddhi^,''^‘,TKe tilasSes '<yiiir)i’'beHeycd itt ’supernatural
tlie/Triftif^d^ trienVib'rf^W^^ of '^n?^adbsJ and
mki\V €a!ri^ to 'fh^ it 'Arfa^Juatiiraliffpr
tb yxbiyit^ obt^i <sid(ilhi3i\k)y]
|o bfl^aurutdo b&
<foH^ra^tl'^itftm^raSy^ac(i%‘f itteVhifdSf/ i\^A\.r)V\ Sy\Z'\'
ornx.n I'jfUo ^}i Unr. i'jUvn lo f(»dfri7fi ofil ki hin-Tio^irr ‘.I
b^jdrmob rmd t>7Sjl ‘jioH) l.iij; v.ii\iivni\urV* ff/- .lADuinirt
In such practices loWc^:*Utfi4©esI«fcsdcitej^c»rt»o*i5ftfipo$^^
higher positions, which discloses that these practices were virtualfy of
the
^vfi ^nf moil f)9vIovi>
rmob fjtj'jd
oW
upper classes in the field of religion andp^hilpsophy. There was a
great upheavel amongst the lower classes/ whicli ^gaVy" ‘^r%fe^4o new
intellectual and religious conciousness, which, in its turn, after the
decay of Tantric age, produced some of theibdstlsiairits/in/indist, ix4xnely,
Kabir, Dadu, etc. This consciousness was alive till the time of Tulsi-
ifad h6-ttfes^6j6pfelle3t tpcmflfitjfOnSt.ijn^.the/fpllpiyjpg/^^
‘‘The feudras challenge the Brahmins that they ^^u^ras) are not
inferior to them. Whosoever knows Bral^i^an is^a Brahmin'’27,
496
16TfI ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
1. Atharvavecla IV, 20, I.
2* Atharv avecla 11, 4, T,
3. Atharvavecla XIV, 34-35, VIF,
36, Ab.
4. Dighanikaya Siitta 32.
5, X. 3, xrx, 28-33. XXIX,
Difference
in days.
Dates relating lo
the life of lUicldha.
Tibetan
tradition.
Sthavira
tradition.
23
Birth
Tvestha siikla
7
Vaisakha 15
30
Enlightenment
Tvestha siikla
** 15
do.
40
Turning the wheel
of 1 iW .
bravana
.^ukla 4
Asadha 1 5
30
Parinirvana
JyesBia 15
\^ais»akha 15
6. ha na myahan hclas lioglu
lo ni bzi biiis hclas pana.
ha las lhagpa skyebu hbyuh.
( — 14 jam (li)ailsrt rgyiidj
7. na kamcana pariharet lad vrataiu (Chandogya U[)anisad Tf.
13.1).
Com. of Sankaracarya : “Kamcicl api slriyain svatmatalpa-
praptam na pariharet, samagamarthinlm, vaniaclevyasamopasa
mangatvena vidhanat.
8. Both the Mahavagga and Culawagga.
9. Rgveda I. 126, 7, Brhacldevala IV, 1-3.
lOi Taittiriyaranyaka, Prapalhaka 3, Anuvaka 7.
11. Dighanikaya, sutta 22.
TANTKIC ELEMENTS IN Bt^DDIIISM 497
12. liodhicaryavatara VIII, 108.
13. BHiacldevala F, 61-69.
14. (liihyasaniaja P. 11.
sT#sr ii
ll f^uliyasamaja*]^. 27. •
16. Praj nopay abini'^caya 5, 40.
17. Cllta II. 70.
18. Prabodhacatidrodaya, Act.
19. Guliyasamdja PI\ 137-138.
20. ( fUh\ asnnia ja P. 145.
21. ( luh\ .'isania ja P. 148.
22. nt jii!Fc«?T>-rr i
rlUT ll Advayavajra Saniiraha 1.’. 42.
Skandhas Tathagatas Colour Sign tetter Kulas Saktis Other Elements Colour Sign
names oi
Saktis. j }
m
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I
PresidentUl AnWkss TO the ano Pudohism
' ' ' ' ' h ' '
Db. G. P. Malat.asekera.
’ I ^iiii deeply conscioii*3 of the honour conferred hpoh' me by the
Execiitivfe Committee of the All-India Oriental Conference in' havih^g^
elected me' to preside over this AtfguSt gathering whire there are so*
hiany dthers much more ‘eminent than myself and, therefore, more
worthy of oech^yiiig thife Chair. I consider this honour riot so much as
a'dislirieiiori cotif erred Ofjort ’inySelf personally, but rather a’s a gesture
of good will towards 'my eburitry Sri Lanka' where Pali and ^Buddhiiit
Studies have tri spite of numerous vicissitudes, gone bn interrupted f6r
thore tlmnlwo thousand years. 1 bring to tou, therefore; the greetin!^
df niV people, and 'their good-wishes for your continued success" arid
prb^^perrty. ^ ^ ^ \
* I ;fl '•'’ < ! i ’ 1 ^' 't • , ' ■ ' ‘I .f ‘
< .fj, 1/ ha vei been reading, th^ couple, of . woeks^ reports offtjie
[pfriOiCeeding? of t^heiT aniiuial conferences and, .1 have iio^icedi ;\y^h,.jan
increasing sense of awe, this it has beqn the: civstpm amipag Pre^idgpfli
of these gatherings to contribute very learned and exhaustive Papers.
1 should like to say at the very outset that I do not propose to follow
thdir^ exam pie, both because of ^inyi JnjabiUty emulate thdin^r.lri this
reipecti and also because I,, veryi hjijmbly. o| epurse, have. a' $6me)yliajt
different conception of a Sectional President’s duties. I feel that^ ^
C'hairman’s function is to be seen rather than to be heard, to so guide
View
may *
m’scmteritly,
vJ.I-U’Li Jll
ungS^^^K’uy‘Sotfe?T^rTnot^elffle<Afvefy/}rif6rmklv‘V^ thanf'ih^hH^^e
nffic^flnp.*^' f y^i4i>ftihchi tliei^P^i^e,
sir. fel'jDidu^ 3K3rij ni ?noiTr.iiifrir,}C3 Ironeir ,noiJ
500'
16th ALL-lNDlA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
I should not wish, however, to he regarded as a revolutionary,
throwing overboard all the concentrics observed at these conferences by
my distinguished predecessors. That would be to do them dishonour.
It has been their custom, among other things to sa}^ something about
the work that has been and is being done in the field of Pah and
Hv\ddbist Studies in different parts of the world and L propose to take
ihy cue from them in that respect. Ft would both provide ine with a
topic for the speech which 1 am in duty bound to make and also servo
as a record for students and researchers in our section of ilie Oriental
Conference.
It is grati^'ying to note that, with tlie advent of a certain measure
of peace and tranquillity, after the devastations of the last World War,
there are signjj of renewed activity in numerous centres of learning in
our branch of study, in common with other branches. Such activity
is all for the good of the world, for our studie'^ in particular are not
aUid.yannot be purely academic. They are associated with a religion
\vh^ch for twenty five centuries has provided a way of life for millions
of. human beings, a way of life whicli has brought them happiness and
peace. The significance of its teaching is as vital today as it was when
iijr^t :prpmulgated by the Sakyannmi. To the present world, too by
jstrife and stress and anxiety regarding our destiny, it has a unique
nicjssage of courage and hope, for it teaches that the welfare of
humanity and the happiness of the world are entirely witliin the control
of men and women themselves and are dependent not on some
extraneous power which rules over our destinies. Workers in the field
of Pali and Buddhist Studies, therefore,, are directly or lindircctly also
missionaries of the teaching, torch-bearers (ukkildharal in a world
tliaf awaits and heeds enlightenment.
May I begin with what is happening in my own country of Ceylon,
bC(:aUse I know what is being done there belter than 1 do about other
religions ?
You will be glad to hear that the excellent editions of the Pali
commentaries published by the Trustees of the Simon Hewayilarano
^3equest has now been successfully completed and that a beginning had
been made with the publication of the text of the Pali Course. It is a
pleasure to recall that in the formulation of the scheme for these publica-
tions, the late Dharmananda Kosambi, of revered memory, played an
important part. iVs you probably know, in Ceylon, the temple schools,
called Pirivenas, are the chiei centres of oriental learning and there
are at present many of them in our ever increasing and flourshing
condition of activity. In several of them, besides Sinhalese, Pali,
Sanskrit & Prakrit provision is now being made for the study of
English and also Hindi, this enabling students to wider their horizons of
knowledge, under the aegies of the Government Department of Educa-
tion, annual examinations in these subjects are held by a semi-official
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO PALI AND BUDDHISM SECTION ^01
body, called the Parachina Bhasopakara Samiti (Oriental Studies So-
ciety) and many hundreds of students from all over the Island sit these
tests, which are in three different stages. Preliminary, Intermediate and
Final. Those who are successful in the final examinations are expected
to write a dissertative on the completion of which they are given ’the
title of Pandit. There is also a post-graduate degree, that of Saslra-
visarada.
In one of the leading P’rivenas, the Vidyalankara Pirivena, near
Colombo, which some of you who have been in Ceylon, have probably
visited, a modified Sarigiti or recital of the Pali Tripitaka was started
last year. Manuscripts of the various t^xls have been obtained from
temple monastrics and these are collated with the published versions in
Roman, Burmese, Siamese and Sinhalese Scripts. The variant readings
are noted for further consideration. The proposal is to publish a
complete critical edition of the Tripitaka. It is expected that the
recital will take two years to complete. Meanwhile, the All-Ceylon
Buddhist Congress, of which I have the honour of being President, has
inaugurated a scheme for the publication of the Pali Tripitaka, with
Sinhalese translation, text and translation being on opposite pages,
similar to the plan adopted in lock’s edition of the classics. Three
volumes have already appeared, of about 500 pages each, containing the
first section of the Digha Nikaya, Samyutta Nikaya and the Culla
Vagga of the Vinaya Pitaka. I have been appointed General Editor
of the Series and 1 am happy to stale that the work proceeds a pace.
Eminent Scholars are giving their services for the translations It is
expected that the series can be completed in ten years. In the Univer-
sity of Ceylon, Buddhist Civilisation has now been added to the
Curriculum as a separate subject. It is at present attached to Depart-
ment of Pali but it is expected that a separate Chair will be located
sometime soon. The services of a Scholar from China have been
obtained for teaching Chinese Buddhism. Very soon it is hoped that
provision will be made for Tibetan Buddhism as well.
While I am in Ceylon, I must not omit to make mention of the
great activity of the Dodanduwa Island Hermitage, presided over by
the Ven. Nyanatilaka Maha Thera whose name in so well-known in
connection with Buddhist Studies because of his numerous publications,
the most recent being his Dictionary of Buddhist Philosophical Terms,
which is an indispensable volume for students of Buddhist philosophy.
His pupil, the Ven. Nyanpanika had published a valuable study of
the Satipatthana Sutta and bids fair to be a worthy follower of his
teacher.
The very welcome news has arrived from Miss. Isoline B. Horner,
the indefatigable Hony. Secretary of the Pali Text Society of England
that the Society’s programme for the publication of the Pali Canoncal
texts and commentaries is nearing completion and that the volumes now
in the press are issued the part of the work would have been finished.
502
16X11 ALL-INDIA oriental CONFERENCE
The Samanlapasaditla is now complete and the patakopadesa has been
issued. Much progress' has also been made with the Pibata concordance,
compiled almost single-handed by that veteran scholar, Mr, F. L.
Woodward, working in his lonely farm in Tasmania. Volume 1 of the
concordance is now ready for the Printers and it is hoped that printing
will start before the present year is out.
Miss Horner has also finished her translation of the Vinaya Pitaka,
which is being published in the Sacred Books of the Buddhists senes;
and thus added to our manifold obligations to her. But neither
Miss Horner nor the Pali Text Society can rest on their laurels. Most
of the volumes of both texts and translations are now out of print and
await republication. It would be most desirable thing if these volumes
could be re-edited before publication, especially the texts, because many
of them were issued while Pali studies in luirope were yet young and
there are, as was undoubtedly to be expected, shortcomings. These
can now be remedied in the light of further advances in our knowledge.
Unfortunately, however, while reprints may be possible at a reasonable
price by means of philosophic processes, new editions seem to be
completely out of the question because of prohibitive costs. Several
volumes of the Jataka translation have been reprinted by the Cambridge
Unversity , Press together, without volume containing a summary of
several jataka stories. Here in India, it is a matter for greet publica-
tion that Dr. P. V. Bahat has now completed the publication of his
masterly translation of the Arthavargiya Suira.s from the Chinese
originals together with his fascinating study of these texts in coinpari-
son with the Pali Atthakavagga. We all eagerly await the publication
of his comparative study of the Pali Samriapasadika and its Chinese
representations. All students of Pali and Buddhist Studies owe a deep
debt of gfatitude to men like Bapat and Bagchi, B. C. Law, Nalinalisa
Dutt, C. V. joshi and N. B. Bhagavat for their unremitting labours, the
results of which are made available for our benefit in various publica-
tions. I should also like to make reference to the continued work of
the Sino-Indian Institution attached to the Visva-Bharati at Shanti-
niketan and their very useful publications on Sino- Indian Studies
issued under the editorship of Dr. Bagchi. These studies are of the
utmost value to students of Buddhist culture and we most sincerely
hope that they will not be interrupted for any reasons whatsoever.
Mention should also be made of the various editions of texts in
Devanagarl characters and translation into Indian languages, more
particularly Hindi and Bengali of books which continue to be published
by diflferent organisations, some religious, some secular belonging to
the Pali canon. While these publications serve a useful purpose no
doubt it has to be said that not all editors or publishers can be congra-
tulated on their achievement. Many of these publications leave great
room for improvement and seem to have been undertaken without a due
sense of responsibility. If I might offer a suggestion, I would ask that
likely editors and publishers should take as their example the adipii^able
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO PALKAND UUDDIUSM SECTION 503
volume of the Suttanipala edited by Dr. Bapat and published by the
Aryabhushaiia Press. The, scholarly editions of Dhanimasangani and
Atthasalini issued in the Bhandarkar Oriental Series or the Devariagari
Pali Texts of the University of Bombay, inaugurated by Professor
N. K. Bhagavat. As regards translations 1 would suggest as models
the l^engali translations of the Jatakas by Ishar Ciiandra Ghosh or the
Marathi translations of the Suttanipata by the late Professor
Dhar mananda Kosambi .
This resume of recent work in the field of Buddhist studies would
he incomplete if I failed to pay grateful homage to what has
been done by French and other European savants. During the war the
work of scholarly institutions in France had necessarily slowed down
but once again, with peace restored, the activities of various scholars
have risen to a high tempo, and many studies have been, published
.connected with Buddhism, linguistics philosophical, historical, archaeo-
logical and religious. A organization, known as Amisdu
Buddhisme”, founded in Paris by two ladies, Miss Consdanl Loimsberry
and Madame La lAunle, has (lone a great deal to popularise interest in
Buddhism, as evidenced by the fact that all the better-known French
booksellers now display publications on Buddhist subjects and various
oriental museums give regular exhibitions of Buddhist Art and
iconography which attract large crowds of interested people^ while
broadcast lectures on Buddhist subjects are also being given with
increasing frc(]uency. . One museum, The Musee de.lTIomme” created
in by Dr. Pivets devotes special attention to Buddhist Etiinograidiy.
Technical and practical studies of Buddhist Art and Archaeology are
carried on in the E’cole du Louise and in various Oriental museums,
chiefly the Musee Guiinct and the Musce Cernusta.
Among the French Scholarly institutions interested in Buddhist
studies, special mention must be made of the College de France, a loth
Century foundation, where for now for more than one hundred years
there has existed a Professorship in Buddhalogy. It was in this
Institution that Henry Ma.spero, the famous sinologist who died in a
German Concenlralion and Jean Przyluski, who died during the War,
taught and carried on their researches. Their places have been taken
by Paul Demieville and Paul Mus whose works arc well-known to need
specific description. In addition to these scholars, Jules Bloch, son-in-
law and colleague of Sylvan Levi still continues his lectures and
publications, especially on the Mahavaslu and on Asoka and on the
Milindapanha.
The .Ecole Pratique des Hantes Etudes, a middle 19th century
foundation of the University of Paris, also has a Professorship devoted
to the study of Buddhist literature and civilisation. Some of those
here present will have a vivid recollection of the recent visit to India
and Ceylon of Professor Renou from this Institution. Both Professors
Renou and his colleague J. Filliozat have many publications to their
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
credit and many more may be expected from them. Details of these
and other literary documents are given m the excellent Buddhist Biblio-
graphy started in 1928 by Przyluski and after his death edited and
published by Marcelle Lalou, herself a well-known Tibetan Scholar
Mademoisselle Lalou has also published, for the more general reader^
a summary of eleven years of work on Buddhism in Europe from
1936-1947 in the Indian Historical Quarterly of December, 1949.
Other names, worthy of special mention are those of Mason-
Oussel, who devotes his attention to Japanese Buddhism, Paul Pelliot
(died 1945) one-time President of the Asiatic Society of Paris, Jacques
fcacot author of a book on Buddha and Buddhism, mainly from Tibetan
sources, M. A. Foucher whose works on Buddhist Art have won him
undying fame and also recently wrote a book on *'The Old Indian
track from Bactria to Taxila’', L’Abbe Laonotte of Belgium, who has
recently published a critical translation of Nagarjuna's Mahaprajnapara-
mitasastra with valuable explanatory notes, G. Coedes, well-known
for his studies on S. E. Asia, R. Grousset who has written on what
Buddhism has meant for world civilisation, H. Von Glasenapp whose
work on Buddhistic Tatricism gives us much valuable information about
its secret doctrines, fites and metaphysical interpretation, and last by
no means the least, Guiseppe Tticei of Rome whose Indo-Tibetan
Studies have earned for him a unique reputation.
Portions of Buddhist Canonical texts and translations thereof
continue to be published in various countries of Europe, e. g. Germany,
Italy and Czechoslovakia but most of these are sporadic, except the
Bibbiothcca Buddhica Series, published in Paris. This last is very
well edited and promises to make a valuable contribution to Buddhist
Studies.
I should like, with your permission, to turn once again to Asia.
This time to China, Japan and Tibet. It is well-known that in spite of
the fact that Pali Tripitaka, the Pali Commentaries were known to
Chinese Scholars from very ancient times, no early attempts were made
to have them translated into Chinese except for some portion, of the
common and a very few works like the Samantapasadika. Now, how-
ever, this great deficiency— for it was, indeed, such — has at last been
supplied. The whole of the Pali Tripitaka has now been translated
into Chinese. The work was completed in seven years, from 1938-1945,
during the Japanese occupation and was undertaken by the Ptih-Hui
(Universal Wisdom) Great Pitaka Publication Society, whose head-
quarters were in the Fa-Tsang Tse (the Dhama-pitaka Temple) in
Shanghai. The translation was done not directly from the Pali but
from the Japanese version of the Pali Tripitaka. The translators were
eminent Buddhist Scholars, well-versed in Japanese and Buddhism, the
Chief Editor being the Ven. Chi-Fung. one of the principal disciples of
the well-known Scholar the late Ven, Abbst Tai-Hsu. Although the
work of translation is complete, owing to lack of funds, only two parts
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO PaLI AND BUDDHISM SECTION 505
of the Digha Nikaya (containing the first 24 suttas), the first fifty
suttas of the Majjhiina Nikaya, a part of the Jataka Commentary and
the first part of the Patthana of the Abhidhamma have so far been
published. The work has, from all accounts, been well done, with
variant readings and where the Chinese texts differ to any great extent
from the Pali, the relevant Chinese extracts have also been given. If
funds are forthcoming, the whole translation can be published without
delay.
For the first lime in Pmddhist histgry, wc now also have a complete
Japanese translation of the Pali Tripilaka, or as it is called by the
Japanese (An-Chian-Ta Tsing King) the Great Pitaka of the southern
school. Up till now the Japanese Buddhists have no canon of their own
but they have used the Chinese texts from the lime of the introduction
of Buddhism into Japan up to the present day. These have been
published in Japan in the well known Taisho edition in 55 volumes
with Professor Takakusu as chief editor. Now, there is available
complete Japanese translation of the Pali Tripilaka as well. The work
was begun in the lOth year of the present Chao-Ho dynasty took many
years to complete. Ilfty well-known Japanese Scholars, with Mo-Tsan
Sing Wu, as chief editor, were responsible for the translation, which
was undertaken under the leadership of Professor Takakusu and the
patronage of the Takakusu Commemorative Association who were
desirous of showing their appreciation of the services rendered to
P>uddhist Scholarship by Professor Takchusu. In addition to the texts
of the Pali Tripilaka itself, the Visuddhimagga, the Milindapanha. the
Abhidhammaatthasangaha, the Mahavansa, the Culavamsa, the Dipa-
vamsa, the introductory chapter of the Samantapasadika and the
inscriptions of Asoka have also been included in these translatious,
which have been published in 70 books consisting of 65 volumes by’ the
Great Pitaka Publications C ompany. Indepedent translations have also
recently been made of Pali works into Chinese, e. g. the translations of
the Abhidhammatthasangaha, the Dhamniapada and the Mahavamsa by
the Veil. Pa Pang. Mention has alread}^ been made of comparative
studies of Pali and Chinese texts, the best-known being the two publica-
tions by Dr. Bapat, one on the Visuddhimagga and tlie Vimuttimagga,
and the other on the Arthavargiya sutras and the AtMialca Vagga of the
Suita Nipata. Plis study of the Samantapasadika with its Chinese
counterparts has now been completed but still awaits publication.
Mr. Ta Chu, Lecturer in Chinese in Allahabad University, has added
to these studies two publications, one on the Maha Parinibbana Sutta
and the other on the Pasimokkha.
Among the noteworthy achievements of Chinese Scholars in the
recent past are their translations of chinese, works into Tibetan, the
most important being a translation of the Mahavaibhasasatra of the
sarvastivadi scliool, which is a commentary on the Nanaprasthana or
Astagrantha of Katiy3yanTputra, the firk book of the Abhidharma
Pitaka of the Sarvastivadins, The Sanskrit originals of both these
506
16tU ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
texts are -considered to be lost. There are two Chinese versions of
both works. The first version of the Chinese Abhidharma-Manapras-
thana was made in 383 A. D. by Sanghadeva and Buddhasiirti, and the
second by Hiowen I sang- in 656 A. D. The first Chinese version of the
commentary, the Mahavaibliasa, was made between 437 and 439 A. 1>.
by Buddhavarman and the second, again by Hiowen Ts.ing in 656-659.
The Mahavaibhasasastra is a compendious work a kind of encyclo-
paedia of Buddhism, consisting of 200 Chapters in Hiowen Tsang’s
version. Its authorship is atlribuled to 500 arhals. Among other
matters, it deals critically with* the views of different schools both
Buddhist and .non-Buddhist, on various philosophical topics and in
this respect, corresponds to the Katliavatthu of llie 'fheravadins. It
has always been carefully studied by scholars in China and Japan
but so far it had not been av’^ailable to the Tibetans wlio follow the
teachings of Sarvastivada This great work has now been translated
{1945-*49) into Tibetan , by the V^cn. I'a Tsuiig, Principal of the Sino-
Tibetan Institute, , Pei'pai, Chungking, and will make a noteworthy
contribution to .Buddhist studies, not only m Tibet but elsewliere as
welb Fa Tsung was in Tibet for many years before the war, and he
has translated several works from Tibetan into Chinese, among tliem
being the Bodhimarg^-Mahasastra and cullasastra, which are considered
the most imp>ortarit of all Tibetan books on Mahayaiia. The author of
te^^ts was the founder of the Yellow Sect of Tibet, Tsung-ka-pa
The Bodhimarga ,Mahasastra is regarded bv the Tii)etaus with as much
veneration as the Visuddhimagga is by the Theravadins.
It includes an exposition of the teachings of Yogacara, Vijnana-
matrata and Madhyamika, the last being considered by the author the
best. To Fa Tsung also goes the credit of making for the first time the
Chinese translations of several Tibetan works on Tantric Buddhism,
the study of which in China has, as a result, been greatly slimulaled
recently.
The great awakening in the study of Bu Idliism in China has iioi,
however, been confined to Tautricisin. It is concerned with all the
more important schools and f shall like here to pay tribute to the one
man, the late Vcn. Abbot Tai Hsu, who, more than any oLher,^ has been
responsibleifor the modern Buddhist revival in China. Por a long
period, before the revolutionary movment of 1911, Chinese Buddhists
had neglected the study of Sanskrit. Pali and Tibetan and, consequently,
of Buddhism. The Revolution, which brought about many important
changes, affected the Buddhists as well and Buddhist learning was
greatly stimulated. Buddhist Institutes sprang up everywhere like
bamboo shoots after the rains.
It was this revivalist movment that brought to the forefront
Tai Hsu, who was a man of great enlightenment and remarkable energy.
Among his activities was the organisation and despatch of several
PRESIDENTIAL ADDRESS TO PALI AND BUDDHISM SECTION 507
missions to Buddhist Countries. For the study of Pali and Theravada,
he sent five young Bhikkhus to Siam in 1932 and’another group of five
to Ceylon in 1934. In 1941 he sent three monks to Burma, India and
Ceylon to study Sanskrit and Pali. Earlier, in 1925, he had organised
a mission of fifteen Bhikkhus to Tibet to study Tibetan Biuldllism.
I he members of the mission were selected from the Buddhist College of
Wu-Chang and its leadcis were Tai Hsus' own disciples,* Ta Yun and
Ta Kaing, who were scholars of Vajrayana. Two years earlier (in
1923), with the help of Buddhist laymen, Tai Hsu had opened at
Tze Yin Tse (Maitreya-hctu Temple) in Peking, a Tibetan school to
train meml)ei s for this mission. Its Pi;incipal was the late Ta Run,
who was a Tantric Scholar, who had also spent several years in Japan
where he had studied Vajrayana, which had been lost ii> China itself.
Tai Hsu himself travelled widely, in Europe and America as well, and
in 1941 had a (ioodwill Mission to India, Ceylon, Siam and xMalaya,
thus bringing together the Buddhists of the lands Wherever he went
he created great interest and he succeeded in inslilling-into the minds of
the Buddhists the need for the propagation of Buddhism in tliQ
modern wond. Many Buddhist Societies, especially in the West, owe
their establisiiment to his inspiration.
The renewed awakening in the study of, Buddhism in China
encouraged scholars to specialise in various fields of Buddhist Philoso-
phy. Thus the Madhyamika philosophy (Sam Lum.) found a new
exponent in Yin Sung 1 am told that in his youth he was a Christian
but later on he was converted into Buddhism and ordained as a monk.
Having acquired a knowledge of the various schools of Buddhism, in
one of the Institutions established by Tai Hsu, he became a lecturer in
the Sino-Tibetan Buddhist College in Chungking and. later. Principal
of the Dharmaiaja Buddhist Institute, near Chungking. During the
Sino-Japanese War, he left Chungking and took up his residence in’ the
Sio-To-Tze Temple, where he became the General btditor of the series
of publications inaugurated by Tai Hsu. Yin Sun is a scholar deeply
versed not only in lUiddhism but also in history and philosophy. His
chief interest, however, is in the teaching of Niigarjuna's Madhymika
philosophy, whicli had been neglected in China for several centuries.
Yin Sun has written many books dealing with the history of Buddhism
and Buddhist philosophy and some of these have been published by the
Chau Wen (Right Hearing”! Society of Hongkong, the most important
being entitled Chun-Kuran Chiang Lun (the Madhyamika Philosophy).
This work first appeared serially in the Hai-Sheo-Yin, the oldest
Chinese Buddhist magazine and it has now been published in book-
form.
The Vijnanamatrata School of Vasubandhu has also found several
distinguished adherents, among them being Tai Hsu himself. This
school of BuddhfSt Idealism was first introduced into China in the 4th
Century by Paramartha and then again in the 6th Century bvHiowen
Tsang. It found its greatest exponent in one of Hiowen Tsang's chief
disciples Kueichi (632-682). ” < . ‘
508 16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Numerous books were written by later scholars and, so great was
their fame, that students came from Japan and Korea to learn under
them. But, by the end of the Tang Dynastry, Buddhism had suffered
great reversals and most of the books were lost. Although in later ages
there were students of the Yogacara school, the tradition of teaching
was lost and the proper interpretation of vijnanamatrata doctrines was
difficult to obtain. But fortunately for scholarship however, the books
had been preserved in Japan and elsewhere and they have now once
more been restored to China with the revival of learning which began
with the inauguration of the Republic.
The chief exponent of the Vijnanamatrata School in modern times
was the late Yan Jin Shan, friend and collaborator of Nanjis, author
of the famous catalogue. Yan Jin Shan and his distinguished pupil,
Nau-yan-chan, have published critical editions of many of the books
of this school and written valuable commentaries upon them. Yan was
one of the greatest Buddhist scholars of the 20th Century; he died in
Chungking during the war years at the age of 70. He counted among
his pupil Tai Hsu himself, among whose numerous publications are
several works on the Vijanamatrala philosophy. Others who have
worked in the same field are Han-Te Ching of Peking, Slieion Shit Li,
Professor of Buddhisrp in Peking University and VVan-Eng-Yan of
Sechwan, a pupil of Non-yan-chan.
It is unfortunately not yet possible to get much authentic informa-
tion about the Buddhist studies in Japan. That country is still endea-
vouring to recover from the devastations of war but such news as is
available is heartening. In spite of almost insuperable obstacles,
Buddhist learning has gone on and it is a real delight to know that
D. T. Suzuki, the dozen of zen scholarships, fully maintain, his active
life. Recently, several English traslations of his works on zen have
been published by the Buddhist Society of England and these have con-
tributed very largely to the great interest in zen Buddhism which is
manifest in many parts of the world. . Numerous Societies have been
established for the study and propagation of Buddhism, among whose
activities are the publication of Buddhist texts and their translations.
There is every reason to believe that soon we shall see in Japan's great
Buddhist revival.
I had the opportunity early this year of visiting Burma, Thailand.
Cambodia and Veit Nam. Here, too, the signs of a powerful Buddhist
awakening are there for all to see One of its chief aims is the
promotion of Buddhist learning. In Burma, with the inauguration of
freedom, the Government proposes to establish a special university for
monks. The study of the Abhidhamma has been taken up everywhere,
by men and women, and there is a great interest in the study and
practice of meditation. Numerous books are being published, dealing
chiefly with the Abhidhamma and some of these are indispensable for a
proper interpretation of Buddhist psychology.
PRESIDENtlAL PALI AND BUDDHISM! SECTION S09
In Thailand, a special institution which is expected bo acquire
University status, has been established under ^he name of the Mail*
Makura Raja Vidyalaya for Buddhist studies and its publicfations ini
the Thai language are already famous. The Director of the VidySlaya
is a young monk, the Ven. Sujivo, a tnan of great energy and
enlightenment, and much may be expected of him. > ;
In Cambodia, under auspices of the present Ruler, who is a great
patron of Buddhism, and the Sangharaja, held in deep veneration both
of his piety and his learning, the hVcole Superieure de Pali has made'
rapid strides. The whole of the Pali Tripitaka has been translated intb
Cambodian and many of the volumes ‘already published. One recalls
with gratitude the pioneer services of Mademoiselle S. Karpeles in this
connection.
In Viet Nam too where the Mahayana prevails, there is great
literary activity and a large body of literature has come into existence
in Viet Namese, both of translations of Chinese text and original works
by Viet Namese scholars themselves.
I hope I have said enough to convey to you some idea of the
tremendous interest in Buddhism and Buddhist Studies which is to be'
seen in many parts of the world. Evidence of tliis, as for the English-
speaking countries are concerned, was seen when it was announced that
the volume on Buddhism published recently in the Pelican Series, had
become a best-seller. This book, by Christmas Humphreys, President
of the Buddhist Society of England, in the first attempt made to write
a complete survey of Buddhism and Buddhist Schools. It has short-
comings, of course, (It is remarkable that it does not have many more)'
but the author deserves every credit for a difficult task courageously
undertaken and completed. The defects, such as they are, Cciil b^
remedied in future editions.
The crying need now is for many more reference works, like
Hobogrin, the publication of which we most sincerely hope, will soon
be resumed. The concordance of the Pali Tripitaka will, when
published, be a great boon. My own Dictionary of Pali Proper Names
has been well received. We need something like that, much better done
of course, for Mahayana, I had hoped that a book like Keith and
Macdonnell’s Vedic Index would have been undertaken for Pali by
someone competent but the hope has not been fulfilled and I have,
during the last two or three years, collected materials for such a
volume. I hope I shall be able to find a publisher as some generous
patron.
Ik is perfectly clear that Buddhist Studies can no longer be carried
•n in isolation. The labours of scholars everywhere working not only
n Pall, Sanskrit, Prakrft, Chinese, Tibetan and Japanese but also in
510
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
Thai, Cambodian, Burmese and Viet Namese, Sinhalese and many other
languages, must be co-ordinated and the time is now ripe for such
co-ordination. The World Fellowship of Buddhists which was
inaugurated in Ceylon last year gave evidence of the readiness on the
part of the Buddhists of many lands for collaboration, in a cominon
purpose. Perhaps, it will be too ambitious yet to dream of a Visva
Bharati solely for Buddhist Studies but we should be able to establish
something like a Buddhist Academy where representative scholars in
various fields of Buddhist learning can work together, in constant
consultation. The texts and commentaries of all schools of Buddhism
must be translated, in the first instance, into a common language like
English.
The question is, even if such a conception finds response, where
the proposed Academy could be established. It will, of course, have to
be the result of international effect but some country must be selected
for its location, preferably a country which is predominantly Buddhist.
Immediately, the names of Thailand, Burma, Cambodia and Ceylon will
occur to us. Personally, I would vote for Ceylon, not because I happen
to belong to it myself but because the conditions there seem to be the
most favourable. In the past, it was the Maha Vihare at Anuradhapura
the ancient capital, which was regarded as the fountain at which
scholars from man}^ lands, for and near, drank deep of the waters of
Buddhist learning. Ceylon has now once again become free and it has
an enlightened Government at the helm of affairs. But Governments
move very slowly indeed, especially in new directions, and the force of
world-opinion is necessary to r )use them into activity. If the idea
commends itself to you, I would suggest that this Assembly after due
consideration do make a concrete proposal to the Government and the
people of Ceylon to establish in Lanka an Academy of Buddhist Studies
for the promotion of Buddhist learning.
Statement oe accounts of the All-India OrientaI- Conference
xvith session.
University of Lucknow, •
(Up to 7-11-55).
1 .
Donations : —
RECEIPTS.
Rs. a. p.
(1) Sri S. P. Jaipuria, Kanpur 4,000 0 0
(2) Uttar Pradesh Government 2,500 0 0
(3) Lucknow University •••« 2,000 0 0
(4) Sri Har Govind Misra,
Kanpur .... 1,716 0 0
(5) Sardar Inder Singh, Kanpur... 1,000 0 0
(6) Sri Ram Ratan Gupta, Kan-
pur .... .... 1,000 0 0
(7) Sri Anant Kumar Verman,
Lucknow ..., .... 500 0 0
(8) The Bhagwan Industries,
Lucknow .... .... 500 0 0
(9) Sri D. P. Halwasia, Lucknow. 500* 0 0
(10) Bombay Government .... 500 0 0
(11) Messrs. J. K. Cotton Spinning
and Weaving Mills, Kanpur 500 0 0
(12) Messrs. J. K. Jute Mills, Kan-
pur .... .... 500 0 0
(13) Messrs, Punam Chand Sohan
Lai, Lucknow .... .... 500 0 0
(14) Sri Raj Kumar Rastogi,
Lucknow .... .... 500 0 0
(15) Osmania University, Hydera-
bad .... .... 500 0 0
(16) Sri Shiva Narain Tandon,
Kanpur 500 0 0
(17) Raja Sir Maharaj Singh,
Lucknow 300 0 0
(18) The General Manager, Sek-
saria Sugar Mills, Biswan
(Sitapur) .... .... 200 0 0
(19) Sri Sharda Narain Singh,
Raja of Tirwa .... 101 0 0
(20) Lucknow University Union .... 100 0 0
(21) Donors 12, paying Rs. 11/- to
Rs. 99/-
Rs. a. p.
386 0 0 18,303 0 0
512
t6TH AI>L-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE .
RECEIPTS— (Cowfrf.)
Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p.
2. Reception Committee Members 168,
paying Rs, 10/-each .... .... 1,680 0 0
3. Life Members 6 paying Rs. 100/-
each .... .... .... 550 0 0
(One member having paid only
Rs. 50/.)
4. Members 475 paying Rs. 10/- each .... .... 4,750 0 0
5. Stuident Members 13 paying Rs. 2/-
each .... .... .... 26 0 0
6. Bank Interest •••• .... .... 97 1 0
Exchange charges received from
Members .... .... .... 12 14 0
8. Price of left over sugar .... .... .... 582 12 0
9. Sale Proceeds of baskets etc. .... .... 7 0 0
10. Postage received .... .... .... 123 7 0
Total .... 26,132 2 0
K. D. TEWARI,
Hony. Treasurer,
XVI Ail-India Oriental Cvnfennce,
Lucknozv.
Statement of accounts of the All-India Oriental Confehence
xvith session.
University of Lucknow,
m
(Up to 7-11-55).
DISBURSEMENTS.
1. Boarding and Lodging ....
2. Conveyance ....
Rs. a. p. Rs. a. p.
^ 4,147 6 C
222 4 0
3, Temporary Establishment
1,396 11 8
4. (a) Return of duplicate membership
fee to Dr. R, N. Daridekar„M
10 0 0
(b) Subscription from six life mem-
bers sent to Dr. R. N.
Dandekar •••• •••• 550 0 0
5. At Home
1,215 10 0
6, - Hire of furniture etc.
850 0 0
7. Telephone
8. Sanskrit Drama, Hindi Drama, Music
‘ " and dance
9. T. A. of General President and
. w General Secretary
10. Bank Commission etc,
11. Miscellaneous expenses
45 0 0
1747 11 6
404 12 0
40 10 0
600 a 6
514
16th ALL-INDIA ORIENTAL CONFERENCE
DISBURSEMENTS— (Co«#rf.)
Rs. a, p. Rs. a. p.
12. Printing, Stationery and postage
(1)
Presidential address
105
0
0
(2)
History ot Lucknow
620
0
0
t3)
Summaries of Papers
1,634
6
0
(4)
Programme
294
0
0
(5)
Sign Board .... - ....
102
0
0
(6)
Bulletin No. 1 and Member-
ship Form
65
0
0
(7)
Bulletin No. 2 and Member-
ship Form
86
8
0
(8)
Bulletin No. 3
32
8
0
(9)
Tickets! ....
222
0
0
(10)
Invitation cards and envelopes
855
4
0
(U)
Receipt Books .... ....
24
8
0
(12)
Membership Form
42
0
0
(13)
Printing of the 1st Volume of
the Proceedings of the Con-
ference
2,334 15
3
(14)
Postage
115
1
6
6,533 2
9
17,763 6
5
Balance in
hand
8,368 11
7
Total .... 26,132 2 0
K. D. TEWARi,
Hony Treasurer,
XVI All-India Oriental Conference,
Lucknow,
<Raia) Ram Kumar Press, j^ucknow.
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